THE CAMPAIGN

Mr. Easterly sat in Mrs. Vanderpool's apartments in the New Willard,

Washington, drinking tea. His hostess was saying rather carelessly:

"Do you know, Mr. Vanderpool has developed a quite unaccountable liking

for the idea of being Ambassador to France?"

"Dear me!" mildly exclaimed Mr. Easterly, helping himself liberally to

cakes. "I do hope the thing can be managed, but--"

"What are the difficulties?" Mrs. Vanderpool interrupted.

"Well, first and foremost, the difficulty of electing our man."

"I thought that a foregone conclusion."

"It was. But do you know that we're encountering opposition from the

most unexpected source?"

The lady was receptive, and the speaker concluded:

"The Negroes."

"The Negroes!"

"Yes. There are five hundred thousand or more black voters in pivotal

Northern States, you know, and they're in revolt. In a close election

the Negroes of New York, Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois choose the

President."

"What's the matter?"

"Well, business interests have driven our party to make friends with the

South. The South has disfranchised Negroes and lynched a few. The

darkies say we've deserted them."

Mrs. Vanderpool laughed.

"What extraordinary penetration," she cried.

"At any rate," said Mr. Easterly, drily, "Mr. Vanderpool's first step

toward Paris lies in getting the Northern Negroes to vote the Republican

ticket. After that the way is clear."

Mrs. Vanderpool mused.

"I don't suppose you know any one who is acquainted with any number of

these Northern darkies?" continued Mr. Easterly.

"Not on my calling-list," said Mrs. Vanderpool, and then she added more

thoughtfully:

"There's a young clerk in the Treasury Department named Alwyn who has

brains. He's just from the South, and I happened to read of him this

morning--see here."

Mr. Easterly read an account of the speech at the Bethel Literary.

"We'll look this young man up," he decided; "he may help. Of course,

Mrs. Vanderpool, we'll probably win; we can buy these Negroes off with a

little money and a few small offices; then if you will use your

influence for the part with the Southerners, I can confidently predict

from four to eight years' sojourn in Paris."

Mrs. Vanderpool smiled and called her maid as Mr. Easterly went.

"Zora!" She had to call twice, for Zora, with widened eyes, was reading

the Washington Post.

Meantime in the office of Senator Smith, toward which Mr. Easterly was

making his way, several members of the National Republican campaign

committee had been closeted the day before.

"Now, about the niggers," the chairman had asked; "how much more boodle

do they want?"

"That's what's bothering us," announced a member; "it isn't the boodle

crowd that's hollering, but a new set, and I don't understand them; I

don't know what they represent, nor just how influential they are."

"What can I do to help you?" asked Senator Smith.

"This. You are here at Washington with these Negro office-holders at

your back. Find out for us just what this revolt is, how far it goes,

and what good men we can get to swing the darkies into line--see?"

"Very good," the Senator acquiesced. He called in a spectacled man with

bushy eyebrows and a sleepy look.

"I want you to work the Negro political situation," directed the

Senator, "and bring me all the data you can get. Personally, I'm at sea.

I don't understand the Negro of today at all; he puzzles me; he doesn't

fit any of my categories, and I suspect that I don't fit his. See what

you can find out."

The man went out, and the Senator turned to his desk, then paused and

smiled. One day, not long since, he had met a colored person who

personified his perplexity concerning Negroes; she was a lady, yet she

was black--that is, brown; she was educated, even cultured, yet she

taught Negroes; she was quiet, astute, quick and diplomatic--everything,

in fact, that "Negroes" were not supposed to be; and yet she was a

"Negro." She had given him valuable information which he had sought in

vain elsewhere, and the event proved it correct. Suppose he asked

Caroline Wynn to help him in this case? It would certainly do no harm

and it might elect a Republican president. He wrote a short letter with

his own hand and sent it to post.

Miss Wynn read the letter after Alwyn's departure with a distinct thrill

which was something of a luxury for her. Evidently she was coming to

her kingdom. The Republican boss was turning to her for confidential

information.

"What do the colored people want, and who can best influence them in

this campaign?"

She curled up on the ottoman and considered. The first part of the query

did not bother her.

"Whatever they want they won't get," she said decisively.

But as to the man or men who could influence them to believe that they

were getting, or about to get, what they wanted--there was a question.

One by one she considered the men she knew, and, by a process of

elimination, finally arrived at Bles Alwyn.

Why not take this young man in hand and make a Negro leader of him--a

protagonist of ten millions? It would not be unpleasant. But could she

do it? Would he be amenable to her training and become worldly wise? She

flattered herself that he would, and yet--there was a certain steadfast

look in the depths of his eyes that might prove to be sheer

stubbornness. At any rate, who was better? There was a fellow,

Stillings, whom Alwyn had introduced and whom she had heard of. Now he

was a politician--but nothing else. She dismissed him. Of course,

there was the older set of office-holders and rounders. But she was

determined to pick a new man. He was worth trying, at any rate; she knew

none other with the same build, the brains, the gifts, the adorable

youth. Very good. She wrote two letters, and then curled up to her novel

and candy.

Next day Senator Smith held Miss Wynn's letter unopened in his hand when

Mr. Easterly entered. They talked of the campaign and various matters,

until at last Easterly said:

"Say, there's a Negro clerk in the Treasury named Alwyn."

"I know him--I had him appointed."

"Good. He may help us. Have you seen this?"

The Senator read the clipping.

"I hadn't noticed it--but here's my agent."

The spectacled man entered with a mass of documents. He had papers,

posters, programmes, and letters.

"The situation is this," he said. "A small group of educated Negroes are

trying to induce the rest to punish the Republican Party for not

protecting them. These men are not politicians, nor popular leaders, but

they have influence and are using it. The old-style Negro politicians

are no match for them, and the crowd of office-holders are rather

bewildered. Strong measures are needed. Educated men of earnestness and

ability might stem the tide. And I believe I know one such man. He spoke

at a big meeting last night at the Metropolitan church. His name is

Alwyn."

Senator Smith listened as he opened the letter from Caroline Wynn. Then

he started.

"Well!" he ejaculated, looking quickly up at Easterly. "This is

positively uncanny. From three separate sources the name of Alwyn pops

up. Looks like a mascot. Call up the Treasury. Let's have him up when

the sub-committee meets to-morrow."

Bles Alwyn hurried up to Senator Smith's office, hoping to hear

something about the school; perhaps even about--but he stopped with a

sigh, and sat down in the ante-room. He was kept waiting a few moments

while Senator Smith, the chairman, and one other member of the

sub-committee had a word.

"Now, I don't know the young man, mind you," said the Senator; "but he's

strongly recommended."

"What shall we offer him?" asked the chairman.

"Try him at twenty-five dollars a speech. If he balks, raise to fifty

dollars, but no more."

They summoned the young man. The chairman produced cigars.

"I don't smoke," said Bles apologetically.

"Well, we haven't anything to drink," said the chairman. But Senator

Smith broke in, taking up at once the paramount interest.

"Mr. Alwyn, as you know, the Democrats are making an effort to get the

Negro vote in this campaign. Now, I know the disadvantages and wrongs

which black men in this land are suffering. I believe the Republicans

ought to do more to defend them, and I'm satisfied they will; but I

doubt if the way to get Negro rights is to vote for those who took them

away."

"I agree with you perfectly," said Bles.

"I understand you do, and that you made an unusually fine speech on the

subject the other night."

"Thank you, sir." This was a good deal more than Bles had expected, and

he was embarrassed.

"Well, now, we think you're just the man to take the stump during

September and October and convince the colored people of their real

interests."

"I doubt if I could, sir; I'm not a speaker. In fact, that was my first

public speech."

"So much the better. Are you willing to try?"

"Why, yes, sir; but I could hardly afford to give up my position."

"We'll arrange for a leave of absence."

"Then I'll try, sir."

"What would you expect as pay?"

"I suppose my salary would stop?"

"I mean in addition to that."

"Oh, nothing, sir; I'd be glad to do the work."

The chairman nearly choked; sitting back, he eyed the young man. Either

they were dealing with a fool, or else a very astute politician. If the

former, how far could they trust him; if the latter, what was his game?

"Of course, there'll be considerable travelling," the chairman ventured,

looking reflectively out of the window.

"Yes, sir, I suppose so."

"We might pay the railroad fare."

"Thank you, sir. When shall I begin?"

The chairman consulted his calendar.

"Suppose you hold yourself in readiness for one week from today."

"All right," and Bles rose. "Good-day, gentlemen."

But the chairman was still puzzled.

"Now, what's his game?" he asked helplessly.

"He may be honest," offered Senator Smith, contemplating the door almost

wistfully.

The campaign progressed. The National Republican Committee said little

about the Negro revolt and affected to ignore it. The papers were

silent. Underneath this calm, however, the activity was redoubled. The

prominent Negroes were carefully catalogued, written to, and put under

personal influence. The Negro papers were quietly subsidized, and they

began to ridicule and reproach the new leaders.

As the Fall progressed, mass-meetings were held in Washington and the

small towns. Larger and larger ones were projected, and more and more

Alwyn was pushed to the front. He was developing into a most effective

speaker. He had the voice, the presence, the ideas, and above all he was

intensely in earnest. There were other colored orators with voice,

presence, and eloquence; but their people knew their record and

discounted them. Alwyn was new, clear, and sincere, and the black folk

hung on his words. Large and larger crowds greeted him until he was the

central figure in a half dozen great negro mass-meetings in the chief

cities of the country, culminating in New York the night before

election. Perhaps the secret newspaper work, the personal advice of

employers and friends, and the liberal distribution of cash, would have

delivered a large part of the Negro vote to the Republican candidate.

Perhaps--but there was a doubt. With the work of Alwyn, however, all

doubt disappeared, and there was little reason for denying that the new

President walked into the White House through the instrumentality of an

unknown Georgia Negro, little past his majority. This is what Senator

Smith said to Mr. Easterly; what Miss Wynn said to herself; and it was

what Mrs. Vanderpool remarked to Zora as Zora was combing her hair on

the Wednesday after election.

Zora murmured an indistinct response. As already something of the beauty

of the world had found question and answer in her soul, and as she began

to realize how the world had waxed old in thought and stature, so now in

their last days a sense of the power of men, as set over against the

immensity and force of their surroundings, became real to her. She had

begun to read of the lives and doing of those called great, and in her

mind a plan was forming. She saw herself standing dim within the

shadows, directing the growing power of a man: a man who would be great

as the world counted greatness, rich, high in position,

powerful--wonderful because his face was black. He would never see her;

never know how she worked and planned, save perhaps at last, in that

supreme moment as she passed, her soul would cry to his, "Redeemed!" And

he would understand.

All this she was thinking and weaving; not clearly and definitely, but

in great blurred clouds of thought of things as she said slowly:

"He should have a great position for this."

"Why, certainly," Mrs. Vanderpool agreed, and then curiously: "What?"

Zora considered. "Negroes," she said, "have been Registers of the

Treasury, and Recorders of Deeds here in Washington, and Douglas was

Marshal; but I want Bles--" she paused and started again. "Those are not

great enough for Mr. Alwyn; he should have an office so important that

Negroes would not think of leaving their party again."

Mrs. Vanderpool took pains to repeat Zora's words to Mr. Easterly. He

considered the matter.

"In one sense, it's good advice," he admitted; "but there's the South to

reckon with. I'll think it over and speak to the President. Oh, yes; I'm

going to mention France at the same time."

Mrs. Vanderpool smiled and leaned back in her carriage. She noted with

considerable interest the young colored woman who was watching her from

the sidewalk: a brown, well-appearing young woman of notable

self-possession. Caroline Wynn scrutinized Mrs. Vanderpool because she

had been speaking with Mr. Easterly, and Mr. Easterly was a figure of

political importance. That very morning Miss Wynn had telegraphed Bles

Alwyn. Alwyn arrived at Washington just as the morning papers heralded

the sweeping Republican victory. All about he met new deference and new

friends; strangers greeted him familiarly on the street; Sam Stillings

became his shadow; and when he reported for work his chief and fellow

clerks took unusual interest in him.

"Have you seen Senator Smith yet?" Miss Wynn asked after a few words of

congratulation.

"No. What for?"

"What for?" she answered. "Go to him today; don't fail. I shall be at

home at eight tonight."

It seemed to Bles an exceedingly silly thing to do--calling on a busy

man with no errand; but he went. He decided that he would just thank the

Senator for his interest, and get out; or, if the Senator was busy, he

would merely send in his card. Evidently the Senator was busy, for his

waiting-room was full. Bles handed the card to the secretary with a word

of apology, but the secretary detained him.

"Ah, Mr. Alwyn," he said affably; "glad to see you. The Senator will

want to see you, I know. Wait just a minute." And soon Bles was shaking

Senator Smith's hand.

"Well, Mr. Alwyn," said the Senator heartily, "you delivered the goods."

"Thank you, sir. I tried to."

Senator Smith thoughtfully looked him over and drew out the letters.

"Your friends, Mr. Alwyn," he said, adjusting his glasses, "have a

rather high opinion of you. Here now is Stillings, who helped on the

campaign. He suggests an eighteen-hundred-dollar clerkship for you." The

Senator glanced up keenly and omitted to state what Stillings suggested

for himself. Alwyn was visibly grateful as well as surprised.

"I--I hoped," he began hesitatingly, "that perhaps I might get a

promotion, but I had not thought of a first-class clerkship."

"H'm." Senator Smith leaned back and twiddled his thumbs, staring at

Alwyn until the hot blood darkened his cheeks. Then Bles sat up and

stared politely but steadily back. The Senator's eyes dropped and he put

out his hand for the second note.

"Now, your friend, Miss Wynn"--Alwyn started--"is even more ambitious."

He handed her letter to the young man, and pointed out the words.

"Of course, Senator," Bles read, "we expect Mr. Alwyn to be the next

Register of the Treasury."

Bles looked up in amazement, but the Senator reached for a third letter.

The room was very still. At last he found it. "This," he announced

quietly, "is from a man of great power and influence, who has the ear of

the new President." He smoothed out the letter, paused briefly, then

read aloud:

"'It has been suggested to me by'"--the Senator did not read the name;

if he had "Mrs. Vanderpool" would have meant little to Alwyn--"'It has

been suggested to me by blank that the future allegiance of the Negro

vote to the Republican Party might be insured by giving to some

prominent Negro a high political position--for instance, Treasurer of

the United States'--salary, six thousand dollars," interpolated Senator

Smith--"'and that Alwyn would be a popular and safe appointment for that

position.'"

The Senator did not read the concluding sentence, which ran: "Think this

over; we can't touch political conditions in the South; perhaps this sop

will do."

For a long time Alwyn sat motionless, while the Senator said nothing.

Then the young man rose unsteadily.

"I don't think I quite grasp all this," he said as he shook hands.

"I'll think it over," and he went out.

When Caroline Wynn heard of that extraordinary conversation her

amazement knew no bounds. Yet Alwyn ventured to voice doubts:

"I'm not fitted for either of those high offices; there are many others

who deserve more, and I don't somehow like the idea of seeming to have

worked hard in the campaign simply for money or fortune. You see, I

talked against that very thing."

Miss Wynn's eyes widened.

"Well, what else--" she began and then changed. "Mr. Alwyn, the line

between virtue and foolishness is dim and wavering, and I should hate to

see you lost in that marshy borderland. By a streak of extraordinary

luck you have gained the political leadership of Negroes in America.

Here's your chance to lead your people, and here you stand blinking and

hesitating. Be a man!"

Alwyn straightened up and felt his doubts going. The evening passed very

pleasantly.

"I'm going to have a little dinner for you," said Miss Wynn finally, and

Alwyn grew hot with pleasure. He turned to her suddenly and said:

"Why, I'm rather--black." She expressed no surprise but said

reflectively:

"You _are_ dark."

"And I've been given to understand that Miss Wynn and her set

rather--well, preferred the lighter shades of colored folk."

Miss Wynn laughed lightly.

"My parents did," she said simply. "No dark man ever entered their

house; they were simply copying the white world. Now I, as a matter of

aesthetic beauty, prefer your brown-velvet color to a jaundiced yellow,

or even an uncertain cream; but the world doesn't."

"The world?"

"Yes, the world; and especially America. One may be Chinese, Spaniard,

even Indian--anything white or dirty white in this land, and demand

decent treatment; but to be Negro or darkening toward it unmistakably

means perpetual handicap and crucifixion."

"Why not, then, admit that you draw the color-line?"

"Because I don't; but the world does. I am not prejudiced as my parents

were, but I am foresighted. Indeed, it is a deep ethical query, is it

not, how far one has the right to bear black children to the world in

the Land of the Free and the home of the brave. Is it fair--to the

children?"

"Yes, it is!" he cried vehemently. "The more to take up the fight, the

surer the victory."

She laughed at his earnestness.

"You are refreshing," she said. "Well, we'll dine next Tuesday, and

we'll have the cream of our world to meet you."

He knew that this was a great triumph. It flattered his vanity. After

all, he was entering this higher dark world whose existence had piqued

and puzzled him so long. He glanced at Miss Wynn beside him there in the

dimly lighted parlor: she looked so aloof and unapproachable, so

handsome and so elegant. He thought how she would complete a house--such

a home as his prospective four or six thousand dollars a year could

easily purchase. She saw him surveying her, and she smiled at him.

"I find but one fault with you," she said.

He stammered for a pretty speech, but did not find it before she

continued:

"Yes--you are so delightfully primitive; you will not use the world as

it is but insist on acting as if it were something else."

"I am not sure I understand."

"Well, there is the wife of my Judge: she is a fact in my world; in

yours she is a problem to be stated, straightened, and solved. If she

had come to you, as she did to me yesterday, with her theory that all

that Southern Negroes needed was to learn how to make good servants and

lay brick--"

"I should have shown her--" Bles tried to interject.

"Nothing of the sort. You would have tried to show her and would have

failed miserably. She hasn't learned anything in twenty years."

"But surely you didn't join her in advocating that ten million people be

menials?"

"Oh, no; I simply listened."

"Well, there was no harm in that; I believe in silence at times."

"Ah! but I did not listen like a log, but positively and eloquently;

with a nod, a half-formed word, a comment begun, which she finished."

Bles frowned.

"As a result," continued Miss Wynn, "I have a check for five hundred

dollars to finish our cooking-school and buy a cast of Minerva for the

assembly-room. More than that, I have now a wealthy friend. She thinks

me an unusually clever person who, by a process of thought not unlike

her own, has arrived at very similar conclusions."

"But--but," objected Bles, "if the time spent cajoling fools were used

in convincing the honest and upright, think how much we would gain."

"Very little. The honest and upright are a sad minority. Most of these

white folk--believe me, boy," she said caressingly,--"are fools and

knaves: they don't want truth or progress; they want to keep niggers

down."

"I don't believe it; there are scores, thousands, perhaps millions such,

I admit; but the average American loves justice and right, and he is the

one to whom I appeal with frankness and truth. Great heavens! don't you

love to be frank and open?"

She narrowed her eyelids.

"Yes, sometimes I do; once I was; but it's a luxury few of us Negroes

can afford. Then, too, I insist that it's jolly to fool them."

"Don't you hate the deception?"

She chuckled and put her head to one side.

"At first I did; but, do you know, now I believe I prefer it."

He looked so horrified that she burst out laughing. He laughed too. She

was a puzzle to him. He kept thinking what a mistress of a mansion she

would make.

"Why do you say these things?" he asked suddenly.

"Because I want you to do well here in Washington."

"General philanthropy?"

"No, special." Her eyes were bright with meaning.

"Then you care--for me?"

"Yes."

He bent forward and cast the die.

"Enough to marry me?"

She answered very calmly and certainly:

"Yes."

He leaned toward her. And then between him and her lips a dark and

shadowy face; two great storm-swept eyes looked into his out of a world

of infinite pain, and he dropped his head in hesitation and shame, and

kissed her hand. Miss Wynn thought him delightfully bashful.

_Twenty-six_

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