ROBERT STEPHENSON'S RESIDENCE IN COLOMBIA, AND RETURN--THE BATTLE OF
THE LOCOMOTIVE--"THE ROCKET."
We return to the career of Robert Stephenson, who was absent from
England during the construction of the Liverpool Railway, but was
now about to rejoin his father and take part in "the battle of the
locomotive" which was impending.
We have seen that, on his return from Edinburg College at the end of
1821, he had assisted in superintending the works of the Hetton Railway
until its opening in 1822, after which he proceeded to Liverpool to
take part with Mr. James in surveying the proposed railway there. In
the following year we found him assisting his father in the working
survey of the Stockton and Darlington Railway; and when the Locomotive
Engine Works were started in Forth Street, Newcastle, he took an active
part in that concern. "The factory," he says, "was in active operation
in 1824; I left England for Colombia in June of that year, having
finished drawing the designs of the Brusselton stationary engines for
the Stockton and Darlington Railway before I left."[65]
Speculation was very rife at the time, and among the most promising
adventures were the companies organized for the purpose of working
the gold and silver mines of South America. Great difficulty was
experienced in finding mining engineers capable of carrying out those
projects, and young men of even the most moderate experience were
eagerly sought after. The Colombian Mining Association of London
offered an engagement to young Stephenson to go out to Mariquita and
take charge of the engineering operations of that company. Robert
was himself desirous of accepting it, but his father said it would
first be necessary to ascertain whether the proposed change would
be for his good. His health had been very delicate for some time,
partly occasioned by his rapid growth, but principally because of
his close application to work and study. Father and son proceeded
together to call upon Dr. Headlam, the eminent physician of Newcastle,
to consult him on the subject. During the examination which ensued,
Robert afterward used to say that he felt as if he were upon trial
for life or death. To his great relief, the doctor pronounced that a
temporary residence in a warm climate was the very thing likely to be
most beneficial to him. The appointment was accordingly accepted, and,
before many weeks had passed, Robert Stephenson had set sail for South
America.
After a tolerably prosperous voyage he landed at La Guayra, on the
north coast of Venezuela, on the 23d of July, from thence proceeding
to Caraccas, the capital of the district, about fifteen miles inland.
There he remained for two months, unable to proceed in consequence of
the wretched state of the roads in the interior. He contrived, however,
to make occasional excursions in the neighborhood with an eye to the
mining business on which he had come. About the beginning of October
he set out for Bogotá, the capital of Colombia or New Granada. The
distance was about twelve hundred miles, through a very difficult
region, and it was performed entirely upon mule-back, after the fashion
of the country.
In the course of the journey Robert visited many of the districts
reported to be rich in minerals, but he met with few traces except of
copper, iron, and coal, with occasional indications of gold and silver.
He found the people ready to furnish information, which, however, when
tested, usually proved worthless. A guide, whom he employed for weeks,
kept him buoyed up with the hope of finding richer mining places than
he had yet seen; but when he professed to be able to show him mines of
"brass, steel, alcohol, and pinchbeck," Stephenson discovered him to
be an incorrigible rogue, and immediately dismissed him. At length our
traveler reached Bogotá, and after an interview with Mr. Illingworth,
the commercial manager of the Mining Company, he proceeded to Honda,
crossed the Magdalena, and shortly after reached the site of his
intended operations on the eastern slope of the Andes.
Mr. Stephenson used afterward to speak in glowing terms of this his
first mule-journey in South America. Every thing was entirely new to
him. The variety and beauty of the indigenous plants, the luxurious
tropical vegetation, the appearance, manners, and dress of the people,
and the mode of traveling, were altogether different from every thing
he had before seen. His own traveling garb also must have been strange
even to himself. "My hat," he says, "was of plaited grass, with a crown
nine inches in height, surrounded by a brim of six inches; a white
cotton suit; and a _ruana_ of blue and crimson plaid, with a hole
in the centre for the head to pass through. This cloak is admirably
adapted for the purpose, amply covering the rider and mule, and at
night answering the purpose of a blanket in the net-hammock, which is
made from the fibres of the aloe, and which every traveler carries
before him on his mule, and suspends to the trees or in houses, as
occasion may require."
The part of the journey which seems to have made the most lasting
impression on his mind was that between Bogotá and the mining district
in the neighborhood of Mariquita. As he ascended the slopes of the
mountain range, and reached the first step of the table-land, he was
struck beyond expression with the noble view of the valley of Magdalena
behind him, so vast that he failed in attempting to define the point
at which the course of the river blended with the horizon. Like all
travelers in the district, he noted the remarkable changes of climate
and vegetation as he rose from the burning plains toward the fresh
breath of the mountains. From an atmosphere as hot as that of an oven
he passed into delicious cool air, until, in his onward and upward
journey, a still more temperate region was reached, the very perfection
of climate. Before him rose the majestic Cordilleras, forming a rampart
against the western sky, and at certain times of the day looking black,
sharp, and even at their summit almost like a wall.
Our engineer took up his abode for a time at Mariquita, a fine old
city, though then greatly fallen into decay. During the period of
the Spanish dominion it was an important place, most of the gold and
silver convoys passing through it on their way to Cartagena, there to
be shipped in galleons for Europe. The mountainous country to the west
was rich in silver, gold, and other metals, and it was Mr. Stephenson's
object to select the best site for commencing operations for the
company. With this object he "prospected" about in all directions,
visiting long-abandoned mines, and analyzing specimens obtained from
many quarters. The mines eventually fixed upon as the scene of his
operations were those of La Manta and Santa Anna, long before worked by
the Spaniards, though, in consequence of the luxuriance and rapidity of
the vegetation, all traces of the old workings had become completely
overgrown and lost. Every thing had to be begun anew. Roads had to be
cut to open a way to the mines, machinery had to be erected, and the
ground opened up, when some of the old adits were eventually hit upon.
The native peons or laborers were not accustomed to work, and they
usually contrived to desert when they were not watched, so that very
little progress could be made until the arrival of the expected band of
miners from England. The authorities were by no means helpful, and the
engineer was driven to an old expedient with the object of overcoming
this difficulty. "We endeavor all we can," he says, in one of his
letters, "to make ourselves popular, and this we find most effectually
accomplished by 'regaling the venal beasts.'" He also gave a ball at
Mariquita, which passed off with éclat, the governor from Honda, with
a host of friends, honoring it with their presence. It was, indeed,
necessary to "make a party" in this way, as other schemers were already
trying to undermine the Colombian Company in influential directions.
The engineer did not exaggerate when he said, "The uncertainty of
transacting business in this country is perplexing beyond description."
In the mean time laborers had been attracted to Santa Anna, which
became, the engineer wrote, "like an English fair on Sundays: people
flock to it from all quarters to buy beef and chat with their friends.
Sometimes three or four torros are slaughtered in a day. The people now
eat more beef in a week than they did in two months before, and they
are consequently getting fat."[66]
At last Stephenson's party of miners arrived from England, but they
gave him even more trouble than the peons had done. They were rough,
drunken, and sometimes ungovernable. He set them to work at the Santa
Anna mine without delay, and at the same time took up his abode among
them, "to keep them," he said, "if possible, from indulging in the
detestable vice of drunkenness, which, if not put a stop to, will
eventually destroy themselves, and involve the mining association in
ruin." To add to his troubles, the captain of the miners displayed a
very hostile and insubordinate spirit, quarreled and fought with the
men, and was insolent to the engineer himself. The captain and his
gang, being Cornishmen, told Robert to his face that because he was a
North-country man, and not brought up in Cornwall, it was impossible
that he should know any thing of mining. Disease also fell upon
him--first fever, and then visceral derangement, followed by a return
of his "old complaint, a feeling of oppression in the breast." No
wonder that in the midst of these troubles he should longingly speak of
returning to his native land. But he stuck to his post and his duty,
kept up his courage, and by a mixture of mildness and firmness, and
the display of great coolness and judgment, he contrived to keep the
men to their work, and gradually to carry forward the enterprise which
he had undertaken. By the beginning of July, 1826, quietness and order
had been restored, and the works were proceeding more satisfactorily,
though the yield of silver was not as yet very promising, the engineer
being of opinion that at least three years' diligent and costly
operations would be necessary to render the mines productive.
In the mean time he removed to the dwelling which had been erected
for his accommodation at Santa Anna. It was a structure speedily
raised after the fashion of the country. The walls were of split
and flattened bamboo, tied together with the long fibres of a dried
climbing plant; the roof was of palm-leaves, and the ceiling of
reeds. When an earthquake shook the district--for earthquakes were
frequent--the inmates of such a fabric merely felt as if shaken in a
basket, without sustaining any harm. In front of the cottage lay a
woody ravine, extending almost to the base of the Andes, gorgeously
clothed in primeval vegetation--magnolias, palms, bamboos, tree-ferns,
acacias, cedars; and towering over all were the great almendrons, with
their smooth, silvery stems, bearing aloft noble clusters of pure
white blossom. The forest was haunted by myriads of gay insects,
butterflies with wings of dazzling lustre, birds of brilliant plumage,
humming-birds, golden orioles, toucans, and a host of solitary
warblers. But the glorious sunsets seen from his cottage-porch more
than all astonished and delighted the young engineer, and he was
accustomed to say that, after having witnessed them, he was reluctant
to accuse the ancient Peruvians of idolatry.
[Illustration: ROBERT STEPHENSON'S COTTAGE AT SANTA ANNA.]
But all these natural beauties failed to reconcile him to the harassing
difficulties of his position, which continued to increase rather than
diminish. He was hampered by the action of the board at home, who gave
ear to hostile criticisms on his reports; and although they afterward
made handsome acknowledgment of his services, he felt his position to
be altogether unsatisfactory. He therefore determined to leave at the
expiry of his three years' engagement, and communicated his decision
to the directors accordingly.[67] On receiving his letter, the board,
through Mr. Richardson, of Lombard Street, one of the directors,
communicated with his father at Newcastle, representing that if he
would allow his son to remain in Colombia the company would make it
"worth his while." To this the father gave a decided negative, and
intimated that he himself urgently needed his son's assistance, and
that he must return at the expiry of his three years' term--a decision,
Robert wrote, "at which I feel much gratified, as it is clear that he
is as anxious to have me back in England as I am to get there."
At the same time, Edward Pease, a principal partner in the Newcastle
firm, privately wrote Robert to the following effect, urging his return
home: "I can assure thee that the business at Newcastle, as well as thy
father's engineering, have suffered very much from thy absence, and,
unless thou soon return, the former will be given up, as Mr. Longridge
is not able to give it that attention it requires; and what _is_ done
is not done with credit to the house." The idea of the manufactory
being given up, which Robert had labored so hard to establish before
leaving England, was painful to him in the extreme, and he wrote to
Mr. Illingworth, strongly urging that arrangements should be made for
enabling him to leave without delay. In the mean time he was laid
prostrate by another violent attack of aguish fever; and when able to
write, in June, 1827, he expressed himself as "completely wearied and
worn down with vexation."
At length, when he was sufficiently recovered from his attack and
able to travel, he set out on his voyage homeward in the beginning of
August. At Mompox, on his way down the River Magdalena, he met Mr.
Bodmer, his successor, with a fresh party of miners from England, on
their way up the country to the quarters which he had just quitted.
Next day, six hours after leaving Mompox, a steam-boat was met
ascending the river, with Bolivar the Liberator on board, on his way to
St. Bogotá; and it was a mortification to our engineer that he had only
a passing sight of that distinguished person. It was his intention, on
leaving Mariquita, to visit the Isthmus of Panamá on his way home, for
the purpose of inquiring into the practicability of cutting a canal to
unite the Atlantic and Pacific--a project which then formed the subject
of considerable public discussion; but Mr. Bodmer having informed him
at Mompox that such a visit would be inconsistent with the statements
made to the London Board that his presence was so anxiously desired at
home, he determined to embrace the first opportunity of proceeding to
New York.
Arrived at the port of Cartagena, he found himself under the necessity
of waiting some time for a ship. The delay was very irksome to him,
the more so as the place was then desolated by the ravages of the
yellow fever. While sitting one day in the large, bare, comfortless
public room of the miserable hotel at which he put up, he observed
two strangers, whom he at once perceived to be English. One of the
strangers was a tall, gaunt man, shrunken and hollow-looking, shabbily
dressed, and apparently poverty-stricken. On making inquiry, he found
it was Trevithick, the builder of the first railroad locomotive! He
was returning home from the gold mines of Peru penniless. Robert
Stephenson lent him £50 to enable him to reach England; and though he
was afterward heard of as an inventor there, he had no farther part in
the ultimate triumph of the locomotive.
But Trevithick's misadventures on this occasion had not yet ended, for
before he reached New York he was wrecked, and Robert Stephenson with
him. The following is the account of the voyage, "big with adventures,"
as given by the latter in a letter to his friend Illingworth:
"At first we had very little foul weather, and, indeed, were
for several days becalmed among the islands, which was so far
fortunate, for a few degrees farther north the most tremendous
gales were blowing, and they appear (from our future information)
to have wrecked every vessel exposed to their violence. We had two
examples of the effects of the hurricane; for, as we sailed north,
we took on board the remains of two crews found floating about on
dismantled hulls. The one had been nine days without food of any
kind except the carcasses of two of their companions who had died
a day or two previously from fatigue and hunger. The other crew
had been driven about for six days, and were not so dejected, but
reduced to such a weak state that they were obliged to be drawn on
board our vessel by ropes. A brig bound for Havana took part of the
men, and we took the remainder. To attempt any description of my
feelings on witnessing such scenes would be in vain. You will not
be surprised to learn that I felt somewhat uneasy at the thought
that we were so far from England, and that I also might possibly
suffer similar shipwreck; but I consoled myself with the hope that
fate would be more kind to us. It was not so much so, however, as
I had flattered myself; for on voyaging toward New York, after we
had made the land, we ran aground about midnight. The vessel soon
filled with water, and, being surrounded by the breaking surf, the
ship shortly split up, and before morning our situation became
perilous. Masts and all were cut away to prevent the hull rocking,
but all we could do was of no avail. About eight o'clock on the
following morning, after a most miserable night, we were taken off
the wreck, and were so fortunate as to reach the shore. I saved my
minerals, but Empson lost part of his botanical collection. Upon
the whole, we got off well; and, had I not been on the American
side of the Atlantic, I 'guess' I would not have gone to sea again."
After a short tour in the United States and Canada, Robert Stephenson
and his friend took ship for Liverpool, where they arrived at the end
of November, and at once proceeded to Newcastle. The factory, we have
seen, was by no means in a prosperous state. During the time Robert
had been in America it had been carried on at a considerable loss; and
Edward Pease, very much disheartened, wished to retire from it, but
George Stephenson being unable to raise the requisite money to buy him
out, the establishment was of necessity carried on by its then partners
until the locomotive could be established in public estimation as a
practicable and economical working power. Robert Stephenson immediately
instituted a rigid inquiry into the working of the concern, unraveled
the accounts, which had been allowed to fall into confusion during his
father's absence at Liverpool, and very shortly succeeded in placing
the affairs of the factory in a more healthy condition. In all this he
had the hearty support of his father, as well as of the other partners.
The works of the Liverpool and Manchester Railway were now approaching
completion. But, strange to say, the directors had not yet decided as
to the tractive power to be employed in working the line when opened
for traffic. The differences of opinion among them were so great as
apparently to be irreconcilable. It was necessary, however, that they
should come to some decision without farther loss of time, and many
board meetings were accordingly held to discuss the subject. The
old-fashioned and well-tried system of horse-haulage was not without
its advocates; but, looking at the large amount of traffic which there
was to be conveyed, and at the probable delay in the transit from
station to station if this method were adopted, the directors, after
a visit made by them to the Northumberland and Durham railways in
1828, came to the conclusion that the employment of horse-power was
inadmissible.
Fixed engines had many advocates; the locomotive very few: it stood
as yet almost in a minority of one--George Stephenson. The prejudice
against the employment of the latter power had even increased since the
Liverpool and Manchester Bill underwent its first ordeal in the House
of Commons. In proof of this, it may be mentioned that the Newcastle
and Carlisle Railway Act was conceded in 1829 on the express condition
that it should _not_ be worked by locomotives, but by horses only.
Grave doubts still existed as to the practicability of working a
large traffic by means of traveling engines. The most celebrated
engineers offered no opinion on the subject. They did not believe in
the locomotive, and would scarcely take the trouble to examine it.
The ridicule with which George Stephenson had been assailed by the
barristers before the Parliamentary Committee had not been altogether
distasteful to them. Perhaps they did not relish the idea of a man who
had picked up his experience in Newcastle coal-pits appearing in the
capacity of a leading engineer before Parliament, and attempting to
establish a new system of internal communication in the country.
The directors could not disregard the adverse and conflicting views
of the professional men whom they consulted. But Stephenson had so
repeatedly and earnestly urged upon them the propriety of making a
trial of the locomotive before coming to any decision against it, that
they at length authorized him to proceed with the construction of one
of his engines by way of experiment. In their report to the proprietors
at their annual meeting on the 27th of March, 1828, they state that
they had, after due consideration, authorized the engineer "to prepare
a locomotive engine, which, from the nature of its construction and
from the experiments already made, he is of opinion will be effective
for the purposes of the company, without proving an annoyance to the
public." The locomotive thus ordered was placed upon the line in 1829,
and was found of great service in drawing the wagons full of marl from
the two great cuttings.
In the mean time the discussion proceeded as to the kind of power to
be permanently employed for the working of the railway. The directors
were inundated with schemes of all sorts for facilitating locomotion.
The projectors of England, France, and America seemed to be let loose
upon them. There were plans for working the wagons along the line by
water-power. Some proposed hydrogen, and others carbonic acid gas.
Atmospheric pressure had its eager advocates. And various kinds of
fixed and locomotive steam-power were suggested. Thomas Gray urged
his plan of a greased road with cog-rails; and Messrs. Vignolles and
Ericsson recommended the adoption of a central friction-rail, against
which two horizontal rollers under the locomotive, pressing upon the
sides of this rail, were to afford the means of ascending the inclined
planes.
The directors felt themselves quite unable to choose from amid this
multitude of projects. Their engineer expressed himself as decidedly
as heretofore in favor of smooth rails and locomotive engines, which,
he was confident, would be found the most economical and by far the
most convenient moving power that could be employed. The Stockton and
Darlington Railway being now at work, another deputation went down
personally to inspect the fixed and locomotive engines on that line,
as well as at Hetton and Killingworth. They returned to Liverpool with
much information; but their testimony as to the relative merits of the
two kinds of engines was so contradictory, that the directors were as
far from a decision as ever.
They then resolved to call to their aid two professional engineers
of high standing, who should visit the Darlington and Newcastle
railways, carefully examine both modes of working--the fixed and the
locomotive--and report to them fully on the subject. The gentlemen
selected were Mr. Walker, of Limehouse, and Mr. Rastrick, of
Stourbridge. After carefully examining the working of the Northern
lines, they made their report to the directors in the spring of 1829.
They concurred in the opinion that the cost of an establishment of
fixed engines would be somewhat greater than that of locomotives to
do the same work, but they thought the annual charge would be less if
the former were adopted. They calculated that the cost of moving a
ton of goods thirty miles by fixed engines would be 6·40_d._, and by
locomotives, 8·36_d_., assuming a profitable traffic to be obtained
both ways. At the same time, it was admitted that there appeared more
grounds for expecting improvements in the construction and working of
locomotives than of stationary engines. "On the whole, however, and
looking especially at the computed annual charge of working the road on
the two systems on a large scale, Messrs. Walker and Rastrick were of
opinion that fixed engines were preferable, and accordingly recommended
their adoption to the directors."[68] And in order to carry the system
recommended by them into effect, they proposed to divide the railroad
between Liverpool and Manchester into nineteen stages of about a mile
and a half each, with twenty-one engines fixed at the different points
to work the trains forward.
Such was the result, so far, of George Stephenson's labors. The
two best practical engineers of the day concurred in reporting
substantially in favor of the employment of fixed engines. Not a
single professional man of eminence could be found to coincide with
the engineer of the railway in his preference for locomotive over
fixed engine power. He had scarcely a supporter, and the locomotive
system seemed on the eve of being abandoned. Still he did not despair.
With the profession against him, and public opinion against him--for
the most frightful stories went abroad respecting the dangers,
the unsightliness, and the nuisance which the locomotive would
create--Stephenson held to his purpose. Even in this, apparently the
darkest hour of the locomotive, he did not hesitate to declare that
locomotive railroads would, before many years had passed, be "the great
highways of the world."
He urged his views upon the directors in all ways, in season, and,
as some of them thought, out of season. He pointed out the greater
convenience of locomotive power for the purposes of a public highway,
likening it to a series of short unconnected chains, any one of which
could be removed and another substituted without interruption to the
traffic; whereas the fixed-engine system might be regarded in the light
of a continuous chain extending between the two termini, the failure
of any link of which would derange the whole.[69] But the fixed-engine
party were very strong at the board, and, led by Mr. Cropper, they
urged the propriety of forthwith adopting the report of Messrs. Walker
and Rastrick. Mr. Sandars and Mr. William Rathbone, on the other
hand, desired that a fair trial should be given to the locomotive;
and they with reason objected to the expenditure of the large capital
necessary to construct the proposed engine-houses, with their fixed
engines, ropes, and machinery, until they had tested the powers of the
locomotive as recommended by their own engineer. George Stephenson
continued to urge upon them that the locomotive was yet capable of
great improvements, if proper inducements were held out to inventors
and machinists to make them; and he pledged himself that, if time were
given him, he would construct an engine that should satisfy their
requirements, and prove itself capable of working heavy loads along
the railway with speed, regularity, and safety. At length, influenced
by his persistent earnestness not less than by his arguments, the
directors, at the suggestion of Mr. Harrison, determined to offer a
prize of £500 for the best locomotive engine, which, on a certain
day, should be produced on the railway, and perform certain specified
conditions in the most satisfactory manner.[70]
The requirements of the directors as to speed were not excessive. All
that they asked for was that ten miles an hour should be maintained.
Perhaps they had in mind the animadversions of the "Quarterly Reviewer"
on the absurdity of traveling at a greater velocity, and also the
remarks published by Mr. Nicholas Wood, whom they selected to be one
of the judges of the competition, in conjunction with Mr. Rastrick, of
Stourbridge, and Mr. Kennedy, of Manchester.
It was now felt that the fate of railways in a great measure depended
upon the issue of this appeal to the mechanical genius of England. When
the advertisement of the prize for the best locomotive was published,
scientific men began more particularly to direct their attention to the
new power which was thus struggling into existence. In the mean time
public opinion on the subject of railway working remained suspended,
and the progress of the undertaking was watched with intense interest.
During the progress of this important controversy with reference to the
kind of power to be employed in working the railway, George Stephenson
was in constant communication with his son Robert, who made frequent
visits to Liverpool for the purpose of assisting his father in the
preparation of his reports to the board on the subject. Mr. Swanwick
remembers the vivid interest of the evening discussions which then took
place between father and son as to the best mode of increasing the
powers and perfecting the mechanism of the locomotive. He wondered at
their quick perception and rapid judgment on each other's suggestions;
at the mechanical difficulties which they anticipated and provided for
in the practical arrangement of the machine; and he speaks of these
evenings as most interesting displays of two actively ingenious and
able minds stimulating each other to feats of mechanical invention, by
which it was ordained that the locomotive engine should become what
it now is. These discussions became more frequent, and still more
interesting, after the public prize had been offered for the best
locomotive by the directors of the railway, and the working plans of
the engine which they proposed to construct had to be settled.
One of the most important considerations in the new engine was the
arrangement of the boiler and the extension of its heating surface
to enable steam enough to be raised rapidly and continuously for the
purpose of maintaining high rates of speed--the effect of high-pressure
engines being ascertained to depend mainly upon the quantity of steam
which the boiler can generate, and upon its degree of elasticity when
produced. The quantity of steam so generated, it will be obvious, must
chiefly depend upon the quantity of fuel consumed in the furnace, and,
by necessary consequence, upon the high rate of temperature maintained
there.
It will be remembered that in Stephenson's first Killingworth engines
he invited and applied the ingenious method of stimulating combustion
in the furnace by throwing the waste steam into the chimney after
performing its office in the cylinders, thereby accelerating the ascent
of the current of air, greatly increasing the draught, and consequently
the temperature of the fire. This plan was adopted by him, as we have
seen, as early as 1815, and it was so successful that he himself
attributed to it the greater economy of the locomotive as compared with
horse-power. Hence the continuance of its use upon the Killingworth
Railway.
Though the adoption of the steam-blast greatly quickened combustion
and contributed to the rapid production of high-pressure steam, the
limited amount of heating surface presented to the fire was still
felt to be an obstacle to the complete success of the locomotive
engine. Mr. Stephenson endeavored to overcome this by lengthening the
boilers and increasing the surface presented by the flue-tubes. The
"Lancashire Witch," which he built for the Bolton and Leigh Railway,
and used in forming the Liverpool and Manchester Railway embankments,
was constructed with a double tube, each of which contained a fire,
and passed longitudinally through the boiler. But this arrangement
necessarily led to a considerable increase in the weight of those
engines, which amounted to about twelve tons each; and as six tons was
the limit allowed for engines admitted to the Liverpool competition,
it was clear that the time was come when the Killingworth engine must
undergo a farther important modification.
For many years previous to this period, ingenious mechanics had been
engaged in attempting to solve the problem of the best and most
economical boiler for the production of high-pressure steam.
The use of tubes in boilers for increasing the heating surface had long
been known. As early as 1780, Matthew Boulton employed copper tubes
longitudinally in the boiler of the Wheal Busy engine in Cornwall--the
fire passing _through_ the tubes--and it was found that the production
of steam was thereby considerably increased.[71] The use of tubular
boilers afterward became common in Cornwall. In 1803, Woolf, the
Cornish engineer, patented a boiler with tubes, with the same object
of increasing the heating surface. The water was _inside_ the tubes,
and the fire of the boiler outside. Similar expedients were proposed by
other inventors. In 1815 Trevithick invented his light high-pressure
boiler for portable purposes, in which, to "expose a large surface to
the fire," he constructed the boiler of a number of small perpendicular
tubes "opening into a common reservoir at the top." In 1823 W. H.
James contrived a boiler composed of a series of annular wrought-iron
tubes, placed side by side and bolted together, so as to form by
their union a long cylindrical boiler, in the centre of which, at the
end, the fireplace was situated. The fire played round the tubes,
which contained the water. In 1826 James Neville took out a patent
for a boiler with vertical tubes surrounded by the water, through
which the heated air of the furnace passed, explaining also in his
specification that the tubes might be horizontal or inclined, according
to circumstances. Mr. Goldsworthy Gurney, the persevering adaptor of
steam-carriages to traveling on common roads, applied the tubular
principle in the boiler of his engine, in which the steam was generated
_within_ the tubes; while the boiler invented by Messrs. Summers and
Ogle for their turnpike-road steam-carriage consisted of a series of
tubes placed vertically over the furnace, through which the heated air
passed before reaching the chimney.
About the same time George Stephenson was trying the effect of
introducing small tubes in the boilers of his locomotives, with the
object of increasing their evaporative power. Thus, in 1829, he sent
to France two engines constructed at the Newcastle works for the Lyons
and St. Etienne Railway, in the boilers of which tubes were placed
containing water. The heating surface was thus considerably increased;
but the expedient was not successful, for the tubes, becoming furred
with deposit, shortly burned out and were removed. It was then that M.
Seguin, the engineer of the railway, pursuing the same idea, is said
to have adopted his plan of employing horizontal tubes through which
the heated air passed in streamlets, and for which he took out a French
patent.
In the mean time Mr. Henry Booth, secretary to the Liverpool and
Manchester Railway, whose attention had been directed to the subject
on the prize being offered for the best locomotive to work that line,
proposed the same method, which, unknown to him, Matthew Boulton had
employed, but not patented, in 1780, and James Neville had patented,
but not employed, in 1826; and it was carried into effect by Robert
Stephenson in the construction of the "Rocket," which won the prize at
Rainhill in October, 1829. The following is Mr. Booth's account in a
letter to the author:
"I was in almost daily communication with Mr. Stephenson at
the time, and I was not aware that he had any intention of
competing for the prize till I communicated to him my scheme of
a multitubular boiler. This new plan of boiler comprised the
introduction of numerous small tubes, two or three inches in
diameter, and less than one eighth of an inch thick, through which
to carry the fire, instead of a single tube or flue eighteen inches
in diameter, and about half an inch thick, by which plan we not
only obtain a very much larger heating surface, but the heating
surface is much more effective, as there intervenes between the
fire and the water only a thin sheet of copper or brass, not an
eighth of an inch thick, instead of a plate of iron of four times
the substance, as well as an inferior conductor of heat.
"When the conditions of trial were published, I communicated my
multitubular plan to Mr. Stephenson, and proposed to him that we
should jointly construct an engine and compete for the prize. Mr.
Stephenson approved the plan, and agreed to my proposal. He settled
the mode in which the fire-box and tubes were to be mutually
arranged and connected, and the engine was constructed at the works
of Messrs. Robert Stephenson and Co., Newcastle-on-Tyne.
"I am ignorant of M. Seguin's proceedings in France, but I claim to
be the inventor in England, and feel warranted in stating, without
reservation, that until I named my plan to Mr. Stephenson, with a
view to compete for the prize at Rainhill, it had not been tried,
and was not known in this country."
From the well-known high character of Mr. Booth, we believe his
statement to be made in perfect good faith, and that he was as much in
ignorance of the plan patented by Neville as he was of that of Seguin.
As we have seen, from the many plans of tubular boilers invented during
the preceding thirty years, the idea was not by any means new; and we
believe Mr. Booth to be entitled to the merit of inventing the method
by which the multitubular principle was so effectually applied in the
construction of the famous "Rocket" engine.
The principal circumstances connected with the construction of the
"Rocket," as described by Robert Stephenson to the author, may be
briefly stated. The tubular principle was adopted in a more complete
manner than had yet been attempted. Twenty-five copper tubes, each
three inches in diameter, extended from one end of the boiler to the
other, the heated air passing through them on its way to the chimney;
and the tubes being surrounded by the water of the boiler, it will
be obvious that a large extension of the heating surface was thus
effectually secured. The principal difficulty was in fitting the
copper tubes in the boiler-ends so as to prevent leakage. They were
manufactured by a Newcastle coppersmith, and soldered to brass screws
which were screwed into the boiler-ends, standing out in great knobs.
When the tubes were thus fitted, and the boiler was filled with water,
hydraulic pressure was applied; but the water squirted out at every
joint, and the factory floor was soon flooded. Robert went home in
despair; and in the first moment of grief he wrote to his father that
the whole thing was a failure. By return of post came a letter from
his father, telling him that despair was not to be thought of--that he
must "try again;" and he suggested a mode of overcoming the difficulty,
which his son had already anticipated and proceeded to adopt. It was,
to bore clean holes in the boiler-ends, fit in the smooth copper tubes
as tightly as possible, solder up, and then raise the steam. This plan
succeeded perfectly, the expansion of the copper tubes completely
filling up all interstices, and producing a perfectly water-tight
boiler, capable of withstanding extreme external pressure.
The mode of employing the steam-blast for the purpose of increasing the
draught in the chimney was also the subject of numerous experiments.
When the engine was first tried, it was thought that the blast in the
chimney was not sufficiently strong for the purpose of keeping up the
intensity of the fire in the furnace, so as to produce high-pressure
steam with the required velocity. The expedient was therefore adopted
of hammering the copper tubes at the point at which they entered the
chimney, whereby the blast was considerably sharpened; and on a farther
trial it was found that the draught was increased to such an extent as
to enable abundance of steam to be raised. The rationale of the blast
may be simply explained by referring to the effect of contracting
the pipe of a water-hose, by which the force of the jet of water is
proportionately increased. Widen the nozzle of the pipe, and the jet is
in like manner diminished. So is it with the steam-blast in the chimney
of the locomotive.
Doubts were, however, expressed whether the greater draught obtained
by the contraction of the blast-pipe was not counterbalanced in some
degree by the negative pressure upon the piston. Hence a series of
experiments was made with pipes of different diameters, and their
efficiency was tested by the amount of vacuum that was produced in the
smoke-box. The degree of rarefaction was determined by a glass tube
fixed to the bottom of the smoke-box, and descending into a bucket
of water, the tube being open at both ends. As the rarefaction took
place, the water would of course rise in the tube, and the height to
which it rose above the surface of the water in the bucket was made the
measure of the amount of rarefaction. These experiments proved that a
considerable increase of draught was obtained by the contraction of the
orifice; accordingly, the two blast-pipes opening from the cylinders
into either side of the "Rocket" chimney, and turned up within it, were
contracted slightly below the area of the steam-ports; and before the
engine left the factory, the water rose in the glass tube three inches
above the water in the bucket.
The other arrangements of the "Rocket" were briefly these: the boiler
was cylindrical, with flat ends, six feet in length, and three feet
four inches in diameter. The upper half of the boiler was used as
a reservoir for the steam, the lower half being filled with water.
Through the lower part the copper tubes extended, being open to the
fire-box at one end, and to the chimney at the other. The fire-box, or
furnace, two feet wide and three feet high, was attached immediately
behind the boiler, and was also surrounded with water. The cylinders
of the engine were placed on each side of the boiler, in an oblique
position, one end being nearly level with the top of the boiler at its
after end, and the other pointing toward the centre of the foremost
or driving pair of wheels, with which the connection was directly
made from the piston-rod to a pin on the outside of the wheel. The
engine, together with its load of water, weighed only four tons and a
quarter; and it was supported on four wheels, not coupled. The tender
was four-wheeled, and similar in shape to a wagon--the foremost part
holding the fuel, and the hind part a water-cask.
[Illustration: THE "ROCKET."]
When the "Rocket" was finished, it was placed upon the Killingworth
Railway for the purpose of experiment. The new boiler arrangement
was found perfectly successful. The steam was raised rapidly and
continuously, and in a quantity which then appeared marvelous. The
same evening Robert dispatched a letter to his father at Liverpool,
informing him, to his great joy, that the "Rocket" was "all right,"
and would be in complete working trim by the day of trial. The engine
was shortly after sent by wagon to Carlisle, and thence shipped for
Liverpool.
The time so much longed for by George Stephenson had now arrived, when
the merits of the passenger locomotive were about to be put to the
test. He had fought the battle for it until now almost single-handed.
Engrossed by his daily labors and anxieties, and harassed by
difficulties and discouragements which would have crushed the spirit
of a less resolute man, he had held firmly to his purpose through good
and through evil report. The hostility which he experienced from some
of the directors opposed to the adoption of the locomotive was the
circumstance that caused him the greatest grief of all; for where he
had looked for encouragement, he found only carping and opposition. But
his pluck never failed him; and now the "Rocket" was upon the ground to
prove, to use his own words, "whether he was a man of his word or not."
Great interest was felt at Liverpool, as well as throughout the
country, in the approaching competition. Engineers, scientific men, and
mechanics arrived from all quarters to witness the novel display of
mechanical ingenuity on which such great results depended. The public
generally were no indifferent spectators either. The populations of
Liverpool, Manchester, and the adjacent towns felt that the successful
issue of the experiment would confer upon them individual benefits and
local advantages almost incalculable, while populations at a distance
waited for the result with almost equal interest.
On the day appointed for the great competition of locomotives at
Rainhill the following engines were entered for the prize:
1. Messrs. Braithwaite and Ericsson's[72] "Novelty."
2. Mr. Timothy Hackworth's "Sanspareil."
3. Messrs. R. Stephenson and Co.'s "Rocket."
4. Mr. Burstall's "Perseverance."
Another engine was entered by Mr. Brandreth, of Liverpool--the
"Cycloped," weighing three tons, worked by a horse in a frame, but
it could not be admitted to the competition. The above were the only
four exhibited, out of a considerable number of engines constructed in
different parts of the country in anticipation of this contest, many
of which could not be satisfactorily completed by the day of trial.
The ground on which the engines were to be tried was a level piece of
railroad, about two miles in length. Each was required to make twenty
trips, or equal to a journey of seventy miles, in the course of the
day, and the average rate of traveling was to be not under ten miles an
hour. It was determined that, to avoid confusion, each engine should be
tried separately, and on different days.
The day fixed for the competition was the 1st of October, but, to
allow sufficient time to get the locomotives into good working order,
the directors extended it to the 6th. On the morning of the 6th the
ground at Rainhill presented a lively appearance, and there was as much
excitement as if the St. Leger were about to be run. Many thousand
spectators looked on, among whom were some of the first engineers and
mechanicians of the day. A stand was provided for the ladies; the
"beauty and fashion" of the neighborhood were present, and the side of
the railroad was lined with carriages of all descriptions.
It was quite characteristic of the Stephensons that, although their
engine did not stand first on the list for trial, it was the first that
was ready, and it was accordingly ordered out by the judges for an
experimental trip. Yet the "Rocket" was by no means the "favorite" with
either the judges or the spectators. Nicholas Wood has since stated
that the majority of the judges were strongly predisposed in favor of
the "Novelty," and that "nine tenths, if not ten tenths, of the persons
present were against the 'Rocket' because of its appearance."[73]
Nearly every person favored some other engine, so that there was
nothing for the "Rocket" but the practical test. The first trip
made by it was quite successful. It ran about twelve miles, without
interruption, in about fifty-three minutes.
The "Novelty" was next called out. It was a light engine, very compact
in appearance, carrying the water and fuel upon the same wheels as the
engine. The weight of the whole was only three tons and one hundred
weight. A peculiarity of this engine was that the air was driven or
_forced_ through the fire by means of bellows. The day being now far
advanced, and some dispute having arisen as to the method of assigning
the proper load for the "Novelty," no particular experiment was made
farther than that the engine traversed the line by way of exhibition,
occasionally moving at the rate of twenty-four miles an hour. The
"Sanspareil," constructed by Mr. Timothy Hackworth, was next exhibited,
but no particular experiment was made with it on this day. This engine
differed but little in its construction from the locomotive last
supplied by the Stephensons to the Stockton and Darlington Railway, of
which Mr. Hackworth was the locomotive foreman.
[Illustration: LOCOMOTIVE COMPETITION AT RAINHILL.]
The contest was postponed until the following day; but, before the
judges arrived on the ground, the bellows for creating the blast in
the "Novelty" gave way, and it was found incapable of going through
its performance. A defect was also detected in the boiler of the
"Sanspareil," and some farther time was allowed to get it repaired. The
large number of spectators who had assembled to witness the contest
were greatly disappointed at this postponement; but, to lessen it,
Stephenson again brought out the "Rocket," and, attaching to it a coach
containing thirty persons, he ran them along the line at the rate of
from twenty-four to thirty miles an hour, much to their gratification
and amazement. Before separating, the judges ordered the engine to be
in readiness by eight o'clock on the following morning, to go through
its definitive trial according to the prescribed conditions.
On the morning of the 8th of October the "Rocket" was again ready for
the contest. The engine was taken to the extremity of the stage, the
fire-box was filled with coke, the fire lighted, and the steam raised
until it lifted the safety-valve loaded to a pressure of fifty pounds
to the square inch. This proceeding occupied fifty-seven minutes. The
engine then started on its journey, dragging after it about thirteen
tons' weight in wagons, and made the first ten trips backward and
forward along the two miles of road, running the thirty-five miles,
including stoppages, in an hour and forty-eight minutes. The second ten
trips were in like manner performed in two hours and three minutes.
The maximum velocity attained during the trial trip was twenty-nine
miles an hour, or about three times the speed that one of the judges
of the competition had declared to be the limit of possibility. The
average speed at which the whole of the journeys were performed was
fifteen miles an hour, or five miles beyond the rate specified in the
conditions published by the company. The entire performance excited the
greatest astonishment among the assembled spectators; the directors
felt confident that their enterprise was now on the eve of success;
and George Stephenson rejoiced to think that, in spite of all false
prophets and fickle counselors, the locomotive system was now safe.
When the "Rocket," having performed all the conditions of the contest,
arrived at the "grand stand" at the close of its day's successful
run, Mr. Cropper--one of the directors favorable to the fixed engine
system--lifted up his hands, and exclaimed, "Now has George Stephenson
at last delivered himself."
Neither the "Novelty" nor the "Sanspareil" was ready for trial until
the 10th, on the morning of which day an advertisement appeared,
stating that the former engine was to be tried on that day, when it
would perform more work than any engine on the ground. The weight of
the carriages attached to it was only about seven tons. The engine
passed the first post in good style; but, in returning, the pipe
from the forcing-pump burst and put an end to the trial. The pipe
was afterward repaired, and the engine made several trips by itself,
in which it was said to have gone at the rate of from twenty-four to
twenty-eight miles an hour.
The "Sanspareil" was not ready until the 13th; and when its boiler
and tender were filled with water, it was found to weigh four hundred
weight beyond the weight specified in the published conditions as
the limit of four-wheeled engines; nevertheless, the judges allowed
it to run on the same footing as the other engines, to enable them to
ascertain whether its merits entitled it to favorable consideration. It
traveled at the average speed of about fourteen miles an hour, with its
load attached; but at the eighth trip the cold-water pump got wrong,
and the engine could proceed no farther.
It was determined to award the premium to the successful engine on
the following day, the 14th, on which occasion there was an unusual
assemblage of spectators. The owners of the "Novelty" pleaded for
another trial, and it was conceded. But again it broke down. Then
Mr. Hackworth requested the opportunity for making another trial of
his "Sanspareil." But the judges had now had enough of failures, and
they declined, on the ground that not only was the engine above the
stipulated weight, but that it was constructed on a plan which they
could not recommend for adoption by the directors of the company.
One of the principal practical objections to this locomotive was the
enormous quantity of coke consumed or wasted by it--about 692 lbs. per
hour when traveling--caused by the sharpness of the steam-blast in the
chimney, which blew a large proportion of the burning coke into the air.
The "Perseverance" of Mr. Burstall was found unable to move at more
than five or six miles an hour, and it was withdrawn from the contest
at an early period. The "Rocket" was thus the only engine that had
performed, and more than performed, all the stipulated conditions,
and it was declared to be entitled to the prize of £500, which was
awarded to the Messrs. Stephenson and Booth accordingly. And farther to
show that the engine had been working quite within its powers, George
Stephenson ordered it to be brought upon the ground and detached from
all incumbrances, when, in making two trips, it was found to travel at
the astonishing rate of thirty-five miles an hour.
The "Rocket" had thus eclipsed the performances of all locomotive
engines that had yet been constructed, and outstripped even the
sanguine expectations of its constructors. It satisfactorily answered
the report of Messrs. Walker and Rastrick, and established the
efficiency of the locomotive for working the Liverpool and Manchester
Railway, and, indeed, all future railways. The "Rocket" showed
that a new power had been born into the world, full of activity and
strength, with boundless capability of work. It was the simple but
admirable contrivance of the steam-blast, and its combination with the
multitubular boiler, that at once gave locomotion a vigorous life,
and secured the triumph of the railway system.[74] As has been well
observed, this wonderful ability to increase and multiply its powers of
performance with the emergency that demands them has made this giant
engine the noblest creation of human wit, the very lion among machines.
The success of the Rainhill experiment, as judged by the public, may be
inferred from the fact that the shares of the company immediately rose
ten per cent., and nothing farther was heard of the proposed twenty-one
fixed engines, engine-houses, ropes, etc. All this cumbersome apparatus
was thenceforward effectually disposed of.
Very different now was the tone of those directors who had
distinguished themselves by the persistency of their opposition to
George Stephenson's plans. Coolness gave way to eulogy, and hostility
to unbounded offers of friendship, after the manner of many men who
run to the help of the strong. Deeply though the engineer had felt
aggrieved by the conduct exhibited toward him during this eventful
struggle by some from whom forbearance was to have been expected, he
never entertained toward them in after life any angry feelings; on
the contrary, he forgave all. But, though the directors afterward
passed unanimous resolutions eulogizing "the great skill and unwearied
energy" of their engineer, he himself, when speaking confidentially
to those with whom he was most intimate, could not help pointing
out the difference between his "foul-weather and fair-weather
friends." Mr. Gooch says that, though naturally most cheerful and
kind-hearted in disposition, the anxiety and pressure which weighed
upon his mind during the construction of the railway had the effect
of making him occasionally impatient and irritable, like a spirited
horse touched by the spur, though his original good nature from time
to time shone through it all. When the line had been brought to a
successful completion, a very marked change in him became visible.
The irritability passed away, and when difficulties and vexations
arose they were treated by him as matters of course, and with perfect
composure and cheerfulness.
[Illustration: RAILWAY _versus_ ROAD.]
FOOTNOTES:
[65] Letter to the author.
[66] Letter to Mr. Illingworth, September 25th, 1825. The reports made
to the directors and officers of the company, which we have seen,
contain the details of the operations carried on at the mines, but they
are as dry and uninteresting as such reports usually are, and furnish
no materials calculated to illustrate the subject of the text.
[67] In a letter to Mr. Illingworth, then resident at Bogotá, dated
the 24th of March, 1826, Robert wrote as follows: "Nothing but the
fullest consent of my partners in England could induce me to stay in
this country, and the assurance that no absolute necessity existed
to call me home. I must also have the consent of my father. I know
that he must have suffered severely from my absence, but that having
been extended so far beyond the period he was led to expect, may have
induced him to curtail his plans, which, had they been accomplished,
as they would have been by my assistance, would have placed us both
in a situation far superior to any thing that I can hope for as the
servant of an association however wealthy and liberal. What I might
do in England is perhaps known to myself only; it is difficult,
therefore, for the association to calculate upon rewarding me to the
full extent of my prospects at home. My prosperity is involved in that
of my father, whose property was sacrificed in laying the foundations
of an establishment for me; his capital being invested in a concern
which requires the greatest attention, and which, with our personal
superintendence, could not fail to secure that independence which forms
so principally the object of all our toil."
[68] Mr. Booth's Account, p. 70-1. While concurring with Mr. Rastrick
in recommending "the stationary reciprocating system as the best" if it
was the directors' intention to make the line complete at once, so as
to accommodate the traffic expected by them, or a quantity approaching
to it (_i.e._, 3750 tons of goods and passengers from Liverpool toward
Manchester, and 3950 tons from Manchester toward Liverpool), Mr.
Walker added, "but if any circumstances should induce the directors to
proceed by degrees, and to proportion the power of conveyance to the
demand, then we recommend locomotive engines upon the line generally;
and two fixed engines upon Rainhill and Sutton planes, to draw up the
locomotive engines as well as the goods and carriages;" and "if on
any occasion the trade should get beyond the supply of locomotives,
the horse might form a temporary substitute." As, however, it was
the directors' determination, with a view to the success of their
experiment, to open the line complete for working, they felt that it
would be unadvisable to adopt this partial experiment; and it was
still left for them to decide whether they would adopt or not the
substantial recommendation of the reporting engineers in favor of the
stationary-engine system for the complete accommodation of the expected
traffic.
[69] The arguments used by Mr. Stephenson with the directors in favor
of the locomotive engine were afterward collected and published in 1830
by Robert Stephenson and Joseph Locke, as "compiled from the Reports of
Mr. George Stephenson." The pamphlet was entitled "Observations on the
Comparative Merits of Locomotive and Fixed Engines." Robert Stephenson,
speaking of the authorship many years after, said, "I believe I
furnished the facts and the arguments, and Locke put them into shape.
Locke was a very flowery writer, whereas my style was rather bald and
unattractive; so he was the editor of the pamphlet, which excited a
good deal of attention among engineers at the time."
[70] The conditions were these:
1. The engine must effectually consume its own smoke.
2. The engine, if of six tons' weight, must be able to draw after it,
day by day, twenty tons' weight (including the tender and water-tank)
at ten miles an hour, with a pressure of steam on the boiler not
exceeding fifty pounds to the square inch.
3. The boiler must have two safety valves, neither of which must be
fastened down, and one of them be completely out of the control of the
engine-man.
4. The engine and boiler must be supported on springs, and rest on six
wheels, the height of the whole not exceeding fifteen feet to the top
of the chimney.
5. The engine, with water, must not weigh more than six tons; but an
engine of less weight would be preferred on its drawing a proportionate
load behind it; if of only four and a half tons, then it might be put
on only four wheels. The company to be at liberty to test the boiler,
etc., by a pressure of one hundred and fifty pounds to the square inch.
6. A mercurial gauge must be affixed to the machine, showing the steam
pressure above forty-five pounds per square inch.
7. The engine must be delivered, complete and ready for trial, at the
Liverpool end of the railway, not later than the 1st of October, 1829.
8. The price of the engine must not exceed £550.
Many persons of influence declared the conditions published by the
directors of the railway chimerical in the extreme. One gentleman of
some eminence in Liverpool, Mr. P. Ewart, who afterward filled the
office of Government Inspector of Post-office Steam Packets, declared
that only a parcel of charlatans would ever have issued such a set
of conditions; that it had been _proved_ to be impossible to make a
locomotive engine go at ten miles an hour; but if it ever was done, he
would undertake to eat a stewed engine-wheel for his breakfast!
[71] Some correspondence took place between Boulton and Watt on
the subject, when the latter was scheming the application of the
steam-engine to locomotive purposes. In a letter to Boulton, dated the
27th of August, 1784, Watt said, "Perhaps some means may be hit upon to
make the boiler cylindrical _with a number of tubes passing through_,
like the organ-pipe condenser, whereby it might be thinner and lighter;
but," he added, "I fear this would be too subject to accidents."
[72] The inventor of this engine was a Swede, who afterward proceeded
to the United States, and there achieved considerable distinction as
an engineer. His caloric engine has so far proved a failure, but his
iron cupola vessel, the "Monitor," must be admitted to have been a
remarkable success in its way.
[73] Mr. Wood's speech at Newcastle, 26th of October, 1858.
[74] When heavier and more powerful engines were brought upon the road,
the old "Rocket," becoming regarded as a thing of no value, was sold
in 1837. It was purchased by Mr. Thompson, of Kirkhouse, the lessee of
the Earl of Carlisle's coal and lime works, near Carlisle. He worked
the engine on the Midgeholme Railway for five or six years, during
which it hauled coals from the pits to the town. There was wonderful
vitality in the old engine, as the following circumstance proves. When
the great contest for the representation of East Cumberland took place,
and Sir James Graham was superseded by Major Aglionby, the "Rocket"
was employed to convey the Alston express with the state of the poll
from Midgeholme to Kirkhouse. On that occasion the engine was driven by
Mr. Mark Thompson, and it ran the distance of upward of four miles in
four and a half minutes, thus reaching a speed of nearly sixty miles an
hour, proving its still admirable qualities as an engine. But again it
was superseded by heavier engines; for it only weighed about four tons,
whereas the new engines were at least three times that weight. The
"Rocket" was consequently laid up in ordinary in the yard at Kirkhouse,
from whence it has since been transferred to the Museum of Patents at
Kensington, where it is still to be seen.