discontented nobles joined the latter, and flew to arms. This state of
things did not please Richelieu, since defeat ruined his party, and
success brought honour rather to those who fought than to him. He
therefore exerted himself, first to keep away the chief of the nobility
from the Queen, secondly, to bring about an accommodation. The
difficulties were got over by the defeat of the Queen’s forces owing to
surprise, and by the promotion of Richelieu to the rank of Cardinal. The
malevolent coupled the two circumstances together; and even the
impartial must descry a singular coincidence. The event, at least,
proves his address; for when the agreement was finally concluded, it was
found that Richelieu, the negotiator, had himself reaped all the
benefits. He received the cardinal’s hat from the King’s hand at Lyons,
towards the close of the year 1622.
Not content with this advancement of her counsellor, Mary de Medici
continued to press the King to admit Richelieu to his cabinet. Louis
long resisted her solicitations, such was his instinctive dread of the
man destined to rule him. Nor was it until 1624, after the lapse of
sixteen months, and when embarrassed with difficult state questions,
which no one then in office was capable of managing, that the royal will
was declared admitting Richelieu to the council. Even this grace was
accompanied by the drawback, that the Cardinal was allowed to give
merely his opinion, not his vote.
Once, however, seated at the council table, the colleagues of the
Cardinal shrunk before him into ciphers. The marriage of the Princess
Henrietta with the Prince of Wales, afterwards Charles I., was then in
agitation. Richelieu undertook to conduct it, and overcame the delays of
etiquette and the repugnance of Rome. De Vieville, the King’s favourite
and minister, venturing to show jealousy of Richelieu, was speedily
removed. The affair of the Valteline had given rise to endless
negotiations. The matter in dispute was the attempt of the House of
Austria to procure a passage across the Grisons to connect their Italian
and German dominions. France and the Italian powers had opposed this by
protests. Richelieu boldly marched an army, and avowed in council his
determination to adopt the policy and resume the scheme of Henry IV.,
for the humiliation of the House of Austria. The King and his Council
were terrified at such a gigantic proposal: instead of being awed by the
genius of Richelieu, as yet they mistrusted it. Peace was concluded with
Spain; on no unfavourable conditions indeed, but not on such as
flattered the new minister’s pride.
Whilst these negotiations with Spain were yet in progress, the Huguenots
menaced a renewal of the civil war. Richelieu advised in the council
that their demands should be granted, urging that whilst a foreign foe
was in the field, domestic enemies were better quieted than irritated.
His enemies took advantage of this, and represented the Cardinal as a
favourer of heresy. This charge is continually brought against those who
are indifferent to religious dissensions; but it is probable that
Richelieu did seek at this time to gain the support of the Protestant
party, attacked as he was by a strong band of malcontent nobles, envious
of his rise, and intolerant of his authority.
The whole Court, indeed, became leagued against the superiority and
arrogance of the Minister; the most _qualified_ of the noblesse, to use
Aubery’s expression, joined with the Duke of Orleans, the monarch’s
brother, and with the Queen, to overthrow Richelieu. As the Maréchal
D’Ancre had been made away with by assassination, so the same means were
again meditated. The Comte de Chalais offered himself as the instrument:
but the mingled good fortune and address of Richelieu enabled him to
discover the plot, and avoid this, and every future peril.
His anchor of safety was in the confidence reposed in him by Louis XIII.
This prince, although of most feeble will, was not without the just
pride of a monarch; he could not but perceive that his former ministers
or favourites were but the instruments or slaves of the noblesse, who
consulted but their own interests, and provided but for the difficulties
of the moment. Richelieu, on the contrary, though eager for power,
sought it as an instrument to great ends, to the consolidation of the
monarchy, and to its ascendancy in Europe. He was in the habit of
unfolding these high views to Louis, who, though himself incapable of
putting them into effect, nevertheless had the spirit to admire and
approve them. Richelieu proposed to render his reign illustrious abroad,
and at home to convert the chief of a turbulent aristocracy into a real
monarch. It forms indeed the noblest part of this great statesman’s
character, that he won upon the royal mind, not by vulgar flattery, but
by exciting within it a love of glory and of greatness, to which, at the
same time, he pointed the way.
Accordingly, through all the plots formed against him, Louis XIII.
remained firmly attached to Richelieu, sacrificing to this minister’s
preeminence his nobility, his brother Gaston, Duke of Orleans, his
Queen, and finally the Queen Mother herself, when she too became jealous
of the man whom she had raised. As yet however Mary de Medici was his
friend, and Richelieu succeeded in sending his enemies to prison or to
the scaffold. Gaston was obliged to bow the knee before the Cardinal.
And Anne of Austria, who was accused of having consented to espouse
Gaston in case of the King’s death, was for ever exiled from the
affections of the monarch, and from any influence over him. If this
latter triumph over the young wife of Louis, whose enmity certainly the
Cardinal had most to fear, was excited by coldly invented falsehoods,
history has scarcely recorded a more odious crime.
It is said that Richelieu himself was enamoured of Anne of Austria, and
that he found himself outrivalled by the Duke of Buckingham. What credit
should be assigned to the existence and influence of such feelings it is
difficult to determine. But certainly a strong and personal jealousy of
Buckingham is to be perceived in the conduct of Richelieu. Policy would
have recommended the minister to cajole rather than affront the English
favourite at a time when the Huguenot party was menacing and the
nobility still indignant. The Cardinal had not long before concluded the
marriage of the Princess Henrietta with Charles, in order to secure the
English alliance, and thus deprive the Huguenots of a dangerous support.
Now he ran counter to these prudent measures, defied Buckingham, whom he
forbade to visit Paris, and thus united against himself and against the
monarchy, two most powerful enemies, one foreign, one domestic.
If Richelieu thus imprudently indulged his passion or his pique, he
redeemed the error by activity and exertion unusual to the age. He at
once formed the project of attacking the Huguenots in their chief
strong-hold of La Rochelle. Buckingham could not fail to attempt the
relief of this sea-port; and the Cardinal anticipated the triumph of
personally defeating a rival. He accordingly himself proceeded to
preside over the operation of the siege. To render the blockade
effectual, it was requisite to stop up the port. The military officers
whom he employed could suggest no means of doing this. Richelieu took
counsel of his classic reading; and having learned from Quintus Curtius
how Alexander the Great reduced Tyre, by carrying out a mole against it
through the sea, he was encouraged to undertake a similar work. The
great mound was accordingly commenced, and well-nigh finished, when a
storm arose and destroyed it in a single night. But Richelieu was only
rendered more obstinate: he recommenced the mole, and was seen with the
volume of Alexander’s History in his hand, encouraging the workmen and
overruling the objections of the tacticians of the army. The second
attempt succeeded, the harbour was blocked up, and the promised aid of
England rendered fruitless. The Cardinal triumphed, for La Rochelle
surrendered. In his treatment of the vanquished, Richelieu showed a
moderation seldom observable in his conduct. He was lenient, and even
tolerant towards the Huguenots, content with having humbled the pride of
his rival, Buckingham.
La Rochelle was no sooner taken, and Richelieu rewarded by the title of
Prime Minister, than he resumed those projects of humbling the House of
Austria, in which he had previously been interrupted. A quarrel about
the succession to Mantua afforded him a pretext to interfere; and he did
so, after his fashion, not by mere negotiations, but by an army. This
expedition proved a source of quarrel between him and the Queen Mother,
Mary de Medici, who hitherto had been his firm and efficient friend.
Private and family reasons rendered Mary averse to the war. Both the
French Queens of the House of Medici had shown the reverence of their
family for the princes of the blood of Austria. Mary, on her accession
to the regency, had interrupted Henry IV.’s plans for humbling the
influence of that house. Richelieu’s endeavour to revive this scheme
called forth her opposition. He was obstinate from high motives; she
from petty ones. But she could not forgive the ingratitude of him whom
she had fostered, and who now dared to thwart and counteract her. The
voice of the conqueror of La Rochelle triumphed in council, and his
project in the field. The French were victorious in Italy, and the
minister equally so over the mind of the monarch.
But Mary de Medici could not forgive; and she now openly showed her
hatred of Richelieu, and exerted herself to the utmost to injure him
with the King. Though daily defeating her intrigues, the Cardinal
dreaded her perseverance, and resolved to drag the King with him to
another Italian campaign. Louis obeyed, and the court set out for the
south, the Queen Mother herself accompanying it. Richelieu, however, did
not tarry for the slow motions of the monarch. He flew to the army, took
upon him the command, and displayed all the abilities of a great general
in out-manœuvring and worsting the generals and armies of Savoy. In the
mean time Louis fell dangerously ill at Lyons. His mother, an
affectionate attendant on his sick couch, resumed her former empire over
him. At one moment his imminent death seemed to threaten the Cardinal
with ruin. Louis recovered, however; and his first act was to compel a
reconciliation, in form at least, between the Cardinal and the Queen
Mother.
The King’s illness, although not so immediately fatal to Richelieu as
his enemies had hoped, was still attended with serious consequences to
him. The French army had met with ill success through the treachery of
the general, Marillac, who was secretly attached to the Queen’s party:
and the failure was attributed to Richelieu.
Mary de Medici renewed her solicitations to her son, that he would
dismiss his minister. Louis, it appears, made a promise to that effect;
a reluctant promise, given to get rid of her importunity. Mary
calculated too securely upon his keeping it; she broke forth in bitter
contumely against Richelieu; deprived him of his superintendence over
her household; and treated Madame de Combalet, the Cardinal’s niece, who
had sunk on her knees to entreat her to moderate her anger, almost with
insult. The King was present, and seemed to sanction her violence; so
that Richelieu withdrew to make his preparations for exile. Louis,
dissatisfied and irresolute, retired to Versailles; whilst Mary remained
triumphant at the Luxembourg, receiving the congratulations of her
party. Richelieu in the mean time, ere taking his departure, repaired to
Versailles, and, once there, resumed the ascendant over the monarch. The
tidings of this was a thunderstroke to Mary and her party, who became
instantly the victims of the Cardinal’s revenge. Marillac was beheaded;
and Mary de Medici, herself at length completely vanquished by her
rival, was driven out of France to spend the rest of her days in exile.
Richelieu had thus triumphed over every interest and every personage
that was, or was likely to be, inimical to his sway. The young Queen,
Anne of Austria, and the Queen Mother, Mary de Medici, had alike been
sacrificed to his preeminence; and it appears that he employed the same
means to ruin both. One of the weak points of Louis XIII. was jealousy
of his brother, Gaston, Duke of Orleans, whom he could never abide.
Notwithstanding his sloth, the King assumed the direction of the Italian
army, and went through the campaign, to prevent Gaston from earning
honour, by filling the place of command. Richelieu made effectual use of
this foible; he overcame Anne of Austria, by bringing proofs that she
preferred Gaston to the King; and he overcame Mary de Medici by a
similar story, that she favoured Gaston, and was paving the way for his
succession.
The Duke of Orleans was now indignant at his mother’s exile, and
espoused her interest with heat. He intruded upon Richelieu, menacing
him personally; nor did the latter refrain from returning both menace
and insult. Gaston fled to Lorraine, and formed a league with its duke,
and with the majority of the French noblesse, for the purpose of
avenging the wrongs of his mother, and driving from authority the
upstart and tyrannical minister.
The trial of Marillac had roused the spirit and indignation even of
those nobles, who had previously respected and bowed to the minister of
the royal choice. This nobleman and maréchal was seized at the head of
his army, and conveyed, not to a prison, but to Richelieu’s own
country-house at Ruel. Instead of being tried by his Peers or in
Parliament, he was here brought before a Commission of Judges, chosen by
his enemy. He was tried in the Cardinal’s own hall, condemned, and
executed in the Place de Grève.
The iniquity of such a proceeding offered a popular pretext for the
nobility to withstand the Cardinal: and they were not without other
reasons. Richelieu not only threatened their order with the scaffold,
but his measures of administration were directed to deprive them of
their ancient privileges, and means of wealth and domination. One of
these was the right of governors of provinces to raise the revenue
within their jurisdiction, and to employ or divert no small portion of
it to their use. Richelieu to remedy this transferred the office of
collecting the revenue to new officers, called the _Elect_. He tried
this in Languedoc, then governed by the Duc de Montmorenci, a noble of
the first rank, whose example consequently would have weight, and who
had always proved himself obedient and loyal. Moved, however, by his
private wrongs, as well as that of his order, he now joined the party of
the Duke of Orleans. That weak prince, after forming his alliance with
the Duke of Lorraine, had raised an army. Richelieu lost not a moment in
despatching a force which reduced Lorraine, and humbled its hitherto
independent duke almost to the rank of a subject. Gaston then marched
his army to Languedoc, and joined Montmorenci. The Maréchal de Brezé,
Richelieu’s brother-in-law, led the royal troops against them, defeated
Gaston at Castelnaudari, and took Montmorenci prisoner. This noble had
been the friend and supporter of Richelieu, who even called him his son;
yet the Cardinal’s cruel policy determined that he should die. There was
difficulty in proving before the Judges that he had actually borne arms
against the King.
“The smoke and dust,” said St. Reuil, the witness, “rendered it
impossible to recognize any combatant distinctly. But when I saw one
advance alone, and cut his way through five ranks of gens-d’armes, I
knew that it must be Montmorenci.”
This gallant descendant of five Constables of France perished on the
scaffold at Toulouse. Richelieu deemed the example necessary, to strike
terror into the nobility. And he immediately took advantage of that
terror, by removing all the governors of provinces, and replacing them
throughout with officers personally attached to his interests.
Having thus made, as it were, a clear stage for the fulfilment of his
great political schemes, Richelieu turned his exertions to his original
plan of humbling the House of Austria, and extending the territories of
France at its expense. He formed an alliance with the great Gustavus
Adolphus, who then victoriously supported the course of religious
liberty in Germany. Richelieu drew more advantage from the death than
from the victories of his ally; since, as the price of his renewing his
alliance with the Swedes, he acquired the possession of Philipsburg, and
opened the way towards completing that darling project of France and
every French statesman, the acquisition of the Rhine as a frontier.
The French having manifested their design to get possession of Treves,
the Spaniards anticipated them; and open war ensued betwixt the two
monarchies. The Cardinal allied with the Dutch, and drew up a treaty “to
free the Low Countries from the cruel servitude in which they are held
by the Spaniards.” In order to effect this, the French and Dutch were to
capture the fortresses of the country, and finally divide it between
them.
But Richelieu’s views or means were not mature enough to produce a
successful plan of conquest. Surrounded as France was by the dominions
of her rival, she was obliged to divide her forces, attack on many
sides, and make conquests on none. The generals, whom he was obliged to
employ, were remarkable but for servility to him, and jealousy of each
other. The Cardinal de la Valette headed one of his armies, but with no
better success than his lay colleagues. Instead of crushing Spain,
Richelieu endured the mortification of witnessing the irruption of her
troops into the centre of the kingdom, where they took Corbie, and
menaced the very capital.
This was a critical moment for Richelieu, who is said to have lost
courage amidst these reverses, and to have been roused to confidence by
the exhortations of his Capuchin friend and confidant, Father Joseph. He
was obliged on this occasion to relax his severity and pride, to own
that the generals of his choice were little worthy of their trust, and
to call on the old noblesse and the princes of the blood to lead the
French troops to the defence of the country. Both obeyed the summons,
and exerted themselves to prove their worth by the recapture of Corbie,
and the repulse of the Spaniards. The enemies of the Cardinal were aware
how much the ignominy of these reverses, as the result of his mighty
plans, must have abated the King’s confidence in him. They endeavoured
to take advantage of the moment, and Louis seemed not averse to shake
off his minister. There was no trusting the King’s intentions, however,
and it was agreed to assassinate Richelieu at Amiens. The Comte de
Soissons had his hand on his sword for the purpose, awaiting but the
signal from Gaston; but the latter wanted resolution to give it, and
Richelieu again escaped the murderous designs of his foes.
The character of Louis XIII. left his courtiers without hope. It was
such a general mass of weakness, as to offer no particular weak point of
which they could take advantage. Too cold to be enamoured of either wife
or mistress, his gallantries offered no means of captivating his favour;
nor was he bigot enough to be ruled through his conscience by priestly
confessors. It is singular that the gallant, peremptory, and able Louis
XIV. was governed and influenced by those means which had no hold upon
his weak sire. Still as these were the received ways for undermining the
influence of a dominant minister, Louis XIII. was assailed through his
supposed mistresses, and through his confessors, to induce him to shake
off Richelieu. But all attempts were vain. The ladies Hauteville and
Lafayette, who had pleased Louis, retired to a convent. His confessors,
who had hinted the impiety of supporting the Dutch and German
Protestants, were turned out of the palace. And the Queen, Anne of
Austria, with whom Louis made a late reconciliation, the fruit of which
was the birth of the future Louis XIV., was exposed to disrespect and
insult. Her apartments and papers were searched by order of the
Cardinal, a letter was torn from her bosom, she was confined to her
room, and menaced with being sent back to Spain.
Richelieu in his wars was one of those scientific combatants who seek to
weary out an enemy, and who husband their strength in order not to crush
at once, but to ruin in the end. Such at least were the tactics by which
he came triumphant out of the struggle with Spain. He made no conquests
at first, gained no striking victories; but he compensated for his
apparent want of success by perseverance, by taking advantage of defeat
to improve the army, and by labouring to transfer to the crown the
financial and other resources which had been previously absorbed by the
aristocracy. Thus the war, though little brilliant at first, produced at
last these very important results. Arras in the north, Turin in the
south, Alsace in the east, fell into the hands of the French; Rousillon
was annexed to the monarchy; and Catalonia revolted from Spain.
Richelieu might boast that he had achieved the great purposes of Henry
IV., not so gloriously indeed as that heroic prince might have done, but
no less effectually. This was effected not so much by arms as by
administration. The foundation was laid for that martial preeminence
which Louis XIV. long enjoyed; and which he might have retained, had the
virtue of moderation been known to him.
It was not without incurring great personal perils, with proportionate
address and good fortune, that Cardinal Richelieu arrived at such great
results. The rebellion of the Comte de Soissons, the same whose project
of assassination had failed, menaced the Minister seriously. In a battle
against the royal army, the Count was completely victorious, an event
that might have caused a revolution in the government, had not fortune
neutralized it by his death. He fell by a pistol-shot, whilst
contemplating the scene of victory. His friends asserted that he was
murdered by an emissary of the Cardinal: according to others, the bullet
was accidentally discharged from his own pistol.
But the most remarkable plot which assailed Richelieu, was that of
Cinq-Mars, a young nobleman selected to be the King’s favourite, on
account of his presumed frivolity. But he was capable of deep thoughts
and passions; and wearied by the solitude in which the monarch lived,
and to which he was reduced by the Minister’s monopoly of all power, he
dared to plot the Cardinal’s overthrow. This bold attempt was sanctioned
by the King himself, who at intervals complained of the yoke put upon
him.