The devotion to science which Buffon had thus manifested marked him out

for an appointment which determined the course of his future life. His

friend, Du Fay, who was the Intendant of the ‘_Jardin du Roi_’ (now

called the ‘_Jardin des Plantes_’), on his death-bed recommended Buffon

as the person best calculated to give a right direction to this

establishment for the cultivation of natural history. Buffon seized upon

the opportunities which this appointment afforded him of prosecuting his

favourite studies, with that energetic perseverance for which he was

remarkable. He saw that natural history had to be written in a manner

that might render it the most attractive species of knowledge; and that

philosophical views, and eloquent descriptions, might supersede the dry

nomenclatures, and the loose, contradictory, and too-often fabulous

narratives which resulted from the crude labours of ill-informed

compilers. To carry forward his favourite object, it was necessary that

the museum, over which he had now the control, should be put in order

and rendered more complete. He obtained from the government considerable

funds for the erection of proper buildings; and the galleries of the

‘_Jardin des Plantes_,’ which now hold the fine collection of mammals

and birds, were raised under his superintendence. Possessing, therefore,

the most complete means which Europe afforded, he applied himself to the

great task of describing the animal, vegetable, and mineral kingdoms of

nature. A large portion of this immense undertaking was left

unperformed, although, to use his own words, he laboured fifty years at

his desk; and much of what he accomplished was greatly diminished in

value by his determination to see natural objects only through the

clouded medium of his own theories. But, nevertheless, he has produced a

work which, with all its faults, is an extraordinary monument of genius

and industry, and which will long entitle him to the gratitude of

mankind. “We read Buffon,” says Condorcet, “to be interested as well as

instructed. He will continue to excite a useful enthusiasm for the

natural sciences; and the world will long be indebted to him for the

pleasures with which a young mind for the first time looks into nature

and the consolations with which a soul weary of the storms of life

reposes upon the sight of the immensity of beings peaceably submitted to

necessary and eternal laws.”

Buffon was in some particulars unqualified for the laborious duty he had

undertaken. He delighted to indulge in broad and general views, and to

permit his imagination to luxuriate in striking descriptions. But he had

neither the patience, nor the love of accuracy, which would have carried

him into those minute details which give to natural history its highest

value. He, however, had the merit and the good fortune, in the early

stages of his undertaking, to associate himself with a fellow-labourer

who possessed those qualities in which he was deficient. The first

fifteen volumes of ‘_L’Histoire Naturelle_,’ which treat of the theory

of the earth, the nature of animals, and the history of man and

viviparous quadrupeds, were published between 1749 and 1767, as the

joint work of Buffon and Daubenton. The general theories, the

descriptions of the phenomena of nature, and the pictures of the habits

of animals, were by Buffon. Daubenton confined himself to the precise

delineation of their physical character, both in their external forms

and their anatomy. But Daubenton refused to continue his assistance in

the ‘History of Birds;’ for Buffon, unwilling that the fame which he had

acquired should be partaken by one whom he considered only as a humble

and subordinate labourer, allowed an edition of the History of

Quadrupeds to be published, of which the descriptive and anatomical

parts had been greatly abridged. In the History of Birds, therefore,

Buffon had to seek for other associates; and the form of the work was

greatly changed from that of the previous volumes. The particular

descriptions are here very meagre, and anatomical details are almost

entirely excluded. In some of the volumes, Buffon was assisted by

Guéneau de Montbeillard, who, instead of endeavouring to attain the

accuracy of Daubenton, affected to imitate the style of his employer. To

the three last volumes of the Birds the Abbé Bexon lent his aid. The

nine volumes of Birds appeared between 1770 and 1783. Buffon published

alone his ‘History of Minerals,’ which appeared in five volumes, between

1783 and 1788. Seven volumes of Supplements complete the Natural

History. The first appeared in 1773; the last was not published till the

year after its author’s death, in 1789. The fifth volume of these

Supplements is a distinct work, the Epochs of Nature[3].

Footnote 3:

The best edition of the works of Buffon is the first, of 36 vols. 4to.

The study of natural history, and the composition of his great work,

occupied the mind of Buffon from his first appointment as Intendant of

the ‘_Jardin du Roi_,’ to within a few days of his death. In the

prosecution of the plan he had laid down, he never permitted the

slightest interruption. Pleasure and indolence had their

attractions;—but they never held him for many hours from his favourite

pursuits. Buffon spent the greater part of his time at Montbar, where,

during some years, his friend Daubenton also resided. It was here that

Buffon composed nearly the whole of his works. Many interesting details

have been preserved of his habits of life, and his mode of composition.

He was, like all men who have accomplished great literary undertakings,

a severe economist of his time. The employment of every day was fixed

with the greatest exactness. He used almost invariably to rise at five

o’clock, compelling his man-servant to drag him out of bed whenever he

was unwilling to get up. “I owe to poor Joseph,” he used to say, “ten or

twelve volumes of my works.” At the end of his garden was a pavilion

which served him as a study. Here he was seated for many hours of every

day, in an old leathern chair, before a table of black birch, with his

papers arranged in a large walnut-tree escritoire. Before he began to

write he was accustomed to meditate for a long time upon his subject.

Composition was to him a real delight; and he used to declare that he

had spent twelve or fourteen hours successively at his desk, continuing

to the last in a state of pleasure. His endeavours to obtain the utmost

correctness of expression furnished a remarkable proof of the

persevering quality of his mind. He composed, and copied, and read his

works to friends, and re-copied, till he was entirely satisfied. It is

said that he made eleven transcripts of the Epochs of Nature. In his

domestic habits there was little to admire in the character of Buffon.

His conversation was trifling and licentious, and the grossness which

too often discloses itself in his writings was ill-concealed in his own

conduct. He paid the most minute attention to dress, and delighted in

walking to church to exhibit his finery to his wondering neighbours.

Although he was entirely devoid of religious principle, and constantly

endeavoured in his writings to throw discredit upon the belief of a

great First Cause, he regularly attended high mass, received the

communion, and distributed alms to pious beggars. In his whole character

there appears a total absence of that simplicity which is the

distinguishing attribute of men of the very highest genius.

The literary glory of Buffon, although surpassed, or even equalled,

during his life, by none of his contemporaries, with the exception

perhaps of Voltaire and Rousseau, has not increased, and is perhaps

materially diminished, after having been tried by the opinions of half a

century. In literature, as well as in politics, as we have learnt to

attach a greater value to accurate facts, have we become less captivated

by the force of eloquence alone. Buffon gave an extraordinary impulse to

the love of natural history, by surrounding its details with splendid

images, and escaping from its rigid investigations by bold and dazzling

theories. He rejected classification; and took no pains to distinguish

by precise names the objects which he described, because such accuracy

would have impeded the progress of his magnificent generalizations.

Without classification, and an accurate nomenclature, natural history is

a mere chaos. Buffon saw the productions of nature only in masses. He

made no endeavour to delineate with perfect accuracy any individual of

that immense body, nor to trace the relations of an individual to all

the various forms of being by which it is surrounded. Although he was a

profound admirer of Newton, and classed Bacon amongst the most

illustrious of men, he constantly deviated from the principle of that

philosophy upon which all modern discovery has been founded. He carried

onward his hypotheses with little calculation and less experiment. And

yet, although they are often misapplied, he has collected an astonishing

number of facts; and even many of his boldest generalities have been

based upon a sufficient foundation of truth, to furnish important

assistance to the investigations of more accurate inquirers. The

persevering obliquity with which he turns away from the evidence of

Design in the creation, to rest upon some vague notions of a

self-creative power, both in animate and inanimate existence, is one of

the most unpleasant features of his writings. How much higher services

might Buffon have rendered to natural history had he been imbued not

only with a spirit of accurate and comprehensive classification, but

with a perception of the constant agency of a Creator, of both of which

merits he had so admirable an example in our own Ray.

The style of Buffon, viewed as an elaborate work of art, and without

regard to the great object of style, that of conveying thoughts in the

clearest and simplest manner, is captivating from its sustained harmony

and occasional grandeur. But it is a style of a past age. Even in his

own day, it was a theme for ridicule with those who knew the real force

of conciseness and simplicity. Voltaire described it as ‘_empoulé_;’ and

when some one talked to him of ‘_L’Histoire Naturelle_,’ he drily

replied, ‘_Pas si naturelle_.’ But Buffon was not carried away by the

mere love of fine writing. He knew his own power; and, looking at the

state of science in his day, he seized upon the instrument which was

best calculated to elevate him amongst his contemporaries. The very

exaggerations of his style were perhaps necessary to render natural

history at once attractive to all descriptions of people. Up to his time

it had been a dry and repulsive study. He first clothed it with the

picturesque and poetical; threw a moral sentiment around its commonest

details; exhibited animals in connection with man, in his mightiest and

most useful works; and described the great phenomena of nature with a

pomp of language which had never before been called to the service of

philosophical investigation. The publication of his works carried the

study of natural history out of the closets of the few, to become a

source of delight and instruction to all men.

Buffon died at Paris on the 16th April, 1788, aged 81. He was married,

in 1762, to Mademoiselle de St. Bélin; and he left an only son, who

succeeded to his title. This unfortunate young man perished on the

scaffold, in 1795, almost one of the last victims of the fury of the

revolution. When he ascended to the guillotine he exclaimed, with great

composure, “My name is Buffon.”

A succinct and clear memoir of Buffon, by Cuvier, in the _Biographie

Universelle_, may be advantageously consulted. Nearly all the details of

his private life are derived from a curious work by Rénault de

Séchelles, entitled _Voyage à Montbar_, which, like many other domestic

histories of eminent men, has the disgrace of being founded upon a

violation of the laws of hospitality.

[Illustration]

[Illustration:

_Engraved by R. Woodman._

SIR THOMAS MORE.

_From an Enamel after Holbein,

in the possession of Thomas Clarke Esq._

Under the Superintendance of the Society for the Diffusion of Useful

Knowledge.

_London, Published by Charles Knight, Pall Mall East._

]

[Illustration]

MORE.

This great man was born in London, in the year 1480. His father was Sir

John More, one of the Judges of the King’s Bench, a gentleman of

established reputation. He was early placed in the family of Cardinal

Morton, Archbishop of Canterbury, and Lord Chancellor of England. The

sons of the gentry were at this time sent into the families of the first

nobility and leading statesmen, on an equivocal footing; partly for the

finishing of their education, and partly in a menial capacity. The

Cardinal said more than once to the nobility who were dining with him,

“This boy waiting at table, whosoever lives to see it, will one day

prove a marvellous man.” His eminent patron was highly delighted with

that vivacity and wit which appeared in his childhood, and did not

desert him on the scaffold. Plays were performed in the archiepiscopal

household at Christmas. On these occasions young More would play the

improvisatore, and introduce an extempore part of his own, more amusing

to the spectators than all the rest of the performance. In due time

Morton sent him to Oxford, where he heard the lectures of Linacer and

Grocyn on the Greek and Latin languages. The epigrams and translations

printed in his works evince his skill in both. After a regular course of

rhetoric, logic, and philosophy, at Oxford, he removed to London, where

he became a law student, first in New Inn, and afterwards in Lincoln’s

Inn. He gained considerable reputation by reading public lectures on

Saint Augustine, De Civitate Dei, at Saint Lawrence’s church in the Old

Jewry. The most learned men in the city of London attended him; among

the rest Grocyn, his lecturer in Greek at Oxford, and a writer against

the doctrines of Wickliff. The object of More’s prolusions was not so

much to discuss points in theology, as to explain the precepts of moral

philosophy, and clear up difficulties in history. For more than three

years after this he was Law-reader at Furnival’s Inn. He next removed to

the Charter-House, where he lived in devotion and prayer; and it is

stated that from the age of twenty he wore a hair-shirt next his skin.

He remained there about four years, without taking the vows, although he

performed all the spiritual exercises of the society, and had a strong

inclination to enter the priesthood. But his spiritual adviser, Dr.

Colet, Dean of St. Paul’s, recommended him to adopt a different course.

On a visit to a gentleman of Essex, by name Colt, he was introduced to

his three daughters, and became attached to the second, who was the

handsomest of the family. But he bethought him that it would be both a

grief and a scandal to the eldest to see her younger sister married

before her. He therefore reconsidered his passion, and from motives of

pity prevailed with himself to be in love with the elder, or at all

events to marry her. Erasmus says that she was young and uneducated, for

which her husband liked her the better, as being more capable of

conforming to his own model of a wife. He had her instructed in

literature, and especially in music.

He continued his study of the law at Lincoln’s Inn, but resided in

Bucklersbury after his marriage. His first wife lived about seven years.

By her he had three daughters and one son; and we are informed by his

son-in-law, Roper, that he brought them up with the most sedulous

attention to their intellectual and moral improvement. It was a quaint

exhortation of his, that they should take virtue and learning for their

meat, and pleasure for their sauce.

In the latter part of King Henry the Seventh’s time, and at a very early

age, More distinguished himself in parliament. The King had demanded a

subsidy for the marriage of his eldest daughter, who was to be the

Scottish Queen. The demand was not complied with. On being told that his

purpose had been frustrated by the opposition of a beardless boy, Henry

was greatly incensed, and determined on revenge. He knew that the actual

offender, not possessing anything, could not lose anything; he therefore

devised a groundless charge against the father, and confined him to the

Tower till he had extorted a fine of £100 for his alleged offence. Fox,

Bishop of Winchester, a privy councillor, insidiously undertook to

reinstate young More in the King’s favour: but the Bishop’s Chaplain

warned him not to listen to any such proposals; and gave a pithy reason

for the advice, highly illustrative of Fox’s real character. “To serve

the King’s purposes, my lord and master will not hesitate to consent to

his own father’s death.” To avoid evil consequences, More determined to

go abroad. With this view, he made himself master of the French

language, and cultivated the liberal sciences, as astronomy, geometry,

arithmetic, and music; he also made himself thoroughly acquainted with

history: but in the mean time the King’s death rendered it safe to

remain in England, and he abandoned all thoughts of foreign travel.

Notwithstanding his practice at the bar, and his lectures, which were

quoted by Lord Coke as undisputed authority, he found leisure for the

pursuits of philosophy and polite literature. In 1516 he wrote his

Utopia, the only one of his works which has commanded much of public

attention in after times. In general they were chiefly of a polemic

kind, in defence of a cause which even his abilities could not make

good. But in this extraordinary work he allowed his powerful mind fair

play, and considered both mankind and religion with the freedom of a

true philosopher. He represents Utopia as one of those countries lately

discovered in America, and the account of it is feigned to be given by a

Portuguese, who sailed in company with the first discoverer of that part

of the world. Under the character of this Portuguese he delivers his own

opinions. His History of Richard III. was never finished, but it is

inserted in Kennet’s Complete History of England. Among his other

eminent acquaintance, he was particularly attached to Erasmus. They had

long corresponded before they were personally known to each other.

Erasmus came to England for the purpose of seeing his friend; and it was

contrived that they should meet at the Lord Mayor’s table before they

were introduced to each other. At dinner they engaged in argument.

Erasmus felt the keenness of his antagonist’s wit; and when hard

pressed, exclaimed, “You are More, or nobody;” the reply was, “You are

Erasmus, or the Devil.”

Before More entered definitively into the service of Henry VIII. his

learning, wisdom, and experience were held in such high estimation, that

he was twice sent on important commercial embassies. His discretion in

those employments made the King desirous of securing him for the service

of the court; and he commissioned Wolsey, then Lord Chancellor, to

engage him. But so little inclined was he to involve himself in

political intrigues, that the King’s wish was not at the time

accomplished. Soon after, More was retained as counsel for the Pope, for

the purpose of reclaiming the forfeiture of a ship. His argument was so

learned, and his conduct in the cause so judicious and upright, that the

ship was restored. The King upon this insisted on having him in his

service; and, as the first step to preferment, made him Master of the

Requests, a Knight and Privy Councillor.

In 1520 he was made Treasurer of the Exchequer: he then bought a house

by the river-side at Chelsea, where he had settled with his family. He

had at that time buried his first wife and was married to a second. He

continued in the King’s service full twenty years, during which time his

royal master conferred with him on various subjects, including

astronomy, geometry, and divinity; and frequently consulted him on his

private concerns. More’s pleasant temper and witty conversation made him

such a favourite at the palace, as almost to estrange him from his own

family; and under these circumstances his peculiar humour manifested

itself; for he so restrained the natural bias of his freedom and mirth

as to render himself a less amusing companion, and at length to be

seldom sent for but on occasions of business.

A more important circumstance gave More much consequence with the King.

The latter was preparing his answer to Luther, and Sir Thomas assisted

him in the controversy. While this was going on, the King one day came

to dine with him; and after dinner walked with him in the garden with

his arm round his neck. After Henry’s departure, Mr. Roper, Sir Thomas’s

son-in-law, remarked on the King’s familiarity, as exceeding even that

used towards Cardinal Wolsey, with whom he had only once been seen to

walk arm in arm. The answer of Sir Thomas was shrewd and almost

prophetic. “I find his Grace my very good lord indeed, and I believe he

doth as singularly favour me as any subject within this realm. However,

Son Roper, I may tell thee, I have no cause to be proud thereof; for if

my head would win him a castle in France it should not fail to go.”

In 1523 he was chosen Speaker of the House of Commons, and displayed

great intrepidity in the discharge of that office. Wolsey was afraid

lest this parliament should refuse a great subsidy about to be demanded,

and announced his intention of being present at the debate. He had

previously expressed his indignation at the publicity given to the

proceedings of the house, which he had compared to the gossip of an

ale-house. Sir Thomas More therefore persuaded the members to admit not

only the Cardinal, but all his pomp; his maces, poll-axes, crosses, hat,

and great seal. The reason he assigned was, that should the like fault

be imputed to them hereafter, they might be able to shift the blame on

the shoulders of his Grace’s attendants. The proposal of the subsidy was

met with the negative of profound silence; and the Speaker declared that

“except every member could put into his one head all their several wits,

he alone in so weighty a matter was unmeet to make his Grace answer.”

After the parliament had broken up, Wolsey expressed his displeasure

against the Speaker in his own gallery at Whitehall; but More, with his

usual quiet humour, parried the attack by a ready compliment to the

taste and splendour of the room in which they were conversing.

On the death of Sir Richard Wingfield, the King promoted Sir Thomas to

the Chancellorship of the Duchy of Lancaster. At this time the see of

Rome became vacant, and Wolsey aspired to the Papacy; but Charles V.

disappointed him, and procured the election of Cardinal Adrian. In

revenge, Wolsey contrived to persuade Henry that Catharine was not his

lawful wife, and endeavoured to turn his affections towards one of the

French King’s sisters. The case was referred to More, who was assisted

by the most learned of the Privy Council; and he managed, difficult as

it must have been to do so, to extricate both himself and his colleagues

from the dilemma. His conduct as ambassador at Cambray, where a treaty

of peace was negotiated between the Emperor, France, and England, so

confirmed the favour of his master towards him, that on the fall of the

Cardinal he was made Lord Chancellor. The great seal was delivered to

him on the 25th of October, 1530. This favour was the more

extraordinary, as he was the first layman on whom it was bestowed: but

it may reasonably be suspected that the private motive was to engage him

in the approval of the meditated divorce. This he probably suspected,

and entered on the office with a full knowledge of the danger to which

it exposed him. He performed the duties of his function for nearly three

years with exemplary diligence, great ability, and uncorrupted

integrity. His resignation took place on the 16th May, 1533. His motive

was supposed to be a regard to his own safety, as he was sensible that a

confirmation of the divorce would be officially required from him, and

he was too conscientious to comply with the mandate of power, against

his own moral and legal convictions.

While Chancellor some of his injunctions were disapproved by the common

law judges. He therefore invited them to dine with him in the council

chamber, and proved to them by professional arguments that their

complaints were unfounded. He then proposed that they should themselves

mitigate the rigour of the law by their own conscientious discretion; in

which case, he would grant no more injunctions. This they refused; and

the consequence was, that he continued that practice in equity which has

come down to the present day.

It was through the intervention of his friend the Duke of Norfolk that

he procured his discharge from the laborious, and under the

circumstances of the time, the dangerous eminence of the chancellorship,

which he quitted in honourable poverty. After the payment of his debts

he had not the value of one hundred pounds in gold and silver, nor more

than twenty marks a year in land. On this occasion his love of a jest

did not desert him. While Chancellor, as soon as the church service was

over, one of his train used to go to his lady’s pew, and say, “Madam, my

Lord is gone!” On the first holiday after his train had been dismissed,

he performed that ceremony himself, and by saying at the end of the

service, “Madam, my Lord is gone,” gave his wife the first intimation

that he had surrendered the great seal.

The Gallery of Portraits: with Memoirs. Volume 2 (of 7) · 第 2 / 19 段