CHAPTER I

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A HISTORY OF SEA POWER

by

WILLIAM OLIVER STEVENS and ALLAN WESTCOTT

Professors in the United States Naval Academy

With Maps, Diagrams, and Illustrations

New York

George H. Doran Company

PREFACE

This volume has been called into being by the absence of any brief

work covering the evolution and influence of sea power from the

beginnings to the present time. In a survey at once so comprehensive

and so short, only the high points of naval history can be touched.

Yet it is the hope of the authors that they have not, for that

reason, slighted the significance of the story. Naval history is

more than a sequence of battles. Sea power has always been a vital

force in the rise and fall of nations and in the evolution of

civilization. It is this significance, this larger, related point

of view, which the authors have tried to make clear in recounting

the story of the sea. In regard to naval principles, also, this

general survey should reveal those unchanging truths of warfare

which have been demonstrated from Salamis to Jutland. The tendency

of our modern era of mechanical development has been to forget the

value of history. It is true that the 16" gun is a great advance

over the 32-pounder of Trafalgar, but it is equally true that the

naval officer of to-day must still sit at the feet of Nelson.

The authors would acknowledge their indebtedness to Professor F.

Wells Williams of Yale, and to the Classical Departments of Harvard

and the University of Chicago for valuable aid in bibliography.

Thanks are due also to Commander C. C. Gill, U. S. N., Captain T. G.

Frothingam, U. S. N. R., Dr. C. Alphonso Smith, and to colleagues of

the Department of English at the Naval Academy for helpful criticism.

As to the "References" at the conclusion of each chapter, it should

be said that they are merely references, not bibliographies. The

titles are recommended to the reader who may wish to study a period

in greater detail, and who would prefer a short list to a complete

bibliography.

WILLIAM OLIVER STEVENS

ALLAN WESTCOTT

United States Naval Academy,

_June_, 1920.

CONTENTS

CHAPTER

I THE BEGINNINGS OF NAVIES

II ATHENS AS A SEA POWER:

1. THE PERSIAN WAR

2. THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR

III THE SEA POWER OF ROME:

1. THE PUNIC WARS

2. THE IMPERIAL NAVY

IV THE NAVIES OF THE MIDDLE AGES:

THE EASTERN EMPIRE

V THE NAVIES OF THE MIDDLE AGES [_Continued_]:

VENICE AND THE TURK

VI OPENING THE OCEAN ROUTES:

1. PORTUGAL AND THE NEW ROUTE TO INDIA

2. SPAIN AND THE NEW WORLD

VII SEA POWER IN THE NORTH:

HOLLAND'S STRUGGLE FOR INDEPENDENCE

VIII ENGLAND AND THE ARMADA

IX RISE OF ENGLISH SEA POWER:

WARS WITH THE DUTCH

X RISE OF ENGLISH SEA POWER [_continued_]:

WARS WITH FRANCE TO THE FRENCH REVOLUTION

XI NAPOLEONIC WARS:

THE FIRST OF JUNE AND CAMPERDOWN

XII NAPOLEONIC WARS [_Continued_]:

THE RISE OF NELSON

XIII NAPOLEONIC WARS [_Concluded_]:

TRAFALGAR AND AFTER

XIV REVOLUTION IN NAVAL WARFARE:

HAMPTON ROADS AND LISSA

XV RIVALRY FOR WORLD POWER

XVI THE WORLD WAR:

THE FIRST YEAR

XVII THE WORLD WAR [_Continued_]:

THE BATTLE OF JUTLAND

XVIII THE WORLD WAR [_Concluded_]:

COMMERCE WARFARE

XIX CONCLUSION

INDEX

MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS

EGYPTIAN SHIP

SCENE OF ANCIENT SEA POWER

GREEK WAR GALLEY

GREEK MERCHANT SHIP

ROUTE OF XERXES' FLEET TO BATTLE OF SALAMIS

SCENE OF PRELIMINARY NAVAL OPERATIONS, CAMPAIGN OF SALAMIS

THE BATTLE OF SALAMIS, 480 B. C.

THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE AT ITS HEIGHT--ABOUT 450 B. C.

SCENE OF PHORMIO'S CAMPAIGN

BATTLE OF THE CORINTHIAN GULF, 429 B. C.

SCENE OF THE PUNIC WARS

ROMAN FORMATION AT ECNOMUS

CARTHAGINIAN TACTICS AT THE BATTLE OF ECNOMUS, 256 B. C.

POINTS OF INTEREST IN THE FIRST PUNIC WAR

SCENE OF BATTLE OF ACTIUM, 31 B. C.

THE SARACEN EMPIRE AT ITS HEIGHT, ABOUT 715 A. D.

EUROPE'S EASTERN FRONTIER

CONSTANTINOPLE AND VICINITY

THEATER OF OPERATIONS, VENICE AND THE TURK

16TH CENTURY GALLEY

BATTLE OF LEPANTO, OCTOBER 7, 1571

CROSS-STAFF

THE KNOWN AND UNKNOWN WORLD IN 1450

PORTUGUESE VOYAGES AND POSSESSIONS

FLAGSHIP OF COLUMBUS

CHART OF A. D. 1589

THE NETHERLANDS IN THE 16TH CENTURY

GALLEON

CRUISE OF THE SPANISH ARMADA

ORIGINAL "EAGLE" FORMATION OF THE ARMADA

THE COURSE OF THE ARMADA UP THE CHANNEL

SCENE OF THE PRINCIPAL NAVAL ACTIONS OF THE 17TH CENTURY

BETWEEN ENGLAND AND HOLLAND AND ENGLAND AND FRANCE

THE BATTLE OF PORTLAND, FEBRUARY 18, 1653

THE THAMES ESTUARY

THREE-DECKED SHIP OF THE LINE, 18TH CENTURY

THE WEST INDIES

SCENE OF THE YORKTOWN CAMPAIGN

BATTLE OF THE VIRGINIA CAPES, SEPTEMBER 5, 1781

BATTLE OF THE SAINTS' PASSAGE, APRIL 12, 1782

BATTLE OF THE FIRST OF JUNE, 1794

BATTLE OF CAMPERDOWN, OCTOBER 11, 1797

BATTLE OF CAPE ST. VINCENT, FEBRUARY 14, 1797

THE NILE CAMPAIGN, MAY-AUGUST, 1798

COAST MAP--FROM ALEXANDRIA TO ROSETTA MOUTH OF THE NILE

BATTLE OF THE NILE

BATTLE OF COPENHAGEN

POSITION OF BRITISH AND ENEMY SHIPS, MARCH, 1805

NELSON'S PURSUIT OF VILLENEUVE

NELSON'S VICTORY

BATTLE OF TRAFALGAR, OCTOBER 21, 1805

TRAFALGAR, ABOUT 12:30

EARLY IRONCLADS

BUSHNELL'S TURTLE

FULTON'S NAUTILUS

BATTLE OF LISSA, JULY 20, 1866

BATTLE OF THE YALU, SEPTEMBER 17, 1894

APPROACHES TO MANILA

BATTLE OF MANILA, MAY 1, 1898

WEST INDIES--MOVEMENTS IN SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN

BATTLE OF SANTIAGO, JULY 3, 1898

THEATER OF OPERATIONS, RUSSO-JAPANESE WAR

HARBOR OF PORT ARTHUR

ROJDESTVENSKY'S CRUISE, OCTOBER 18, 1904-MAY 27, 1905

BATTLE OF TSUSHIMA, MAY 27, 1905

HELIGOLAND BIGHT ACTION

HELIGOLAND BIGHT ACTION, FINAL PHASE, 12:30-1:40

BATTLE OF CORONEL, NOVEMBER 1, 1914

ADMIRAL VON SPEE'S MOVEMENTS

BATTLE OF FALKLAND ISLANDS, DECEMBER 8, 1914

THE CRUISE OF THE EMDEN, SEPTEMBER 1-NOVEMBER 9, 1914

THEATER OF OPERATIONS, IN THE NORTH SEA

DOGGER BANK ACTION, JANUARY 24, 1915

THE APPROACHES TO CONSTANTINOPLE

DARDANELLES DEFENSES

CRUISING FORMATION OF THE BRITISH BATTLE FLEET

BEATTY'S CRUISING FORMATION

TYPE OF GERMAN BATTLE CRUISER: THE DERFLINGER

TYPE OF BRITISH BATTLE CRUISER: THE LION

BATTLE OF JUTLAND: FIRST PHASE

TYPE OF BRITISH BATTLESHIP: THE IRON DUKE

BATTLE OF JUTLAND: SECOND AND THIRD PHASES

TYPE OF GERMAN BATTLESHIP: THE KOENIG

EFFECTS OF THE BLOCKADE OF GERMANY

GERMAN BARRED ZONES

OCEAN-GOING TYPES OF GERMAN SUBMARINES

OSTEND-ZEEBRUGGE AREA

ZEEBRUGGE HARBOR WITH GERMAN DEFENSES AND BRITISH BLOCKSHIPS

BRITISH, ALLIED AND NEUTRAL MERCHANT SHIPS DESTROYED BY

GERMAN RAIDERS, SUBMARINES AND MINES

A HISTORY OF SEA POWER

CHAPTER I

THE BEGINNINGS OF NAVIES

Civilization and sea power arose from the Mediterranean, and the

progress of recent archeological research has shown that civilizations

and empires had been reared in the Mediterranean on sea power long

before the dawn of history. Since the records of Egypt are far

better preserved than those of any other nation of antiquity, and

the discovery of the Rosetta stone has made it possible to read

them, we know most about the beginnings of civilization in Egypt.

We know, for instance, that an Egyptian king some 2000 years before

Christ possessed a fleet of 400 fighting ships. But it appears

now that long before this time the island of Crete was a great

naval and commercial power, that in the earliest dynasties of Egypt

Cretan fleets were carrying on a commerce with the Nile valley.

Indeed, the Cretans may have taught the Egyptians something of the

art of building sea-going ships for trade and war.[1] At all events,

Crete may be regarded as the first great sea power of history, an

island empire like Great Britain to-day, extending its influence

from Sicily to Palestine and dominating the eastern Mediterranean

for many centuries. From recent excavations of the ancient capital

we get an interesting light on the old Greek legends of the Minotaur

and the Labyrinth, going back to the time when the island kingdom

levied tribute, human as well as monetary, on its subject cities

throughout the Ægean.

[Footnote 1: It is interesting to note that the earliest empires,

Assyria and Egypt, were not naval powers, because they arose in rich

river valleys abundantly capable of sustaining their inhabitants.

They did not need to command the sea.]

On this sea power Crete reared an astonishingly advanced civilization.

Until recent times, for instance, the Phœnicians had been credited

with the invention of the alphabet. We know now that 1000 years

before the Phœnicians began to write the Cretans had evolved a

system of written characters--as yet undeciphered--and a decimal

system for numbers. A correspondingly high stage of excellence

had been reached in engineering, architecture, and the fine arts,

and even in decay Crete left to Greece the tradition of mastery

in laws and government.

[Illustration: EGYPTIAN SHIP

From Torr, _Ancient Ships_.]

The power of Crete was already in its decline centuries before

the Trojan War, but during a thousand years it had spread its own

and Egyptian culture over the shores of the Ægean. The destruction

of the island empire in about 1400 B.C. apparently was due to some

great disaster that destroyed her fleet and left her open to invasion

by a conquering race--probably the Greeks--who ravaged her cities

by sword and fire. On account of her commanding position in the

Mediterranean, Crete might again have risen to sea power but for

the endless civil wars that marked her subsequent history.

The successor to Crete as mistress of the sea was Phœnicia. The

Phœnicians, oddly enough, were a Semitic people, a nomadic race

with no traditions of the sea whatever. When, however, they migrated

to the coast and settled, they found themselves in a narrow strip

of coast between a range of mountains and the sea. The city of Tyre

itself was erected on an island. Consequently these descendants of

herdsmen were compelled to find their livelihood upon the sea--as

were the Venetians and the Dutch in later ages--and for several

hundred years they maintained their control of the ocean highways.

The Phœnicians were not literary, scientific, or artistic; they

were commercial. Everything they did was with an eye to business.

They explored the Mediterranean and beyond for the sake of tapping

new sources of wealth, they planted colonies for the sake of having

trading posts on their routes, and they developed fighting ships for

the sake of preserving their trade monopolies. Moreover, Phœnicia

lay at the end of the Asiatic caravan routes. Hence Phœnician ships

received the wealth of the Nile valley and Mesopotamia and distributed

it along the shores of the Mediterranean. Phœnician ships also

uncovered the wealth of Spain and the North African coast, and,

venturing into the Atlantic, drew metals from the British Isles.

According to Herodotus, a Phœnician squadron circumnavigated Africa

at the beginning of the seventh century before Christ, completing

the voyage in three years. We should know far more now of the extent

of the explorations made by these master mariners of antiquity

were it not for the fact that they kept their trade routes secret

as far as possible in order to preserve their trade monopoly.

In developing and organizing these trade routes the Phœnicians

planted colonies on the islands of the Mediterranean,--Sicily,

Sardinia, Corsica, and Malta. They held both shores of the Straits

of Gibraltar, and on the Atlantic shores of Spain established posts

at Cadiz and Tarshish, the latter commonly supposed to have been

situated just north of Cadiz at the mouth of the Guadalquivir River.

Cadiz was their distributing point for the metals of northern Spain

and the British Isles. The most famous colony was Carthage, situated

near the present city of Tunis. Carthage was founded during the first

half of the ninth century before Christ, and on the decay of the

parent state became in turn mistress of the western Mediterranean,

holding sway until crushed by Rome in the Punic Wars.

Of the methods of the Phœnicians and their colonists in establishing

trade with primitive peoples, we get an interesting picture from

Herodotus,[1] who describes how the Carthaginians conducted business

with barbarous tribes on the northern coast of Africa.

[Footnote 1: HISTORY, translated by Geo. Rawlinson, vol. III, p.

144.]

[Illustration: SCENE OF ANCIENT SEA POWER]

"When they (the Carthaginian traders) arrive, forthwith they unload

their wares, and having disposed them in orderly fashion on the

beach, leave them, and returning aboard their ships, raise a great

smoke. The natives, when they see the smoke, came dawn to the shore,

and laying out to view so much gold as they think the wares to be

worth, withdraw to a distance. The Carthaginians upon this come

ashore and look. If they think the gold enough, they take it up and

go their way; but if it does not seem sufficient they go aboard

their ships once more and wait patiently. Then the others approach

and add to the gold till the Carthaginians are satisfied. Neither

party deals unfairly with the other; for the Carthaginians never

touch the gold till it comes up to the estimated value of their

goods, nor do the natives ever carry off the goads till the gold

has been taken away."

In addition to the enormous profits of the carrying trade the Phœnicians

had a practical monopoly of the famous "Tyrian dyes," which were in

great demand throughout the known world. These dyes were obtained

from two kinds of shellfish together with an alkali prepared from

seaweed. Phœnicians were also pioneers in the art of making glass.

It is not hard to understand, therefore, how Phœnicia grew so

extraordinarily rich as to rouse the envy of neighboring rulers,

and to maintain themselves the traders of Tyre and Sidon had to

develop fighting fleets as well as trading fleets.

Early in Egyptian history the distinction was made between the

"round" ships of commerce and the "long" ships of war. The round

ship, as the name suggests, was built for cargo capacity rather

than for speed. It depended on sail, with the oars as auxiliaries.

The long ship was designed for speed, depending on oars and using

sail only as auxiliary. And while the round ship was of deep draft

and rode to anchor, the shallow flat-bottomed long ships were drawn

up on shore. The Phœnicians took the Egyptian and Cretan models

and improved them. They lowered the bows of the fighting ships,

added to the blunt ram a beak near the water's edge, and strung

the shields of the fighting men along the bulwarks to protect the

rowers. To increase the driving force and the speed, they added a

second and then a third bank of oars, thus producing the "bireme" and

the "trireme." These were the types they handed down to the Greeks,

and in fact there was little advance made beyond the Phœnician war

galley during all the subsequent centuries of the Age of the Oar.

About the beginning of the seventh century before Christ the Phœnicians

had reached the summit of their power on the seas. Their extraordinary

wealth tempted the king of Assyria, in 725 B.C., to cross the mountain

barrier with a great army. He had no difficulty in overrunning the

country, but the inhabitants fled to their colonies. The great

city of Tyre, being on an island, defied the invader, and finally

the Assyrian king gave up and withdrew to his own country. Having

realized at great cost that he could not subdue the Phœnicians

without a navy, he set about finding one. By means of bribes and

threats he managed to seduce three Phœnician cities to his side.

These furnished him sixty ships officered by Phœnicians, but manned

by Assyrian crews.

With this fleet an attack was made on Tyre, but such was the contempt

felt by the Tyrians for their enemy that they held only twelve ships

for defense. These twelve went out against the sixty, utterly routed

them, and took 500 prisoners. For five years longer the Assyrian

king maintained a siege of Tyre from the mainland, attempting to

keep the city from its source of fresh water, but as the Tyrians

had free command of the sea, they had no difficulty in getting

supplies of all kinds from their colonies. At the end of five years

the Assyrians again returned home, defeated by the Phœnician control

of the sea. When, twenty years later, Phœnicia was subjugated by

Assyria, it was due to the lack of union among the scattered cities

and colonies of the great sea empire. Widely separated, governed

by their own princes, the individual colonies had too little sense

of loyalty for the mother country. Each had its own fleets and its

own interests; in consequence an Assyrian fleet was able to destroy

the Phœnician fleets in detail. From this point till the rise of

Athens as a sea power, the fleets of Phœnicia still controlled the

sea, but they served the plans of conquest of alien rulers.

As a dependency of Persia, Phœnicia enabled Cambyses to conquer

Egypt. However, when the Phœnician fleet was ordered to subjugate

Carthage, already a strong power in the west, the Phœnicians refused

on the ground of the kinship between Carthage and Phœnicia. And

the help of Phœnicia was so essential to the Persian monarch that

he countermanded the order. Indeed the relation of Phœnicia to

Persia amounted to something more nearly like that of an ally than

a conquered province, for it was to the interests of Persia to

keep the Phœnicians happy and loyal.

When, in 498 B.C., the Greeks of Asia and the neighboring islands

revolted, it was due chiefly to the loyalty of the Phœnicians that the

Persian empire was saved. Thereafter, the Persian yoke was fastened

on the Asiatic Greeks, and any prospect of a Greek civilization

developing on the eastern shore of the Ægean was destroyed.

[Illustration: GREEK WAR GALLEY

From Torr, _Ancient Ships_.]

But on the western shore lay flourishing Greek cities still independent

of Persian rule. Moreover, the coastal towns like Corinth and Athens

were developing considerable power on the sea, and it was evident

that unless European Greece were subdued it would stand as a barrier

between Persia and the western Mediterranean. Darius perceived the

situation and prepared to destroy these Greek states before they

should become too formidable. The story of this effort, ending at

Salamis and Platea, and breaking for all time the power of Persia,

belongs in the subsequent chapter that narrates the rise and fall

of Athens as a sea power.

At this point, it is worth pausing to consider in detail the war

galley which the Phœnicians had developed and which they handed

down to the Greeks at this turning point in the world's history.

The bireme and the trireme were adopted by the Greeks, apparently

without alteration, save that at Salamis the Greek galleys were

said to have been more strongly built and to have presented a lower

freeboard than those of the Phœnicians. A hundred years later,

about 330 B.C., the Greeks developed the four-banked ship, and

Alexander of Macedon is said to have maintained on the Euphrates

a squadron of seven-banked ships. In the following century the

Macedonians had ships of sixteen banks of oars, and this was probably

the limit for sea-going ships in antiquity. These multiple banked

ships must have been most unhandy, for a reversal of policy set in

till about the beginning of the Christian era the Romans had gone

back to two-banked ships. In medieval times war galleys reverted

to a single row of oars on each side, but required four or five

men to every oar.

[Illustration: GREEK MERCHANT SHIP

From Torr, _Ancient Ships_.]

At the time of the Persian war the trireme was the standard type of

warship, as it had been for the hundred years before, and continued

to be during the hundred years that followed. In fact, the name

trireme was used loosely for all ships of war whether they had two

banks of oars or three. But the fleets that fought in the Persian

war and in the Peloponnesian war were composed of three-banked ships,

and fortunately we have in the records of the Athenian dockyards

accurate information as to structural detail.

The Athenian trireme was about 150 feet in length with a beam of 20

feet. The beam was therefore only 2/15 of the length. (A merchant

ship of the same period was about 180 feet long with a beam of 1/4

its length.) The trireme was fitted with one mast and square sail,

the latter being used only when the wind was fair, as auxiliary

to the oars, especially when it needed to retire from battle. In

fact, the phrase "hoist the sail" came to be used colloquially

like our "turn tail" as a term for running away.

The triremes carried two sails, usually made of linen, a larger

one used in cruising and a smaller one for emergency in battle.

Before action it was customary to stow the larger sail on shore,

and the mast itself was lowered to prevent its snapping under the

shock of ramming.

The forward part of the trireme was constructed with a view to

effectiveness in ramming. Massive catheads projected far enough to

rip away the upper works of an enemy, while the bronze beak at the

waterline drove into her hull. This beak, or ram, was constructed

of a core of timber heavily sheathed with bronze, presenting three

teeth. Although the ram was the prime weapon of the ship, it often

became so badly wrenched in collision as to start the whole forward

part of the vessel leaking.

The rowers were seated on benches fitted into a rectangular structure

inside the hull. These benches were so compactly adjusted that

the naval architects allowed only two feet of freeboard for every

bank of oars. Thus the Roman quinquiremes of the Punic wars stood

only about ten feet above water. The covering of this rectangular

structure formed a sort of hurricane deck, standing about three

feet above the gangway that ran around the ship at about the level

of the bulwarks. This gangway and upper deck formed the platform

for the fighting men in battle. Sometimes the open space between

the hurricane deck and the gangway was fenced in with shields or

screens to protect the rowers of the uppermost bank of oars from

the arrows and javelins of the enemy.

The complement of a trireme amounted to about 200 men. The captain,

or "trierarch," commanded implicit obedience. Under him were a

sailing master, various petty officers, sailors, soldiers or marines,

and oarsmen.

The trireme expanded in later centuries to the quinquereme: upper

works were added and a second mast, but in essentials it was the

same type of war vessel that dominated the Mediterranean for three

thousand years--an oar driven craft that attempted to disable its

enemy by ramming or breaking away the oars. After contact the fighting

was of a hand to hand character such as prevailed in battles on

land. These characteristics were as true of the galley of Lepanto

(1571 A.D.) as of the trireme of Salamis (480 B.C.). Of the three

cardinal virtues of the fighting ship, mobility, seaworthiness,

and ability to keep the sea, or cruising radius, the oar-driven

type possessed only the first. It was fast, it could hold position

accurately, it could spin about almost on its own axis, but it was

so frail that it had to run for shelter before a moderate wind

and sea. In consequence naval operations were limited to the summer

months. As to its cargo capacity, it was so small that it was unable

to carry provisions to sustain its own crew for more than a few

days. As a rule the trireme was beached at night, with the crew

sleeping on shore, and as far as possible the meals were cooked

and eaten on shore. In the battle of Ægospotami (405 B.C.), for

example, the Spartans fell upon the Athenians when their ships

were drawn up on the beach and the crews were cooking their dinner.

Moreover, the factors of speed and distance were both limited by

the physical fatigue of the oarsmen. In the language of to-day,

therefore, the oar-driven man-of-war had a small "cruising radius."

This dependence on the land and this sensitiveness to weather are

important facts in ancient naval history. It is fair to say that

storms did far more to destroy fleets and naval expeditions than

battles during the entire age of the oar. The opposite extreme

was reached in Nelson's day. His lumbering ships of the line made

wretched speed and straggling formations, but they were able to

weather a hurricane and to keep the sea for an indefinite length

of time.

As a final word on the beginnings of navies, emphasis should be

laid on the enormous importance of these early mariners, such as

the Cretans and the Phœnicians, as builders of civilization. The

venturesome explorer who brought his ship into some uncharted port

not only opened up a new source of wealth but also established a

reciprocal relation that quickened civilization at both ends of

his route. The cargo ships that left the Nile delta distributed the

arts of Egypt as well as its wheat, and the richest civilization of

the ancient world, that of Greece, rose on foundation stones brought

from Egypt, Assyria, and Phœnicia. It may be said of Phœnicia herself

that she built-up her advanced culture on ideas borrowed almost

wholly from her customers. But control of the seas for trade involved

control of the seas for war, and behind the merchantman stood the

trireme. It is significant and appropriate that a Phœnician coin

that has come down to us bears the relief of a ship of war.

In contrast with these early sea explorers and sea fighters stand

the peoples of China and India. Having reached a high state of

culture at an early period, they nevertheless, sought no contact

with the world outside and became stagnant for thousands of years.

Indeed, among the Hindus the crossing of the sea was a crime to be

expiated only by the most agonizing penance. Hence these peoples

of Asia, the most numerous in the world, exercised no influence

on the development of civilization compared with a mere handful

of people in Crete or the island city of Tyre. And for the same

reason China and India ceased to progress and became for centuries

mere backwaters of history.

It is worth noting also that the Mediterranean, leading westwards

from the early developed nations of Asia Minor and Egypt, opened

a westward course to the advance of discovery and colonization,

and this trend continued as the Pillars of Hercules led to the

Atlantic and eventually to the new world. For every nation that

bordered the Mediterranean illimitable highways opened out for

expansion, provided it possessed the stamina and the skill to win

them. And in those days they were practically the only highways.

Frail as the early ships were and great as were the perils they

had to face, communications by water were far centuries faster

and safer than communications by land. Hence civilization followed

the path of the sea. Even in these early beginnings it is easy

to see that sea-borne commerce leads to the founding of colonies

and the formation of an empire whose parts are linked together

by trade routes, and finally, that the preservation of such an

empire depends an the naval control of sea. This was as true of

Crete and Phœnicia as it was later true of Venice, Holland, and

England.

REFERENCES

THE SEA KINGS OF CRETE, J. Baikie, 1910.

PHœNICIA, Story of the Nations Series, George Rawlinson, 1895.

THE SAILING SHIP, E. Keble Chatterton, 1909.

SHIPS AND THEIR WAYS OF OTHER DAYS, E. Keble Chatterton, 1913.

ANCIENT SHIPS, Cecil Torr, 1894.

ARCHEOLOGIE NAVALE, Auguste Jal, 1840.

THE PREHISTORIC NAVAL ARCHITECTURE OF THE NORTH OF EUROPE,

G. H. Buhmer, in Report of the U. S. National Museum, 1893.

This article contains a complete bibliography on the subject of

ancient ships.

SEA POWER AND FREEDOM (chap. 2), Gerard Fiennes, 1918.

A History of Sea Power · 第 1 / 19 章