LATER DAYS
With advancing years comes a change in the point of view, for
anticipation contracts even more than retrospect expands. Associates of
early days have passed away, and where I was once one of a battalion,
to-day I am only a survivor of the old guard. This is not a cause for
sadness, but an incentive to take the best of what remains of life,
though at times chills and other ills, including doctors, drugs, and
income-tax, do their best to depress the survivor. It has been said to
be a characteristic of Irish humour that tears are very near the
laughter, and sometimes the unshed tears over lost opportunities must be
the chief bitterness of age--one which I have been mercifully spared.
After all, youth may round the world away, as Charles Kingsley wrote;
but when the wheels are run down, to find at home the face I loved when
all was young is the blessing of life, and when, at our golden wedding,
our children called us Darby and Joan, I am sure my wife and I were
quite willing to answer to the names.
This was happiness very different to that of George IV., who, when the
death of Napoleon was announced to him in the words:--
'Sir, your great enemy is dead,' exclaimed:--
'Is she? By Gad!' thinking it was his wife.
I remember an amusing case that occurred in our own family. One of my
kith and kin, who had been married in the year of the battle of
Waterloo, died at the ripe old age of a hundred and three.
There was a faithful old fellow on the estate who was much attached to
her, and this was his view, just before her end:--
'I am sorry to hear the old mistress is dying, very sorry indeed, for
she's been a good mistress to us all. Maybe if she had taken snuff she'd
have lived to a good old age,' which suggests wonder as to what his
conception of longevity really was. Probably the famous Countess of
Desmond, who died from the effects of a fall from a cherry-tree in her
one hundred and fortieth year, would have satisfied him.
I have already observed that much of my later years has been spent, much
against my will, in London, and no portion of this period was so
satisfactory to me as my friendship with Mr. J.A. Froude, which I regard
as one of the privileges of my life.
My first acquaintance with him was in consequence of reading his
_English in Ireland_, which I found so accurate and informative that I
wrote to ask him for an interview. I came to like him very much, not
only because he was the most gifted writer I have met, but also because
he understood Ireland better than any other Englishman.
My first conversation with him was in his house in Onslow Gardens, and
there I very frequently sat for hours with him, and he also presented me
with copies of all his books, with an autograph letter on the fly-leaf
of each. I think the recent Land Purchase Act, having been followed by
increased agitation for Home Rule in Ireland, bears out what he said
about the folly of trying to reconcile the irreconcilables, and also
bears out what Lord Morris called the 'criminal idiotcy' of attempting
to satisfy eighty Irish members, forty of whom would have to starve
directly they were satisfied.
So far as I am aware, Mr. Froude never contemplated standing for
Parliament, which would not have been a congenial atmosphere for him,
though I am convinced he would have made more mark at Westminster than
his friend Mr. Lecky, whom I never had the pleasure of meeting.
People to-day seem to regard Mr. Froude simply as the Boswell of
Carlyle, and, forgetting his own great services to historical
literature, degrade him to the mere chronicler of the bilious sage of
Chelsea. This is absolutely a distortion of fact, and one calculated to
do injury to the memory of both these famous men. Therefore it may be of
real utility to state that during my long and very intimate acquaintance
with Mr. Froude, he never mentioned the name of Carlyle to me but once,
and that was to describe a conversation between Lord Wolseley and
Carlyle, which dealt with the contemporary situation in Ireland. There
was, therefore, nothing to show me that my friend 'was utterly absorbed
in the Carlyles, and had no thought for any one else.' On the contrary,
he was a man full of keen interests, of which they were only one, and,
as far as I saw, an entirely subordinate one. He was a broad-minded man,
who hated petty misconception or a narrow view of anything, and he would
have been horrified at the prurient indecency with which the most
private affairs of the Carlyles have been exposed and distorted to
please a public which really has a higher moral tone than is possessed
by those who have gibbeted the defenceless dead.
Mr. Froude was not addicted to talking much about his own works, but I
remember his telling me that _Oceana_ had paid him best of them all, and
I think his view therein that the colonies will recede from England when
they are strong enough, following the example of the United States, is
accurate. Just tax Canada as Ireland has been taxed, and see how long
the Canadians will be contented. The ministers of George III. tried that
policy on the United States with the result that, before many years,
George had to receive the Plenipotentiary Minister of dominions over
which he himself had once reigned. It is absurd to compare Ireland with
Yorkshire, as has been done, for Ireland once had a separate Parliament,
and the Union was a matter of agreement, the outcome of which was that
Mr. Childers's Commission found she was taxed three millions more than
she should have been. The colonies are on the alert, with all the rather
irritable uppishness of youth on the verge of manhood, and their younger
generations are sure to take full advantage of any tactless conduct of
the British Government. Such was Froude's view, and nothing has happened
since his death to shake its inherent probability. The waves of Imperial
patriotism in war time go for very little, for Ireland is admittedly
disloyal, and yet Irish soldiers and Irish regiments were absolutely the
most successful in South Africa.
When the Government was introducing some quack measure into Ireland,
Froude wrote to me:--
'I see they are putting some fresh sticks under the Irish pot, so it
will soon boil over.'
Which it did, with a vengeance.
To the end of his days Froude was a great reader, but his interest in
Church affairs and in ecclesiastical differences had completely died
away. He told me that the most accurate man of business of any period
was Philip of Spain, and that his notes and memoranda were a marvel of
practical aptitude. He derived the chief information for his _History of
England_ from Spanish despatches, and would to-day have benefited
considerably by the translations of Major Martin Hume.
Personally Froude had no cranks; his disposition was most urbane, whilst
he was very neat in his appearance and also in his handwriting. It would
certainly be of interest to give a few of his racy letters, too often
undated, which I have preserved. Unfortunately, his executors firmly
refuse the necessary legal consent, so that I am compelled to make my
book irreparably the poorer by omitting what should have been one of its
most attractive contents. In justice to Froude's memory, I ought to add
that there was nothing in his correspondence with me that would have
diminished his high repute. I mention this because otherwise busybodies
might have misinterpreted the arbitrary action of his executors to the
detriment of his fame.
A later friendship than that with Froude also must have a sincere
allusion in these pages, for I have derived much pleasure from my
association with Sir Henry Howorth, a ripe old lawyer of Portuguese
extraction, who has rendered valuable political service by his polemical
letters to the _Times_, on which I can pass a most favourable opinion.
His histories of the Mongols, the Mammoth, and the Flood are possibly
more permanent, but they are not of such contemporary note. At any rate,
I respect them from a distance, whilst I admire the political effusions
as the capital work of a comrade under arms, and one who is not afraid
to verbally bludgeon any formidable contemporary Hooligans.
Sir Henry Howorth occasionally breaks out into a story, though he is
more frequently a listener to mine. This is one of his that I happen to
recall:--
The Mayor of Richmond gave a dinner, at which a distinguished Frenchman
sat next the Mayor's son, and on replying for the guests in imperfect
English, observed:--
'I am vary happy to be here, and to meet my young friend, who is a sheep
of the old bloke,' meaning, of course, a chip of the old block.
I plead guilty to have materially increased the interest felt by Sir
Henry in Irish affairs, which is not diminished by the fact that a niece
of Lord Ashbourne is married to his son.
I think it was to him that I recommended another panacea for the evils
of Ireland, namely, that it would be a good plan to exchange Ireland for
Holland, for the Dutch would reclaim Ireland, and the Irish would
neglect the banks of Holland, with the eventual result that the living
Irish question would be washed away.
Just now I alluded to a mayor, which reminds me of a story about an
Irish mayoress. As his Majesty has by this time been entertained at
several Corporation luncheons, it is not invidious to give the tale.
The Mayoress, who was the heroine of the festal occasion in question,
felt completely overpowered by the royal society in which she found
herself, and when seated at the meal next to the King, was absolutely
unable to articulate any reply at all to the observations he addressed
to her, so eventually he gave her up, and turned his colloquial
attentions to the lady on the other side.
After a while, fortified by the champagne, the Mayoress grew more
courageous, and, admiring the gentleman in full uniform on her right,
said to him:--
'Might I be so bowld as to ask whether you are Lord Plunket?'
'No,' he replied, with a smile, 'I am not.'
'Would you mind telling me who you are, for I'm sure I don't know?'
'I am the Duke of Connaught,' complaisantly replied her neighbour, upon
which she gasped:--'Oh, God in Heaven, another of them!' and subsided
into unbroken silence for the rest of the repast.
Another amusing case of mistaken identity occurred when Mr. Gladstone
was concocting his treasonable Home Rule Bill. He had been informed that
Lord Clonbrook would be able to give him invaluable information, so he
told his wife to ask him to luncheon. She, however, mistaking the name,
invited the late Lord Clonmel, a jovial sportsman known to his friends
by the nickname of 'Old Sherry.'
Somewhat surprised at being thus honoured, Lord Clonmel consulted a few
cronies, who all advised him to accept, and in due course he proceeded
to Downing Street, where he found the French Ambassador was the only
other guest. It is possible that Mr. Gladstone thought him a little odd
and his attire somewhat demonstrative, but he was prepared for any
eccentricity in an Irish peer, and hardly noticed how excellently his
guest was doing justice to the meal, whilst preserving impenetrable
silence. Directly it was over, the Prime Minister took him apart, and
said:--'Now I want you, privately and confidentially, to give me your
view of the exact relation between landlord and tenant in Ireland.'
'Absolute hell, my dear boy, absolute hell,' was the emphatic reply of
the old sportsman.
That confidential conversation went no further; but I have never been
sure that Lord Clonmel in the least overstated the case.
This renewed allusion to the lower regions that appears so closely
connected with Irish affairs reminds me of an amusing incident which
took place in a Dublin tram. Two members of the fair sex were discussing
their plans for the summer in the interior of a car, and one of them in
a mincing brogue said to the other:--
'I think I shall go to England this summer; it is so difficult in
Ireland to get away from the vulgar Irish.'
'Faix,' screamed in much indignation an old Biddy sitting opposite, 'if
it's the vulgar Irish you want to avoid, and the English you want to be
meeting, it's to hell you must go, and you'd better go there this
summer.'
That's the sort of quick retort which a Scotchman calls Irish insolence,
but then, who expects appreciation of real wit from any one canny? Wit
is irresponsible, a truly Irish propensity.
The two mincing young women were almost as much disgusted as another old
lady who found herself opposite a stalwart working man, who incensed her
by his frequent expectoration. Gathering her skirts round her somewhat
ample form, she called the conductor and asked:--
'Is spitting allowed in this tram?'
'By all manes, me lady,' was the gallant reply, 'shpit anywhere you
like.'
While alluding to trams, I cannot forbear relating one other Dublin
tale, which Lord Morris picked up from me and was fond of telling. Its
brief course runs thus:--
'Would you tell me, if you plaze, where I'll find the Blackrock tram?'
asked a fussy little old woman of a policeman, busily engaging in
manoeuvring the traffic of a crowded street.
'In wan minute you'll find it in the shmall of your back,' was the
laconic reply.
The mere allusion to a query suggests how the British tourist invariably
starts trying to discuss the Irish question directly he is across the
Channel, and the insoluble part to any Saxon is that half the Irish do
not seem to desire a solution at all.
'What a fine country this would be if it were peaceful,' observed a
thoughtful Britisher, with a Cook's ticket in his pocket, on Killarney
Lake.
'Peace! What would we do with it?' was the scornful reply of his
boatman, surprised for once into ejaculating the truth.
Some landlords know how hopeless it is to attempt to prevail against
these sons of our epoch.
'It has been of no use to hold up a candle to the hydra-headed devil,'
said one landlord to me about his tenants, 'for affability is more
expensive than absenteeism. If I say, "Good morning, Tom," the fellow
expects twenty per cent. off the rent, and "How's your family?" is
considered to imply forty per cent, abatement'--and that cannot be
called putting a premium on good fellowship from the landlord's point of
view.
I have not said much about the way in which the Irish in America foster
insurrection, because it does not come within my own province. But I
have before me the type-written essay on the subject composed by a Kerry
landlord, who, in his lifetime, had exceptional opportunities of judging
of this in New York, and from it I am tempted to take a few sentences as
the manuscript is never likely to see the light of print.
'There are three distinct types of the Irish-American Home Ruler, who
have been and are even now supporting with their dollars or their
eloquence, the "Irish Cause" as it is somewhat vaguely termed
throughout the United States. They can be distinguished as follows:--
'1. The American--born Irishman of immediate Irish descent.
'2. The native Irishman who has emigrated from Ireland.
'3. The American Irish-American of long American descent, who, though
not inheriting a drop of Irish blood, is yet a vigorous if not
obstreperous ally of the Irish party in America. This last is the most
striking of the three, as on the face of it, he would not appear to
have any logical _raison d'être_ as a political entity, but in reality
exerts a powerful influence in favour of "the Cause."
'One phase of the methods favoured by Irish-American Home Rulers is the
ingenuity with which cable reports, as printed in the newspapers, are
utilised for platform purposes. Let an account be flashed under the
Atlantic descriptive of some agrarian demonstration in Ireland, which
having been declared illegal, is dispersed by military. Forthwith the
opportunity is seized, and on some public platform or at some big
banquet, the fervid orator poses as the champion of human liberty.
"Another British outrage upon the Irish people! A brutal and licentious
soldiery let loose to gag free speech and prevent, at the point of the
bayonet, the exercise of the rights of freeman. Thank God, that you and
I my Irish-American fellow-citizens, are living in this glorious
republic, where such things are impossible!"
'After hearing this amazing outburst, it is well to recall actual facts,
and compare the methods of suppressing riots in the United States and
the United Kingdom. For example, on July 12, 1871, a number of Orangemen
had organised a procession through the principal thoroughfares of New
York, which was resented by a large contingent of Catholic Irishmen, and
on a violent collision ensuing, the State militia was called out to
restore order, a task they most effectually accomplished by firing
volleys into the crowd of belligerents. The citizen soldiery of America
are accustomed to adopt summary measures with impunity. They possess the
resolution of the Irish constabulary without the uncomfortable
vacillation of Dublin Castle to thwart their efforts.'
In the past the Irish vote in America has been hostile to England, and
has had much to do with that measure of ill-feeling in the United States
which has deterred that Union of the Anglo-Saxon races that would enable
them to lick creation.
An example may be cited in the case of Egan. This man was an ex-Fenian
leader, who wielded much influence in Nationalistic circles as far back
as the seventies, and when he was Treasurer of the Land League, he is
described by Mr. Michael Davitt--who ought to have a fine capacity for
discriminating degrees of scoundrelism--as the most active and able of
the Nationalist leaders in Dublin. Some time after the Phoenix Park
murders he settled in the United States, and whilst distinguishing
himself by the exceptional violence of his appeals on behalf of
outrageous Ireland, he was actually sent as American Minister to Chili.
This would not have caused me to notice him here but because it is
necessary the community should be warned that, unlike a good many of his
contemporaries and comrades, he is not an extinct volcano. On March 10
of this current year, when still the chief Nationalist in the States, he
had a long interview with Count Cassini, the Russian Minister at the
Russian Embassy at Washington, just before a meeting of all the
diplomatic representatives, and the American correspondent of the
_Morning Post_ does not hesitate to accuse Russia of financially
assisting the cause which Egan fosters. This sort of thing ought not to
be ignored in England. As an international action, it is hitting below
the belt, and when bad times come again to Ireland the Nationalists will
look to the Ministers of the Great Bear for funds, and are not likely to
be disappointed. Still it is curious that a Government which, at home,
exiles Nihilists and other bomb-throwers should, abroad, give
contributions to the cause that instigated the blowing up of my house,
and the outrages which rendered Ireland so notorious.
Not many years ago my wife was once more seriously alarmed at Edenburn
by the formidable proclivities of a man P----, who sat all day at my
gate with a gun, which he said he used for shooting rabbits: but we all
knew I was the rabbit he wanted to put in his bag. However, he has gone
to another sphere, and I am spending the present summer of 1904 very
happily in the same county.
A couple of letters addressed there showing the way in which an old
widow expresses herself, when after great labour she has delivered
herself of an epistle, may not prove undiverting. The point is the
amount she can obtain from her children.
'Samuel Mr. Hussey Esq.
Sir--I hope you will be good enough to speak to Downing to give me
Justice. They have any amount of cattle, 2 horses, and my son-in-law's
wife carried 78 pounds book account before Mr. Downing got the case in
hands I would get 2 hundred pounds. I think it little for me according
to the means that was theirs. Now sir, two daughters very ritch sir
minding milk and butter and the one taking it away and selling it. My
son is not wright in his health or mind. They turned him against me and
he is more foolish than your Honour would believe. He says he will give
his uncle that ran away long ago to America mortgage, that Mr. Downing
gave him power to do what he like and those two daughters are very well
off and they will not allow me to do anything. Sir I am shamed of the
way they are treating me. My health and mind is very good, thanks be to
God and to you two Sir. They would not give me the price of the habit
that was berried with their father. Sir it would not pay my debts and
support me long. My father lived 100 years. The Judge said I would live
longer. Sir three hundred pounds is little enough for me according to
the means that is theirs. If I went into the workhouse I would not take
what they wish to give me. £160 they are giving me and I have my
Confidence in God and in your Honour's charity that you will be good
enough to speak for me. If the land don't sell to 5 hundred pounds I
will give it back to the attorney. Will your Honour tell them and I'll
pray to God sir ever to bless you.
Faithfully,
MARY LUCY.'
And the same dame favoured me with this further effusion:
'Mr. Hussey Esq.
Sir--100 pounds was offered to me before the purchase, a foolish priest
making little of me, himself trying to get it for his friends. The
Bishop, Sir, is kind to me always. For he knows I was wronged and he
don't like the foolish priest, and when I complain of him he is very
good. Sir some good people tell me that anyone at all have no claim but
myself and I wish it was true as all is very valuable. Mr. Connor is
very truthful and nice to me Sir when I will see him I am very sure he
will wish me well and all the good Honourable Gentlemen and yourself are
the best of all to my equals. I know it very well and I will for ever
pray to God in Heaven for you.
Faithfully,
MARY LUCY.'
So a landlord and agent, even in 1904, still has a few of the
patriarchal attributes in the eyes of the tenants. But to sift wheat
from chaff is easier than to sift truth from the lying blandishments
employed on such occasions.
The reference to the priest shows that though always feared, when the
land-passion seizes a parishioner, he is set at as much defiance as
possible, should he be moderate, and these are the only occasions when
they venture to tell their confessor unpleasant truths to his face, for
in some country districts they are still convinced that the priests have
power to transform them into frogs and mice.
A priest once threatened a bibulous parishioner, that if he did not
become more sober in his habits, he would change him into a mouse.
'Biddy, me jewel, I can't believe Father Pat would have that power over
me,' said the man that same evening as the shadows fell, 'but all the
same you might as well shut up the cat.'
Over elections the priests have paramount influence as I have already
shown, but may cite an example at the last County election in Kerry,
when three candidates stood, Sir Thomas Esmonde (Anti-Parnellite), Mr.
Harrington (Parnellite), and Mr. Palmer (Conservative). The last-named
out of a poll of six thousand obtained seventy votes. One of them was
given after the following fashion.
An illiterate voter at Killorglin being asked in the polling booth how
he wished to vote, replied:--
'For my parish priest.'
'But he is not a candidate. The three are Esmonde, Palmer, and
Harrington.'
'Well, then, I'll vote for Palmer, because it is more like Father Lawler
than the others.'
Naturally all concerned were convulsed with laughter, but the vote was
duly recorded.
It is no uncommon thing to see priests carefully teaching illiterate
voters the appearance of the name of the candidate for whom they are to
poll, and also giving them printed cards merely containing his name, so
that they can recognise it on the voting-card.
Of course an Irishman would take a bribe one way and calmly vote
another. But even this diplomatic tendency is outwitted by the priests,
for nowadays, when they have any doubt of the political sincerity of a
man, they insist on his declaring himself an illiterate voter. Then the
whole question of who is to be voted for is gone through audibly and
verbally, so that the honesty of the voter is known to those hanging
round. In the parish of Milltown, the education is as complete as in any
in Ireland, but at the last election, one third of the voters confessed
themselves illiterate, with the result anticipated by the priest.
If the priest understands his parishioner--a thing which admits of no
possible shadow of doubt--it is equally certain that the Englishman does
not, as is shown by the following frivolous tale, always a favourite of
mine.
'Paddy,' said a tourist at Killarney, 'I'll give you sixpence if you'll
tell me the biggest lie you ever told in your life.'
'Begorra, your honour's a gentleman! Give me the sixpence!'
No one would have thought of making such an offer to an English loafer,
and no English loafer would have had the wit to so neatly earn his
emolument.
It is the assumption of simplicity that does the trick, and so well is
that put on that it comes close to the real thing.
The other day, when the King and Queen were at Punchestown, a Britisher
chartered a car at Naas to drive out to the course, and on the way
remonstrated with the carman on the starved condition of his horse,
whose ribs would have served for an anatomical study.
'Well, your honour,' the jarvey explained, 'it's an unlucky horse.'
'How unlucky?' asked the Englishman.
'Well, it's this way, your honour. Each morning I toss with that horse
whether he shall have his feed of oats or I have my glass of whisky, and
would your honour credit it, the horse has lost these ten days past.'
I am reminded of the reply given by Lord Derby to a gentleman who sent
him a dozen of very light claret, which he said would suit his gout.
Lord Derby subsequently thanked him, but said he preferred the gout, and
I have no doubt that that horse, had he been able to give tongue, would
have been an ardent upholder of teetotalism when it ensured him a feed
of oats.
One more story of Lord Derby, as I have just mentioned his name:--
A worthy trader had bothered him to let him stand for a certain borough
on the Tory ticket, but the Whig was returned unopposed on the day of
the nomination, and the candidate was subsequently attacked by Lord
Derby for not coming forward as he had promised.
The man was almost as shaky in his aspirates as in his political
propensities, and his reply was:--
'I would have stood, my lord, but there was a 'itch in the way.'
'It was the more necessary for you to come to the scratch,' was the
immediate retort.
I always find that story popular at the Carlton, where I spend my
afternoons when in London. I was proposed by Mr. James Lowther and
seconded by the Duke of Marlborough, and very much obliged have I been
to them both, for I have many acquaintances there, and it has all the
conveniences of a comfortable hotel, without having to pay extravagantly
for the privilege of looking at a waiter.
In the intervals of reading the papers and listening to other people, I
have there, as elsewhere, endeavoured to impart what I know to others
who know nothing about Ireland. They know much more about China or the
aboriginal tribes of Australia, in London, than they do on the topics
dearest to me.
An English Radical member, after a long chat with my son Maurice,
observed:--
'You actually mean to say that if Home Rule were given to Ireland you
would not be allowed to reside there?'
'Certainly not,' replied Maurice, who knew what he was talking about.
The member replied that he could not believe him, but that if he had
known that that was the real nature of the Bill he would never have
voted for it.
I could not desire a better example of English wisdom on this
subject--one which Lord Rosebery has consigned to a distant date in
futurity, foreseeing that if the Opposition are to be handicapped with
Home Rule they will not stand a forty to one chance at the next
election.
That election will, of course, turn on Protection, and I am therefore
tempted to quote from an article I contributed to _Murray's Magazine_ in
July 1887, entitled 'After the Crimes Bill, What Next?' for I feel my
forecast of over fourteen years ago may serve a useful purpose to-day.
It ran thus:--
'In my next suggestion I feel that I am treading on dangerous ground;
still, having undertaken to suggest a remedy for Irish discontent and
anarchy, I must not shrink from offending the prejudices of some of the
wise men of England.
'Ireland is an agricultural country. There are in Ulster, as in England
and Scotland, factories which support the greater portion of the
population, and cause the prosperity of the province; but outside of
Ulster, cattle and butter are the staple products. And how does Ireland
stand in her only market, England, as compared with other nations? She
enjoys free trade in butter, no doubt, but so do France and Holland; but
these countries, while they find an open market in England, tax all
English and Irish productions, and being manufacturing countries
themselves they can afford to sell butter at so cheap a rate as to swamp
Ireland's market. A slight protective duty on foreign butter would be
hailed with gratitude in Ireland, and do more to allay discontent than
any further acts of so-called "generosity."
'Again, the great thinly peopled countries of the West find in England a
free market for cattle and flour, and America taxes very highly all
English goods. Why not place Ireland on a par with America, by levying a
slight protective duty on American beef and flour? Every little village
in Ireland formerly had its flour mill, which worked up the corn grown
in the country as well as imported grain. These mills are now generally
idle and the men who worked them ruined. A small duty on manufactured
flour would restore this industry, and enable men with some capital to
give employment to labour, and to work up in small quantities for the
farmer, at a cheap rate, their home-grown corn, as well as to grind
imported grain. Our own colonies may have, no doubt, a right to object
to our taxing their goods, but not so foreign countries.
'The Free Trade system of England would, no doubt, have been successful
if reciprocated. But the question is worth considering, whether the
English people do not now lose more by taxation resulting from the
chronic state of rebellion in Ireland than she gains by bringing in
American beef and flour, and foreign butter and butterine, free, to the
impoverishment of Ireland, and of the agricultural portions of England
and Scotland? "Remedial measures" for an agricultural country are
certainly not those which spoil its market.'
Don't dismiss that as pre-Chamberlainese Protection for it is sheer
common-sense on a matter of national importance, and what I wrote in
1887, after many years, has become part of the political convictions of
a great and an increasing party.
I wonder what the Protective party will be like when it eventually comes
into office. Promises out of office are often the whale which only
produces the sprat of legislation when the time of fulfilment arrives.
This is an impartial opinion on most Cabinets of the last fifty years.
One of the few occasions on which a recent British Government has
recently shown some signs of appreciating a really keen and capable man
was when they made Mr. Ellison Macartney, Master of the Mint.
I wrote and congratulated him, observing that I hoped he would never be
short of money, but if that was his plight all he had to do was to coin
it for himself.
I have a bad recollection for faces, and one day in Dublin his father
came up to me, and seeing I did not remember him, recalled a story with
which I had amused him in the lobby of the House of Commons.
It was to this effect, and may prove new to others:--
Coming out of Glasgow one evening two Irishmen waylaid a Scotsman for
the sake of plunder. He was nearly enough for them both, but numbers
prevailed, and when they had mastered him, after searching his pockets,
they only found three halfpence.
Said one Hibernian to the other:--
'Glory be to the Saints, Mick, what a fight he made for three
halfpence.'
'Oh,' replied the other, 'it was the mercy of the Lord he had not
tuppence, or he'd have killed the pair of us.'
Killing suggests the Kerry militia, the corps in which no one dies
except of good fellowship, one which has done a good deal to unite the
divergent interests of north and south Kerry, and which provides fine
physical development for soldiers of all ranks.
Last year the militia received a grant of £120 from Government to be
expended on route marching with the band through the county in order to
promote recruiting. The net haul in the Milltown district was the
village idiot, who promised to enlist after the next sessions if the
jailer did not take him--he being apprehensive of committal to prison.
But even this was not enough, for his mother came to a neighbouring
magistrate, weeping and praying for his remission, because--
'It was a drunken freak on Patrick, for if the lad had kept his senses,
sure, he would never have done it.'
Another Kerry man being asked why his son did not enlist, replied:--
'Ah, Jamsie was not a big enough scamp for the militia, because you have
to be a great blackguard before you can get in there.'
Which shows that the camel and needle's eye trick is easier to perform
than to induce a country-bred man to enlist in the King's militia;
though once in, every fellow loves it.
This intimation of an army suggests an anecdote of the past war-time.
The militia was being embodied, and several landlords who held
commissions were going under canvas with the corps at Gosport. One of
his tenants stopped a popular landlord on the road and asked:--
'What do you want to go to be shot at by them Boers for, sir?'
'To be sure, Tim, my tenants have the first right to shoot me, have they
not?' was the prompt reply.
The fellow roared with laughter at the retort, and after shaking hands,
wished him luck.
It was also characteristic of Irish proclivities for a soft-voiced woman
on the estate to say to Miss Leeson Marshall:--
'When the war broke out first we were all praying that the English might
be beaten out of South Africa. Then when Mr. Marshall went away to the
army, we thought we should not like his side to lose, so we changed our
prayers round by the blessing of God and His Saints.'
If any real impression has been given in these pages of the inconsistent
Irish character, the genuine character of this sentiment will be
comprehensible. It has been said that an Irishman will tell the truth
about everything except one thing--that, of course, is a horse. When not
engaged in shooting his landlord, the tenant is by no means disaffected
to him, whilst the female appurtenances, mindful of all the small doles
they obtain, are much more voluble in their cordial protestations.
Sometimes the women are enigmatical: one does not know if they are
acting out of kindness or from duplicity. For example, not so long ago a
girl came up to one of my daughters in the road and said to her:--
'For the love of God tell your mother to order your father's coffin for
he'll need it, the Saints preserve us.'
And with that she started away before there was time to reply.
Nothing came of it, of course: nothing ever has, of real importance.
Nothing, alas, also seems so often to be the verdict on life when
looking back. Mine, however, has been too full a one, not only with
griefs and trials but also with happiness and fun, for me to dismiss it
thus. There has been so much more to live through than to write about,
and yet, in these pages, has been told something which would have gone
for ever untold if I had not in old age become garrulous. Things
forgotten have been recalled to my mind and may prove suggestive to
other people who read them, and it is my hope, in concluding, that I
have provided diversion and a little food for reflection.
I feel that a critic may consider too much that has been set down here
is disconnected, yet if he will let a gramophone record an animated
conversation, he will find that it ebbs and flows with the uncertain
babbling of a brook--and so it has been with me. Only the other day, in
the preface to Camden's _History of the British Islands_, I came across
the phrase:--
'bookes receive their doome according to the reader's capacitie,'
and that alone emboldens me to hope for some measure of success for the
present volume. Readers do not always want serious subjects, and it is
in an hour when they desire a little diversion that I hope my
reminiscences may commend themselves, for in a phrase not unknown in my
native Kerry, this book consists of 'little things, and that away.'
THE END
INDEX
Abbey of St. Denis, Paris, 79.
Abbeyfeale, 253, 259.
Abercorn, Duke of, 165.
Aberdeen, Earl of, 167-168.
---- Lady, 167-168.
Acts--
Arrears, 183, 184, 197.
Crimes, 183, 262.
Encumbered Estate, 71.
Habeas Corpus Suspension, 225.
Irish Church, 44, 180-181.
Land, _see under_ Land.
Riot, 251.
Union, of, 180.
Westminster, of 1871, 251.
Adams, Mr. Gould, of Kilmachill, 207.
Aghabey, 83.
Aghadoe, 3, 95, 254.
Agriculture, Commission on, 268.
Albert, Prince, 163.
America, Irish dissatisfaction fostered in, 289;
Home Rulers in, 289-290.
Anderson, Rev. J.A., O.S.A., 99.
Ardfert, 3.
Argyll, Duke of, 174.
Ashbourne, Lord, 286.
Athenry, 171.
Avonmore, Lord, 12.
Balfour, Mr. A.J., Chief Secretaryship of, 172-174.
---- Mr. Gerald, Chief Secretaryship of, 172-173.
---- of Burleigh, Lord, 274.
Ballincushlane, 121.
Ballot, effects of introduction, 194.
Bally M'Elligott, 6.
Ballybeggan, 4.
Ballybunion, 90.
Ballyporeen, Petty Sessions at, 164.
Ballyvourney parish, 71,
Bandon, Lord, 121.
Bantry, 13, 39, 52.
Barry, Lord Justice, 21-22, 216.
Barter, Dr., of Cork, 147.
Bartlett, Sir Ellis Ashmead, 112.
Batt, Father, 123-124.
Beaconsfield, Earl of, 122, 167.
'Beal-Bo,' 90-91.
Beaufort, fenianism in, 254.
Belfast, population of, 176.
Bernard, Mr. Edward Morrogh, 265-266.
---- Mrs. Morrogh, 265-266.
Bessborough, Earl of, 270.
Bewlay, Mr., 274.
Bianconi, Mr. Charles, 78.
Biggar, Mr., Parnell Commission on, 278-280.
Bishops, nomination of, 122.
Blarney, monument at, 116.
Blasquet Islands, Lord Cork's property in, 200.
Blennerhassett, Mr. Arthur, 258.
---- Mr. and Mrs. Robert, 3.
---- Mr. Roland, K.C., 95, 96.
Bodkin, Galway family of, 7.
Bogs, need for draining of, 141-142.
Bogue, Farmer, 32-34, 110.
Boycott, Captain, 213.
Boycotting, 213, 214, 249, 250;
Mr. Parnell on, 216-217.
Brady, Lord Chancellor, 75.
Breaing, value of land at, 259.
Bright Clauses, the, 82.
Bright, Mr. Jacob, 177.
---- Mr. John, 177.
Brown, Valentine, 3-4.
Buccleuch, Duke of, 268.
Buller, Sir Redvers, 157.
Burke, Mr. T.H., 252.
Burns, David, steward at Ardrum, 107.
Byrne, Mr., 89.
Cadogan, Earl of, 169.
Cahirciveen, fenianism at, 66, 152;
drink traffic at, 113;
poverty of, 214.
Cahirnane, sale of, by Hussey family, 5.
Cairns, Lord, 122, 271.
Callaghan, Michael, 273.
Callinafercy estate, 144, 159.
Carden, Woodcock,' 255.
Carew Manuscript, the, 4.
Carlingford, Lord, Mr. Chichester Fortescue, 165, 169, 204, 268, 269.
Carlisle, Earl of, 162-163.
Carlton Club, 117, 188, 297.
Carlyle, Mr. Thomas, 283.
Carnarvon, Earl of, 167.
Cassini, Count, 291.
Castle Gregory, Walter Hussey, owned by, 4.
Castleisland, opposition to Mr. Hussey at, 84, 214, 215;
Mr. Dease assaulted at, 95;
drink traffic at, 102, 103.
Castle of Doon, ruins of, 91.
Castle-Drum, land owned by Hussey family at, 2.
Castlerosse, Lord, 153-154.
Cattle, outrages on, 220-221.
Cavanagh, Mr., 152.
---- Mrs., 152-153.
Cavendish, Lord Frederick, 174, 252.
Chamberlain, Mr. Joseph, 86, 165, 175.
Characteristics of Irish nature, 140-161.
Charlestown, Land League outrage at, 253.
Chatelherault, dukedom of, claimed by Duke of Abercorn, 165.
Chief Secretaries--
Balfour, Mr. A.J., 172-173.
---- Mr. Gerald, 172-173.
Forster, Mr. W.E., 170-173.
Fortescue, Mr. Chichester (Lord Carlingford), 169.
Lowther, Mr. James, 172, 174.
Morley, Mr. John, 175.
Naas, Lord, 169.
Peel, Sir Robert, 169, 170.
Trevelyan, Sir George, 174-175.
Childers, Mr., Royal Commission, on, 181, 284.
Christian, Lord Justice, 83, 89.
Clare, Earl of (Col. Fitzgibbon), 164.
Clarendon, Earl of, 163.
Clergy--
Protestant, 120-122.
Roman Catholic, 115-120.
Clonbrook, Lord, 287.
Clonmel, Earl of, 287.
Cobbe, Miss, 57, 177.
Coffey, Bishop, 119.
---- Denis, 257.
Colthurst, Sir George, 38, 49, 96;
Ballyvourney, estate of, 208;
Rathcole estate, outrages on, 212.
Commissions on Land Question, Mr. Hussey's evidence before, 268-280;
Parnell case, 275-280.
Connor, Jeremiah, 245.
---- Thomas, 245.
Constabulary, the, 127-132.
Conway, Captain, 3.
---- Miss Avis (Mrs. Robert Blennerhassett), 3.
Corelli, Miss Marie, 98.
Cork and Orrery, Earl of, 199, 200, 218.
_Cork Constitutional_, Edenburn outrage, on the, 239-240.
---- _Examiner_, the, 96, 97, 244.
Corkaquiny, barony of, castles of the Hussey family in, 2.
Corn Law question, 51.
Corragun, Sir Dominic, 132.
County Club, Cork, 49.
---- ---- Tralee, 97, 111, 242.
Cowen, Mr. Joseph, 204.
Cowper, Earl, 166;
Commission of, on Land Act, 271-272.
Cox, Sir William, 13.
Creameries, establishment of, 161.
Crime in Kerry, Judge O'Brien on, 229-234.
Crosbie, Bishop John, 3.
---- Colonel, 229.
Cruickshank family, the, 261.
Curraghila, land value at, 259.
_Daily Telegraph_, the, 222, 255.
Daly, Cornelius, Denis, and John, 245.
Davitt, Mr. Michael, 202, 260, 277, 278, 291.
De Bruce, Edward, 13.
De Freyne case, 118.
De Huse, Herbert, 6.
---- or Hussy, Nicholas, 6.
De la Huse, family name of Hussey, 6.
De Lacy, Hugh, Earl of Ulster, 6.
Dease, Mr., assault on, 95, 97.
---- Sir Gerald, 95.
Deasy, Lord Justice, 83.
Delane, Anne, 272.
Denny, Edmund, 3.
---- family, 8.
---- Miss, the 'Princess Royal,' 8.
---- Mr. Francis, 155.
Derby, Lord, Land League, threats from, 40;
Archbishop Magee, opinion of, 44;
anecdote of, 296.
Derrynane Bay, smuggling at, 24.
Desmond, Countess of, 282.
Devonshire, Duke of, 269.
Dillon, Mr., 79.
Dillwyn, Mr., 94.
Dinan, Jeremiah, 245.
Dingle, Hussey family settled at, 2;
present day, 5, 6;
yeomanry corps of, 14;
poverty of, 214.
Dispensaries, 135-139.
Doctors, dispensary, appointment of, 132.
Dolly's Brae, Orange procession at, 163.
Don, the O'Conor, 270.
Doneghan, Mr., 42-43.
Donelly, Mr. William, 52.
Donoughmore, Lady, 8.
Donovan, Sir Henry, 99.
Douglas, Mr., 57.
Downing, Miss Ellen, 'Mary,' 63.
---- Mr., 292.
Dowse, Baron, land purchase, opinion on, 205;
boycotting on, 214;
Grand Jury of Kerry, address to, 261;
commission on the Land Law, on, 270.
Doyle family, 250.
Drink, prevalence of, 101-114.
Dublin, population of, 176.
Dudley, Lord, 169.
Dufferin, Lord, 185.
Duffy, Mr. Charles Gavan, 100.
Dun, Mr. Finlay, 192-193, 207, 209.
Dunraven, Lord, 173, 271.
Edenburn, home of Mr. Hussey at, 73, 80-81;
outrage at, 235-247.
Egan, Patrick, 291.
Elections in Kerry, description of, 93-100.
Emigration, agents' treatment of emigrants, 57;
American offer to, 57-58.
Emmett, Robert, 156.
Engineering Surveyors' Institution, 42.
Erne, Lord, 213.
Esmonde, Sir Thomas, 294.
Evictions, number of, on Lord Kenmare's estate, 221.
Faith, Mr. George, 46.
Famine, the, 50-59.
Farms, sub-divisions of, 36.
Farranfore, evictions at, 251.
Fenianism, 60-70.
FitzGerald, family of, 3.
---- Lady (Miss Julia Hussey), 16.
---- Mr., member of Land Commission, 274.
---- Mrs., 173.
---- Mrs. Robert (Miss Ellen Hussey), 16.
---- Richard, 245.
---- Sir Peter (Knight of Kerry), 16.
Fitzpatrick, Sir Denis, 189.
FitzWalter, Theobald, 6.
Flaherty, Tim, 48.
Forster, Mr. Arnold, 171.
---- Mr. W.E., Chief Secretary, 163, 169, 170-172;
criticism, sensitiveness to, 211;
quoted, 216.
Free Trade, 51, 299.
_Freeman_, the, 96.
French, Mr., 222.
Froude, Mr. J.A., Mr. Hussey and,
friendship between, 5, 177, 227, 282-285.
Fry Commission, the, 185, 272.
---- Sir Edward, 272.
Gadstone and Ellis, Messrs., 258.
Generals, famous Irish, 156-157.
Gentleman, Mr. Goodman, 82.
---- Mr. Henry, 24.5.
Geraldine family, the, 192.
Gladstone, Mr.--
Irish emigration, attitude towards, 58.
Legislation, effects of, 60-61, 67, 108, 131, 179-193.
Letter to, from Mr. Arthur Blennerhassett, 258-259.
Mr. Hussey and, 84, 177-178.
Mr. W.E. Forster and, 170, 171.
Nationalist party, attitude towards, 195-196.
---- Mrs., anecdotes of, 45, 287.
Glasgow, morality of, 36.
_Globe_, the, 256.
Godfrey, Dowager Lady, 73.
---- Sir John, 154, 155.
Gough, Lord, 157.
Granard, Earl of, 118, 259.
Grant, Mr., 193.
Granville, Earl, 165.
Graves, Mr., 48.
Griffin, Andrew, 264.
Guest, Sir Ivor, 166.
Guillamore, Chief Baron, 160.
Gull, Mr., 132.
Haggerty, Jeremiah, outrage on, 217.
Harenc estate, the, bought by Mr. Samuel Hussey, 82-92, 278;
Land Act, effect on, 274.
Harenc, Mr., death of, 82.
Harnett, Mr., 251.
Harrington, Mr. T., 263-264, 294.
Harris, Mr. Matthew, 251.
Headley, Lord, 254, 255.
Henry, Mr. Mitchell, 204.
Herbert family, the, 5.
---- Mr. Charles, 3.
---- Mr. A.E., 252, 255;
murder of, 226-227.
---- Mr. William, 3.
Hewson, Mr., 84.
Hickson, Captain John,' Sovereign of Dingle,' anecdote of, 13-14.
---- Colonel, 273.
---- Mr., 79.
Hickson, Mr. Robert, 13.
---- Mrs., 53.
---- Mrs. Judith, 15.
Higgins, Bishop, 119.
Hitchcock, Mr., 6.
Hoffman, tenant of Mr. Hussey, case of, 273.
Hogan, William, 245.
Hogg, Mr., 21.
Home Rule Bill, 282, 287, 297.
---- ---- Party, the, 194-195.
---- Rulers, Irish-American, 289-290.
Hore, Mr., house and haggards of, burnt, 4.
Houghton, Lord, 168-169.
Howorth, Sir Henry, 285-286.
Huddard's School at Dublin, 20-21.
Huddleston, Mr. Henry, house of, burnt, 4.
Husse, Sir Hugh, 6.
Hussey, origin of name, 6.
---- Colonel Maurice, 5-6, 100.
---- Miss Anne, 19.
---- ---- Clarissa, 126.
---- ---- Mary, 16.
---- Mr. Edward, 16.
---- ---- James, 15-16, 19.
---- ---- John, brother of Mr. Samuel, 15.
---- ---- ---- son of Mr. Samuel, 16.
---- ---- Maurice, 16, 253, 297.
---- ---- Michael, M.P. for Dingle, 7.
---- ---- 'Red Precipitate,' 10, 12, 15.
---- ---- Robert, 16.
---- ---- Samuel, M., parentage of, 10-12;
early life and education of, 20-29;
farming, 30-37;
land agent in Cork, 38 _et seq._;
to Colthurst property, 71;
candidature of, for Parliament, 96, 98;
Irish Land Act Commission, evidence before, 205-206, 268-280;
press criticisms of, 209-210, 248, 255, 256, 275;
Land Leaguers, threats from, 214, 224, 235-247;
Edenburn outrage, 235-247;
'Woodcock,' 255;
land sales, series of, letter to the _Times_ regarding, 259;
_Times_, letter to, _re_ Mr. Harrington, 263-264;
Parnell Commission, evidence before, 276-280;
Froude, friendship with, 282-285;
Sir Henry Howorth, friendship with, 285-286;
Protection, opinion on, 297-299.
---- ---- Walter, 4.
Hussey, Mrs. (Miss Mary Hickson), 53;
descent of, 12-13.
---- ---- Samuel (Miss Julia Agnes Hickson), 13.
---- Sir John, Earl of Galtrim, 6.
Inch East and Ardroe, 258.
---- Island, 258.
Industries, 142.
Inniscarra, 38.
_Irish Citizen_, the, 248.
Irish Land Commission, Mr. Hussey's evidence before, 205, 270-275.
Iveragh, barony of, 18.
Jeffreys, Mr., 49.
Jenkinson, Mr., 246.
Jenner, Mr., 132.
Johnson, Judge, 83.
Kanturk, 108.
Keagh, Judge, anecdote of, 87-88;
opinion of Irishmen, 130.
Kellegher, Mr. Jerry, anecdotes of, 10-12.
Kellehers, the, 88.
Kelly, Miss Mary, 'Eva,' 63.
Kenmare family, the, 3.
---- Earl of, succession to title, 95;
expenditure on estate improvements, 152, 196, 209, 221;
anecdote of, 153;
criticisms of, 209, 255;
House of Commons, debate on estate of, 221;
departure from Ireland, 224.
---- district, poverty of, 214.
Kerry, population, etc., of, 36-37;
clergy and churches in, 119
_Kerry Sentinel_, Edenburn outrage, on the, 240.
Kilcockan parish, land value in, 193.
Kilcoleman, woods of, 155.
Kildare Street Club, 49.
Killarney, crime in, 66, 214.
---- House, home of Lord Kenmare, 115, 209.
Killeentierna House, home of Mr. A. Herbert, 226.
---- parish, church revenue of, 121.
Killiney parish, property of Hussey family in, 4.
Killorglin, Puck Fair at, 95, 104, 105;
voting at, 294.
Kilmainham gaol, 68.
Kilronan, evictions at, 258.
Kimberley, Earl of (Lord Wodehouse), 164, 165.
Kitchener, Lord, 157.
Laing, Mr., M.P. for Orkney, 198-199, 200.
Land Acts, Wyndham, the, 40, 41, 58, 187-188, 192;
Ashbourne, the, 41, 264;
Balfour's, of 1896, 84;
Gladstone's, of 1870, 181, 185-186;
of 1881, 71, 181-189;
effects of, 196-200, 274, 282.
Land League--
Church and, 118.
Effects of, 199-200, 202, 208.
Outrages of, 199, 212-222, 246, 248, 267.
Le Fanu, Mr. W.R., 77.
----Mr. Sheridan, 77.
Leary, Darby, 245.
Lecky, Mr., 100, 283.
Leehys, the, feud of, 88.
Lefevre, Mr. Shaw, Commission of, 269.
Lehunt, Colonel, 4.
Leinster, Duchess of, 169.
Leitrim, Lord, 226.
Limerick, Mr. Hogg's school at, 21.
Lismore, famine fever at, 54;
agricultural depression in, 193;
estate of Duke of Devonshire at, 269-270.
Listowel, crime in, 87, 214.
Lloyd, Mr. Clifford, 128.
Lockwood, Mr. Frank, 277.
Logue, Dr., Archbishop of Armagh, 118.
Lombard and Murphy, Messrs., 83.
Londonderry, Marquis of, 168.
Longfield, Judge, 258.
Longford, clerical help for Lord Granard in, 118.
Lord-Lieutenants--
Abercorn, Duke of, 165.
Aberdeen, Earl of, 167-168.
Cadogan, Earl of, 169.
Carlisle, Earl of, 162-163.
Carnarvon, Earl of, 167.
Clarendon, Earl of, 163.
Cowper, Earl, 166.
Dudley, Earl of, 169.
Houghton, Lord, 168-169.
Kimberley, Earl of, 164.
Londonderry, Marquis of, 168.
Marlborough, Duke of, 165-166.
Spencer, Earl, 166-167.
Zetland, Earl of, 168.
Lower Curryglass, agricultural depression in, 193.
Lowther, Mr. James, 172, 174, 297.
Lucy, Mary, letters of, to Mr. Hussey, 292-293.
Luxnow, 83.
Macaulay, Dr., 117.
Macartney, Mr. Ellison, 299.
MacCarthy, Bishop, 119.
---- Florence, 4.
---- Mr., 115.
MacCarty, Mr. Daniel, 18.
MacGregor, Sir Duncan, 128.
Magee, Archbishop, 35, 44-45.
Magheries, the, owned by the Hussey family, 4.
Maguire, Mr., M.P. for Cork, 43.
Mahaffy, Prof., 252.
_Manchester Guardian_ on the Edenburn outrage, 238-239.
Marlborough, Duchess of, 206.
---- Duke of, 165-166, 297.
Marriage customs, 142-146.
Marshall, Miss Leeson, 301.
---- Mr. Leeson, 144, 159, 206;
anecdote of, 301.
Martin, Miss, books of, 30.
---- Mr. Richard, M.P., 55.
---- Mr. Robert, 274.
Mason, John, 245.
Matthew, Father, 61, 101-102.
Maynooth, 116, 118, 122, 180.
M'Calmont, Captain, 261.
M'Carthy, Mr. Justin, 264.
M'Cowan, Mr., of Tralee, 220.
M'Elligott, John, 245.
Merry, Mr. Andrew, 120.
Milnes, Mr. Monckton, 168.
Millstreet, crime in, 217, 222.
Milltown, voting at, 295.
---- Fair, price of cattle at, 273.
Minard Castle, 4.
Minerals, 142.
Mitchel, Mr. John, 55, 64.
Monaghan, Chief Justice, 87.
Monk, Lord, 94.
Monsell, Hon. Mrs., 65.
Moore, Mr. Crosbie, 164-165.
Moriarty, Dr., Bishop of Killarney, 66, 67, 119.
Morley, Mr., 170, 175-176, 177, 178.
_Morning Post_, 291.
Morris, Lord, anecdotes of, 69, 76, 87, 137, 167-168, 170, 254-255, 288.
---- Mr. Edward, 111-112.
Mountmorres, Lord, 226.
Moynihar, Michael, 245.
Muckross, 5, 166.
Müller, Prof. Max, 131.
Mullins, Miss, 8.
Murder, encouragement of, 227-228.
Murphy, Cornelius, murder of, 231.
---- Mr., 88.
---- Patrick, of Rath, case of, 222.
Murray, George, 13.
---- Judith, 13.
---- Mrs. William (Miss Anne Grainger), 13.
---- ---- (Miss Ann Hornswell), 13.
---- Sir Walter, Lord of Drumshegrat, 12.
---- Mr. William, 13.
_Murray's Magazine_, 297.
Naas, Lord, 169.
---- posting arrangements at, 31.
Nagle, Mr., 46-47.
Nason family, 193.
National League Police, 250.
Nationalists, the, 196.
Neill, Daniel, 245.
Neligan, John, 245.
_New York Tablet_, the, 210.
Nicoll, Mrs., 241.
Nield, Mr., 253.
Nolan, Mr., of Ballinderry, 55.
Normanton, Lord, 259.
O'Brien, Judge, address to Grand Jury on state of Kerry, 228-234.
---- Smith, 64-65.
O'Connell, Mr. Daniel, anecdotes of, 10, 160;
family of, 24-25.
---- ---- ---- (junior), 152.
---- ---- John, 25.
---- ---- Morgan, 24.
---- ---- Philip, anecdote of, 48.
---- Mrs., 78.
---- Sir James, 25-26.
O'Connor, Father M., 92.
---- Fergus, anecdote of, 76.
---- Mr. T.P., 62.
O'Conor Don, the, 270.
O'Donnell _v._ the _Times_, 274.
O'Donoghue, Rev. Denis, 96.
---- the, 221;
election of, 98-99.
O'Hagan, Lord, 89.
Oliver, Colonel, 199.
Ormsby, Judge, 82, 83.
O'Shaughnessy, Mr., 273.
O'Shea, Daniel, 210, 255.
O'Sullivan, James, 245.
Palmer, Mr., 294.
Parliament, Irish Members of, 194 _et seq._
Parnell Commission, 68, 104, 275-280.
---- Mr., fenian leadership of, 65, 156;
Lord Carnarvon and, 167;
Land League and, 195, 202, 216;
speech quoted on boycotting, 249.
Parnellism and crime, 275.
Peel, Sir Robert, 51, 76.
---- ---- ---- (the younger), 169.
Pembroke, Earl of, 271.
Phoenix Park murder, the, 252.
---- Society, the, 65.
Pigott, Richard, 275-276.
Pitt, Mr. William, 180.
Plunkett, Mr. T.O., 222.
---- Sir Horace, 161.
Price, Professor Bohnamy, 268.
Protection, Mr. Hussey on, 297-299.
Puck Fair, 95, 104-105.
Punchestown, 296.
Quill, Patrick, 273.
Ray, Mr. Jack, anecdote of, 154-155.
Regiura Donum, Presbyterian grant, 180.
Reid, Mr., 277.
----Sir Wemyss, 171, 211.
Reynolds, Alderman John, 75-76.
----John, 245.
Richmond and Gordon, Duke of, 204, 268.
Roberts, Earl, 157.
Roche, Mr. R., 240.
Roden, Lord, 163.
Ronayne, Mr. Joseph, M.P. for Cork, 46.
Rosebery, Earl of, 171.
Ross, Judge, 41.
Rossa, O'Donovan, 65.
Rossbeigh, Land League at, 266.
Royal Commission on Agriculture, 204.
Russell, Lord John, 51, 163.
----Sir Charles, 276-277.
Sadler, Colonel, 4.
Saint Alban's, Holborn, Church of, 122.
Saint Anne's, Soho, Church of, 34.
Saint James's Club, 57.
Salisbury, Lord, Commission on Land Act of 1881, 271.
Sandes, Mr., 97.
Savings Banks, increase of deposits, 191.
Saxe, Marshal, anecdote of, 62-63.
Schoolmasters, appointment of, 133.
Scottish character, 35-36.
Scully, Mr., 94.
Sexton, Mr., 222.
Shaftesbury, Lord, 122.
Shanahan, Robert, 151.
----Thomas, 245.
Shaw, Mr., 270.
Sheehan, Mr., 252.
Sheehy, Father, 252.
Shiel, Sir George, 122.
Smerwick Harbour, 2.
Smith, Mr. Charles, historian, 2, 6.
----Sidney, 136.
Somerville, Miss, 30.
Spencer, Lord, anecdote of, 166-167;
Land Act, opinion on, 203;
Coercion Act, opinion on, 225.
Spiddal, 137.
Standford, Mr., 99.
Stansfield, Lord, 204.
_Star_ newspaper, 275.
Stephen, Sir James, quoted, 250-251.
Stevens, Captain, 110.
Stephens, James, 'Number One,' 65, 68, 156.
Stuart, Mr., 258,
Sullivan, Sir Edward, 166.
_Sunday Democrat_ newspaper, 255.
Tanner, Dr., 112.
Thackeray, William Makepeace, 78.
Thorneycroft, Colonel, 16.
_Times_ newspaper, the--
Edenburn outrage, on the, 239, 242-243.
Encumbered Estate Act, quoted on, 71.
Mr. Hussey's letter to, on land values, 259;
Lord Kenmare's estate, 221.
O'Donnell _v._, 274-275.
Parnell Commission, Mr. Hussey's evidence before, 276-280.
Traill, Dr. Anthony, 272.
Tralee, drink traffic in, 113.
--County Club, 97, 111, 242.
Trant family, the, 107.
Trench, Mr. Steuart, famine described by, 50-51.
----Townshend, 17, 277.
Trevelyan, Sir George, 174-175.
Trinity College, Dublin, 117.
Tucker, Sir Charles, 157.
Tulla, outrage at, 171, 216.
Tullamore, Mr. Forster's speech at, 216.
Tweedmouth, Lord, 167.
Tynan, 'Number One,' 65, 156.
Union Club, 246.
_United Ireland_ newspaper, 244, 249, 251.
University, Roman Catholic, for Ireland,
Mr. Hussey's opinion regarding, 116-117.
Ventry Harbour, 2, 4.
---- Lady, famine, help in, 53, 54.
---- Lord, 46.
Wallace, Mr. Paul, 48.
Walsh, Dr., Archbishop of Dublin, 118.
Wellington, Duke of, 157, 163.
White, Mr. Richard, of Inchiclogh, 55.
---- Sir George, 157.
Whiteboys, 14, 61-62.
Whiteside, Chief Justice, 89.
Wilde, Lady, 'Speranza,' 63.
---- Oscar, 63.
Winn, Mr., 255.
Wolseley, Lord, 157, 283.
Wrench, Mr., 274.
Wright, Mr. Huntley, quoted, 101.
'Wuffalo Will,' 64.
Wyndham, Mr., 58, 129.
York, Duke of, 173.
Youghal, 193.
Young Ireland Party, 63.
---- Mr., 99.
Zetland, Earl of, 168.
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