A GLIMPSE BEHIND THE POLITICAL SCENES
Modelling largely on American example, China is striving to create
truly representative political institutions. Personal rule, imperial
traditions, hamper the Chinese in their efforts, unguided as they
are by experience; moreover, they meet with foreign skepticism and
opposition. It is America's rôle not officiously to interfere in their
endeavours, but in every proper way to help them.
The institutions a nation develops are largely its own business.
Other nations should not interfere. But in China all liberal-minded,
forward-looking men see in the United States a free government which
they not only wish to emulate, but to which they look for interest,
sympathy, and moral assistance. The results of their efforts are by
no means indifferent to us. Should they fail, should militarist and
absolutist elements gain the upper hand; particularly, should China
become an appendage to a foreign militarist autocracy, grave dangers
would arise. The ideals of the progressive Chinese are in keeping with
the peaceful, industrious traditions of China. With these traditions
Americans in China are closely allied. They do not seek, nor have they
need to seek, to control by political means the choice of the Chinese
people. On the other hand, it would be difficult for them to tolerate
any attempt to prevent the Chinese from freely following the model of
their choice, and from securing those mutually helpful relations with
Americans which they themselves desire. In this sense only, then, have
Americans a vital interest in Chinese politics. That personal rule and
imperial traditions, as well as military despotism, are still powerful
enough to hamper the will of the new Chinese democracy may be manifest
from a few instances that early came to my attention.
The first case was that of Mr. C.T. Wang. When he related to me the
history of the dissolution of his party--he was and still is one of the
leaders of the democratic party (Kuo Min Tang)--he told me that he was
in great personal danger. Mr. Wang had been marked for execution as a
leader of the disbanded party and he was living in concealment as a
refugee.
His call upon me, shortly after my arrival in Peking, was my first
direct contact with Chinese internal or party politics. He had greeted
me at the railway station upon my arrival, and now he told me the story
of Yuan Shih-kai's successful attempt to break down the opposition of
the parliament and to render that body entirely innocuous. Mr. Wang was
the Vice-President of the Senate, and through his party was associated
with Dr. Sun Yat-sen and General Huang Hsin, the men who had attempted
the revolution during the summer just passed. But Mr. Wang represented
the younger, more modern-minded elements in the party, who desired to
adopt the best institutions and practices of the West, but who did not
favour violent measures.
Yuan Shih-kai had divided the majority party, in order in the end to
destroy its two sections. The most recent action in this fight was the
dissolution of the Kuo Min Tang, which was decreed by the President
on November 5th, on the ground that this body was implicated in, and
responsible for, the revolutionary movement against the President. The
President had approached the Tutuhs--or military governors, after the
downfall of Yuan Shih-kai called Tuchuns--in the various provinces
and had secured in advance an endorsement of his action. Of course,
this appeal ignored the constitutional character which the state was
supposed to have, and encouraged the military governors in thinking
that they were semi-independent rulers. After the death of Yuan their
sense of their own importance and independence grew apace. They
imitated him in looking upon their armies as their personal property.
Moreover, they seized control of the provincial taxes. From all this
arose that pseudo-feudalism of military despots, which is the baneful
heritage left by Yuan Shih-kai in China.
I had already received, through the Department of State, an inquiry
from American friends concerning Mr. Wang's safety. He was graduated
from Yale University, was first among the American-returned students,
and favourably known among Americans in general. He had been the
president of the Chinese Y.M.C.A. and bore the reputation of being an
able, clean-handed, and conscientious man. I could not, of course,
know in how serious danger Mr. Wang found himself, nor could I make
any formal representations in a case where the facts were unknown.
However, through making inquiry as to whether any unfavourable action,
such as arrest, was contemplated, I hinted to the Government that any
harsh action against Mr. Wang would be noted. The very fact that a
well-disposed foreign nation is taking notice will tend to prevent rash
or high-handed action, which is frequently forced by some individual
hothead commander or official. When public attention has been directed
to the unjust treatment of a man, rash vindictiveness may be restrained
by wiser heads.
A further example of the working of Chinese internal politics which
came under my observation at this time is shown in the method by which
Yuan Shih-kai politely imprisoned the Vice-President.
From time to time Yuan Shih-kai had made efforts to induce the
Vice-President, General Li Yuan-hung, to come to Peking from Wuchang,
where he was stationed in command of troops. He had sent him messengers
and letters, protesting the need he felt of having General Li closely
by his side in order to profit by his support and advice on important
affairs. These polite invitations had been answered by General Li
in a most self-deprecatory tone; he could not aspire to the merit
and wisdom attributed to him by the President; he could be of but
little assistance in important affairs of state; it was far better
for him to stay in his position as commander at Wuchang, whence he
could effectively support the authority of the President and all his
beneficent works.
This interchange of correspondence went on for some time. It was
evident that General Li did not wish to come to Peking. It was surmised
that the President did not like the prominence which the democratic
party had given to the name of General Li Yuang-hung, whom they had
heralded as a true republican and a man of popular sympathies. Probably
Yuan feared that General Li might be placed at the head of a new
political movement against the President's authority.
The President not only sent messengers and letters of cordial
invitation, but he also rearranged the disposal of troops, with the
result that bodies of troops upon which Yuan Shih-kai could rely were
drawn around Wuchang with a constantly shortening radius. Finally in
December General Li realized that he had no alternative. He therefore
informed the latest messenger of Tuan that he could no longer resist
the repeated cordial invitations, and that while he was sharply
conscious of his shortcomings, he would endeavour to assist the chief
magistrate to the limit of his powers.
He came to Peking in December, without troops of his own. The President
received him with the greatest cordiality, embracing him and vowing
that now the burden of responsibility was lightened for him; that he
must have his great associate and friend always close at hand, where
he could consult with him daily, in fact, any hour of the day and
night; he therefore invited General Li to make his home close to the
palace of Yuan, namely, on the little island in the South Lake in whose
many-coloured, gracefully formed halls, Emperor Kwang Hsu was for many
years kept a prisoner by the Empress Dowager.
There General Li took his residence, knowing that his great friend the
first magistrate could not spare his presence at any hour of day or
night.
The question arose whether the foreign representatives should call on
the newly arrived Vice-President. The Government tentatively suggested
that as hosts it might be proper for them to make the first call.
Whether or not this was done in the expectation that the suggestion
would not be accepted, it certainly was not the desire of Yuan Shih-kai
to encourage close relations between the Vice-President and any
outsiders.
Although Yuan Shih-kai still allowed the rump parliament to exist,
he had undoubtedly decided at this time to dispose of it entirely.
A ready pretext was at hand, because, with the expulsion of the Kuo
Min Tang, the parliament no longer could muster a quorum. On November
13th, it was announced that a central administrative conference would
be created to act in an advisory capacity in matters of government.
It was plain that this body was intended to displace parliament. The
list of nominees was made up mostly of men of the old régime, literati
and ex-officials--the kind known among the Chinese as "skeletons";
a group of high standing and very good reputation, but from which
little constructive action could be expected. Among them was a very
effective orator, Ma Liang, a member of the Roman Catholic Church.
He was a dignified, elderly man, who came to see me to talk about
reforestation and colonization of outlying regions. His contact with
Western civilization had been through the Jesuit College at Zikawei.
Another member was Dr. Yen Fu, who had won reputation by translating
a large number of scientific works into Chinese and creating a modern
scientific terminology in Chinese. Among other councillors with whom I
became well acquainted was Hsu Shih-chang, later President of China,
and Li Ching-hsi, a nephew of Li Hung-chang, who had been Viceroy of
Yunnan under the Empire.
Dr. Frank J. Goodnow, the American Constitutional Advisor, often
discussed Chinese political affairs with me. It was his impression
that parliament had attempted to take over too much of Western
political practice without sufficiently considering its adaptability
to Chinese uses. He believed that the administrative power should not
be subject to constant interference by parliament, and that China
was not yet ready for the cabinet system. He therefore held a rather
conservative view favouring gradual development in the direction
of Western institutions, but not a wholesale adoption of the same.
The Yuan Shih-kai government took advantage of this attitude of the
American expert to give out, whenever it proposed a new arrangement
for strengthening its hold, that the matter had the approval of Doctor
Goodnow and other foreign advisers. However, these authorities were not
really consulted; that is, they were not brought into the important
conferences, nor given the chance to coöperate in the formulation
of vital projects. As a matter of form they were, of course,
"consulted"--but usually after the decisions had been made. They were
informed of what had been agreed upon; and then it was announced that
the approval of the advisers had been secured. Another example of
the bland self-sufficiency of Yuan Shih-kai and his government. They
believed in themselves; they considered that they were accountable only
to themselves; they had fundamentally the monarchic point of view in
all departments of public service.