CHAPTER VII

CLOSING YEARS AND DEATH

It is time to part from the public life of the greatest public man whom

Scotland has known. That side of Knox's work, attractively presented to

the world at first in the memorable biography of Dr Thomas M'Crie, has

been admirably restated by Dr Hume Brown for a later age and from his

own judicial standpoint. But Knox's public life was not the whole of his

work: in bulk, it was a small part of it. When he became minister of

Edinburgh in 1560 there was only one church there; St Cuthberts and

Canongate were country parishes outside. It was some years before he got

a colleague; and, as sole minister of Edinburgh, he preached twice every

Sunday _and three times during the week_ to audiences which sometimes

were numbered by thousands. Once a week he attended a Kirk Session; once

a week he was a member of the assembly or meeting of the neighbouring

elders for their 'prophesying' or 'exercise on Scripture.' Often he was

sent away to different districts of the country on preaching visitations

under the orders of the Church. But when Knox was at home, his

preparations for the pulpit, which were regular and careful, and his

other pastoral work, challenged his whole time. And this work was

carried on in two places chiefly; in St Giles, which now became the High

Church of Edinburgh, and in his house or lodging, which was always in or

near the Netherbow, a few hundred yards farther down the High Street.

The picturesque old building 'in the throat of the Bow,' which attracts

innumerable visitors as the traditional house where Knox died, was not

that in which he spent most part of his Edinburgh life. From 1560 down

to about the time of his second marriage he lived in a 'great mansion'

on the west side of Turing's or Trunk Close; and thereafter for some

years in a house on the east side of the same close. Neither of them now

exists; but the entrance into the High Street from both was under the

windows of the third or Netherbow house, which is shewn in modern times,

and which was probably ready for Knox's reception, if not earlier, at

least when he came back from his latest visit to St Andrews. In these he

kept his books, which constituted much the larger part of his personal

property--('you will not always be at your book,' Queen Mary had said,

as she turned her back upon him in closing their second interview). And

with them, and with helps from the old logic and the new learning (for

while abroad he had added Hebrew to his previous instruments of Greek

and Latin) he studied hour by hour for the sermons which he

delivered--and their delivery also lasted hour after hour--in the great

church. In that church there was occasionally much to draw even the

vulgar eye. One day it was Huntly, the great Catholic Earl, the most

famous man in Knox's opinion among the nobility of Scotland for three

hundred years for 'both felicity and worldly wisdom,' whose huge bulk as

he had sat opposite to the preacher (the year before he died 'without

stroke of sword' on the field of Corrichie) was afterwards, thus vividly

recalled.

'Have ye not seen one greater than any of you sitting where

presently ye sit, pick his nails, and pull down his bonnet over

his eyes, when idolatry, witchcraft, murder, oppression, and

such vices were rebuked? Was not his common talk, When the

knaves have railed their fill, then will they hold their

peace?'[118]

Or, again, it was the French Ambassador, Le Croc, sitting in state on

the first Sunday after the news of St Bartholomew, who heard the

preacher denounce his master, King Charles, as a 'murderer,' from whom

and from whose posterity the vengeance of God would refuse to depart.

But these were incidents dramatic and political. And noble as a

political calling may be, there have always been some to believe that

drawing men and women up to a higher moral life, especially when that

life is fed from an immortal hope, is nobler still. But Knox, let us

remember, was throughout his early ministry the witness of a still more

fascinating and indeed unexampled spectacle--a whole generation suddenly

confronted with the moral call of primitive Christianity, and striving

to respond to it, no longer in dependence on Church tradition, but by

each man moulding himself directly upon Christian facts and Christian

promises in the very form in which these were originally delivered by

the apostolic age. He was witness of it; and more than witness, for

beyond any other man in Scotland Knox was its guide. And while the

guidance of the great theological leaders of that generation tended

naturally--and quite apart from their usurped statutory ascendency--to

press too heavily upon the recovered freedom of Scotland, that danger

was but little felt in those early days of enthusiasm in the High Church

of Edinburgh.

* * * * *

What like was the man who was seen, almost every day during all those

years, pacing up and down between the Netherbow and St Giles?

Knox, as we are told by a surviving contemporary (who enclosed a

portrait of him along with the description), was a man of slightly less

than middle height, but with broadish shoulders, limbs well put

together, and long fingers. He had a rather swarthy face, with black

hair, and a beard a span and a half long, also black, but latterly

turning grey. The face was somewhat long, the nose decidedly so, the

mouth large, and the lips full, so that the upper lip in particular

seemed to be swollen. The chief peculiarity of his face was that his

eyes--sunk between a rather narrow forehead, with a strong ridge of

eyebrow, above, and ruddy and swelling cheeks, below--looked hollow and

retreating. But those eyes were of a darkish blue colour, their glance

was keen and vivid, and the whole face was 'not unpleasing.' We can

easily believe that 'in his settled and severe countenance there dwelt a

natural dignity and majesty, which was by no means ungracious, but in

anger authority sat upon his brow.'[119]

This seems to be a true portraiture of Knox in the days of his vigour;

if we are to speak of vigour in the case of a man with a small and frail

body (one of his early biographers speaks of him as a mere _corpuscle_),

and a man throughout his whole public life struggling with disease. In

the last year of his prematurely 'decrepit age,' we have another

description of him; and this time it is taken in St Andrews. Edinburgh

and Leith were now again at war, and the quarter of Knox's house was the

most unsafe in the city. The 'King's Men' outside were always attempting

to force the Netherbow Port; and their guns, planted close by on the Dow

Craig,[120] and a little farther off on Salisbury Crags, smote from

either side. They were crossed and answered, not only by the great guns

of the castle, held by the Queen's Men under Kirkaldy, but by a nearer

battery on the Blackfriars' Yard, and by guns planted on the roof of St

Giles (the biggest of which the soldiers of course christened 'John

Knox'). In these circumstances Knox was safer away; and from May 1571 to

August 1572 his residence was St Andrews. There the mild James Melville,

a student at St Leonards, watched the old man with the wistful reverence

of youth.

'I saw him every day of his doctrine go _hulie and fear_,[121]

with a furring of martricks about his neck, a staff in the one

hand, and good godly Richard Ballanden, his servant, holding up

the other oxter,[122] from the Abbey to the parish kirk; and by

the said Richard and another servant, lifted up to the pulpit,

where he behoved to lean at his first entry; but before he had

done with his sermon, he was so active and vigorous that he was

like to _ding that pulpit in blads_,[123] and fly out of

it!'[124] And the impact on the mind of the youthful Melville

was scarcely less than that on the pulpit. He had his 'pen and

little book,' and for the first half hour of Knox's sermon, took

down 'such things as I could comprehend'; but when the preacher

'entered to the application of his text he made me so to

_grue_[125] and tremble that I could not hold a pen to

write!'[126]

But his day was rapidly moving to its close; and Knox, without waiting

for his return to Edinburgh, now wrote his Will. In it, after an

unexpectedly mild address to the Papists, and a prophecy (which was not

fulfilled) that his death would turn out a worse thing for them than his

life, he turns to the other side, and in one striking paragraph sums up

the work that was now to close.

'To the faithful I protest, that God, by my mouth, be I never so

abject, has shewn to you His truth in all simplicity. None I

have corrupted; none I have defrauded; merchandise have I not

made (to God's glory I write) of the glorious Evangel of Jesus

Christ. But according to the measure of the grace granted unto

me, I have divided the sermon [word] of truth into just parts:

beating down the pride of the proud in all that did declare

their rebellion against God, according as God in His law gives

to me yet testimony; and raising up the consciences troubled

with the knowledge of their own sins, by the declaring of Jesus

Christ, the strength of His death, and the mighty operation of

His resurrection in the hearts of the faithful.'

When (still before leaving St Andrews) he publishes his last book, he

dedicates it to the faithful 'that God of His mercy shall appoint to

fight after me;' and he adds, 'I heartily salute and take my good-night

of all the faithful of both realms ... for as the world is weary of me,

so am I of it.' In those darkening days, even when he is merely to write

his subscription, it is 'John Knox, with my dead hand but glad heart.'

For in this inevitable anti-climax of failing life, Knox found his

compensations not in the world, nor even in the Church. When he returned

to Edinburgh, he had become unable for pastoral work. 'All worldly

strength, yea, even in things spiritual,' he writes to his expected

colleague, 'decays, and yet never shall the work of God decay.... Visit

me, that we may confer together on heavenly things: for, in earth, there

is no stability, except in the Kirk of Jesus Christ, ever fighting under

the cross. Haste, ere you come too late.' His colleague hurried from

Aberdeen to Edinburgh, and at his induction Knox appeared and spoke once

more in public. But it was the last time, and at the close of the

service the whole congregation accompanied the failing steps of their

minister down to the Netherbow. And from that 9th November 1572 he never

left his house.

* * * * *

We have at least two accounts of his death--one in Latin from a

colleague, one in Scots by his old servitor and secretary; and the

latter seems to have the merit of admiring and indiscriminating

faithfulness. It is often said that such death-bed narratives are

worthless, unless judged by the light thrown upon them from the

previous life. It is true. Yet Death, too, is a great critic; and, at

least when that previous life has included a problem, (as we have

thought to be the case here), it may be well before we volunteer a

verdict to listen to _his_ summing up. It may finally divide, or it may

reunite, the inward and outward elements which have co-existed in the

life. And it may at least reveal which of them was the ruling and

radical characteristic. For while Knox had long been a beacon-light to

Scotland, we have had reason to think that the flame was first kindled

in this man's own soul. But now that the fuel which fed it is withdrawn,

will that flame sink into the socket? Will it flicker out, now that the

airs which fanned it have become still? How will it behave in the chill

that falls from those winnowing wings?

The day after Knox sickened he gave one of his servants twenty shillings

above his fee, with the words, 'Thou wilt never get no more from me in

this life.' Two days after, his mind wandered; and he wished to go to

church 'to preach on the resurrection of Christ.' Next day he was

better; and when two friends called he ordered a hogshead of wine to be

pierced, and urged them to partake, for their host 'would not tarry

until it was all drunk.' On Monday, the 17th, he asked the elders and

deacons of his church, with the ministers of Edinburgh and Leith, to

meet with him; and in solemn and affectionate words, nearly the same

with those above quoted from his will, reviewed his ministry and took

leave of them all. But here too trouble from his past awaited him. He

had not long before accused from the pulpit Maitland of Lethington, now

in the Castle, of having said that 'Heaven and hell are things I devised

to fray bairns;' and Maitland's demand for evidence or apology was

brought to him. Knox had never been able to bear contradiction,

especially when he was somewhat in the wrong; and those who wish to

acquire new virtues must not postpone them to their last hours. His

defence was roundabout and ineffectual; and all were glad when he parted

from these details of his long life-struggle, so that his friends, with

tears, might take their last look of his worn and wearied face. The

effort had been too much for him, and henceforth he never spoke but with

great pain. Yet during the rest of the week he had many visitors. One

after another the nobles in Edinburgh, Lords Boyd, Drumlanrig, Lindsay,

Ruthven, Glencairn, and Morton (then about to be elected Regent) had

interviews with him. Of Morton he demanded whether he had been privy to

the murder of Darnley, and receiving an evasive assurance that he had

not, he charged him to use his wealth and high place 'better in time to

come than you have done in time past. If so ye do, God shall bless and

honour you; but if ye do it not, God shall spoil you of these benefits,

and your end shall be ignominy and shame.' When so many men pressed in,

women, devout and honourable, were of course also present. One lady

commenced to praise his works for God's cause: 'Tongue! tongue! lady,'

he broke in; 'flesh of itself is overproud, and needs no means to esteem

itself.' Gradually they all left, except his true friend Fairley of

Braid. Knox turned to him: 'Every one bids me good-night; but when will

you do it? I shall never be able to recompense you; but I commit you to

One that is able to do it--to the Eternal God.' During the days that

followed, his weakness reduced him to ejaculatory sentences of prayer.

'Come, Lord Jesus. Sweet Jesus, into Thy hands I commend my spirit' But

Scotland was still on his heart; and as Napoleon in his last hours was

heard to mutter _tête d'armée_, so Knox's attendants caught the words,

'Be merciful, O Lord, to Thy Church, which Thou hast redeemed. Give

peace to this afflicted commonwealth. Raise up faithful pastors who will

take charge of Thy Church. Grant us, Lord, the perfect hatred of sin,

both by the evidences of Thy wrath and mercy.' Sometimes he was

conscious of those around, and seemed to address them. 'O serve the Lord

in fear, and death shall not be terrible to you. Nay, blessed shall

death be to those who have felt the power of the death of the only

begotten Son of God.'

On his last Sabbath a more remarkable scene occurred. He had been lying

quiet during the afternoon, and suddenly exclaimed, 'If any be present

let them come and see the work of God.' His friend, Johnston of

Elphinstone, was summoned from the adjacent church, and on his arrival

Knox burst out, 'I have been these two last nights in meditation on the

troubled Church of God, the spouse of Jesus Christ, despised of the

world, but precious in His sight. I have called to God for her, and have

committed her to her head, Jesus Christ. I have been fighting against

Satan, who is ever ready to assault. Yea, I have fought against

spiritual wickedness in heavenly things, and have prevailed. I have been

in heaven and have possession. I have tasted of the heavenly joys where

presently I am.' Gradually this rapture of retrospection and assurance

wore itself down, with the help of recitation by the dying man of the

Creed and the Lord's Prayer--Knox pausing over the clause 'Our Father,'

to ejaculate, 'Who can pronounce so holy words?'

Next day, Monday, 24 November, 1572, was his last on earth. His three

most intimate friends sat by his bedside. Campbell of Kinyeancleugh

asked him if he had any pain. 'It is no painful pain,' he said; 'but

such a pain as shall soon, I trust, put an end to the battle.' To this

friend he left in charge his wife, whom later of the day he asked to

read him the fifteenth chapter to the Corinthians. When it was finished,

'Now for the last [time],' he said, 'I commend my soul, spirit, and

body' (and as he spoke he touched three of his fingers) 'into Thy hands,

O Lord.' Later of the day he called to his wife again, 'Go read where I

cast my first anchor!' She turned to the seventeenth chapter of John,

and followed it up with part of a sermon of Calvin on the Epistle to the

Ephesians. It seems to have been after this that he fell into a moaning

slumber. All watched around him. Suddenly he woke, and being asked why

he sighed, said that he had been sustaining a last 'assault of Satan.'

Often before had he tempted him with allurements, and urged him to

despair. Now he had sought to make him feel as if he had merited heaven

by his faithful ministry. 'But what have I that I have not received?

Wherefore,[127] I give thanks to my God, through Jesus Christ, who hath

been pleased to give me the victory; and I am persuaded that the tempter

shall not again attack me, but that within a short time I shall, without

any great pain of body or anguish of mind, exchange this mortal and

miserable life for a blessed immortality through Jesus Christ.' During

the hours which followed he lay quite still, and they delayed reading

the evening prayer till past ten o'clock, thinking he was asleep. When

it was finished, his physician asked him if he had heard the prayers.

'Would to God,' he answered, 'that you and all men had heard them as I

have heard them; I praise God for that heavenly sound.' As eleven

o'clock drew on he gave a deep sigh, and they heard the words, 'Now it

is come.' His servant, Richard Bannatyne, drew near, and called upon him

to think upon the comfortable promises of Christ which he had so often

declared to others. Knox was already speechless, but his servant pleaded

for one sign that he heard the words of peace. As if collecting his

whole strength, he lifted up his right hand heavenwards, and sighing

twice, peacefully expired.

* * * * *

Such a life had such a close.

[118] 'Works,' ii. 362.

[119] Sir Peter Young's letter to Beza, 13th Nov. 1579.--'Life of Knox,'

by Hume Brown, ii. 323.

[120] That is, the Craig Dhu or Black Rock. So the Calton Crags were

called, which now look green amid surrounding buildings, but which then

were a dark and frowning patch in a semicircle of green hill that

stretched from St Cuthberts to Holyrood.

[121] Slowly and warily.

[122] Armpit.

[123] Smite it into shivers.

[124] 'Autobiography and Diary,' p. 33.

[125] To grue = to thrill and shudder.

[126] 'Autobiography and Diary,' p. 26.

[127] It will be recognised that this sentence is translated from the

Latin.

INDEX

Acts of Parliament, 24, 80, 99, 100, 114.

Affliction, Treatise on, 59.

Alnwick, Cupboard at, 55.

Alva, 137.

Anabaptists, 72, 102.

Anchor, Knox's first, 30, 37, 39, 47, 153.

Apostolic Order of Worship, 72.

Appellation, 77.

Appropriations, 21, 22.

Archbishop of St Andrews, 140, 141.

Argyll, Earl of, 130.

Aristocracy, Scottish, 20-22, 73, 77, 115.

Armenians, 68.

Arran, Earl of, 119.

Assembly, General, 107, 115, 140.

Assurance, 28, 29, 30.

Auditors bound to support, 112, 113.

Autobiography, 9, 12, 13, 28, 31, 53.

Balnaves, 36.

Band, 73, 74, 90, 139.

Bannatyne, Richard, 153.

Bartholomew, St, 146.

Beaton, David (Cardinal), 18, 24, 26, 38.

Beaton, James (Archbishop), 17.

Beggars' Warning, 82, 108.

Benefices, 107, 112.

Berwick, 49, 66.

Beza, 10.

Bible, 24, 30, 33, 72, 125.

Bishopric offered Knox, 49.

Bishops, The R.C., 93.

'Bishops and Kings,' 71.

Blast (against Women's Regimen), 120.

Books in Knox's Library, 145.

Borgia, 12.

Bothwell, 139, 140, 141.

Bothwellhaugh,

Bowes, Mrs, 53-61.

Bowes, Marjory, (Mrs Knox,) 49-51.

Bowes, Sir R., 50.

Brown, Dr Hume, 10, 21, 39, 68, 110, 144.

Browning, 57.

Buchanan, George, 19, 24.

Bullinger, 68.

Bunyan in Bedford, 55.

Burghs, 75.

Burton, J. Hill, 45.

Calvin, 30, 43, 51, 67, 68.

Campbell of Kinyeancleugh, 152.

Cannon-ball, 63.

Carlyle, 37, 38, 39, 46, 94.

Catechism Palatinate, 30.

Catholic system, 14-24, 23.

Call, Knox's, 28, 31, 32, Chap. II. (25-47).

Cecil, 87, 92, 143.

Ceremonies, 36.

Charities, 104.

Chatelherault, Duke of, 51.

Comfort, Knox's lack of, 53.

Commonalty, Letter to, 77, 78.

'Common Man, The,' 43, 48, 78, 94.

Compensations, 149.

'Conditions,' Knox's, 63.

Confession of 1560, 92-97, 117, 123.

Confession of Wishart (First Helvetic), 30, 36, 38, 97, 102, 103, 109.

Confession, Knox's personal, 28, 140.

Confessions, Change in, 97.

Confessions of Protestantism, 95, 101.

'Congregation, The,' 74.

Conscience, 86, 90, 124, 126, 135.

Constantine, 14.

Constitutionalism, 19, 137.

Consuetude, 55.

Conversion, Knox's, 9, 27, Chap. II. (25-47).

Convocation of Lieges, 135.

Coronation Oath, 100.

Coronation Sermon, 142.

Corpuscle, 147.

Council, General Church, 15-17, 18.

Council, Provincial Church, 84.

'Country, What I have been to my,' 143.

Creed (_see_ Confession).

Crisis in life, Chap. II.

Crock, Le, 146.

Darnley, 41, 136, 138-141.

Death of Knox, 149-154.

'Deliberate Mind,' 27-31, 140.

Desertion, 59.

Dialogues with Queen Mary, 123-134.

Discipline, Book of, 106, 108, 109-115.

Dispensation for Bothwell's Marriage, 141.

Donations, 104.

Dow Craig, 147.

Dundee, 75.

Dyspepsia, 63.

Edinburgh, 61, 69, 86, 88, Chapter VII. (144-154).

Edinburgh, Treaty of, 91.

Ejectment, Summons of, 83, 84.

Eleazar Knox, 51.

Elizabeth, Queen, 82, 92, 119, 120, 131, 138.

Endowments, 20-22, 83, 104, 105, 111, 114.

England, 20, 21, 22, 24, 38, 41, 66, 67, 86, 141.

Establishment, 14, 23, 100.

Evangel, 28-31, 34, 39, 43, 44, 46, 69, 94, 148.

Excommunication, 100.

Face, Knox's, 146.

Fairley of Braid, 151.

'Familiarity,' never broken, 63.

'Fearfulness' of Knox, 33.

Fergus the First, 19.

France, 82, 117, 118, 143.

Francis II., 118.

Frankfort, 67.

Friars, The, 80, 83.

Galleys, 32, 65, 66.

Gallicanism, 15, 16, 17.

Geneva, 68.

Genius, Knox's, 45.

Gentlewoman's face, 127.

Gerson, Chancellor, 16.

Golden Rose, 128.

Granvelle, Cardinal, 128, 137.

Gravel, 63.

Haddington, 10, 12, 14, 19, 25.

Hamilton, Patrick, 18, 24, 29.

Hebrew, 145.

Helvetic (First) Confession, 30, 36, 38, 97, 102, 103, 109.

'History of Reformation,' 45, 140.

Hospitals, 83.

House, Knox's, 144, 145.

Humanism, 16, 20, 23.

Huntly, Earl of, 139, 145.

Idolatry, 40, 67, 77, 102, 103, 122.

Independence of Church, 94, 96, 98, 115.

'Indifferency,' 70, 71, 81, 86.

Individualism, 43, 56.

Induration, 126.

Infidelity, 56, 60, 95, 133.

Inner Life, Knox's, Chapters II. and III.

Intolerance, 14, 23, 24, 26, 32, 99-103.

Irrevocableness of Call, 33.

James V., 24.

Jesuit (Tyrie), 96.

Johnston of Elphinstone, 152.

Jurisdiction, 99, 100, 114.

Kirk of Field, 141.

Kirkaldy of Grange, 42, 142.

Laing, David, 26.

Lawson, James, 10, 11.

Leadership, Weight of, 34.

Legislation, 14, 24, Chap. V. (95-116).

Leith, 88, 147.

Lethington, 42, 89, 131, 135, 142, 150.

Letters of Knox (private), Chap, III.

Lindsay, Sir David, 31.

Lindsay, Lord, 93.

Locke, Mrs, 61-63.

Loire, 39, 65.

Longniddry, 26, 31.

Luther, 17, 18, 20, 36, 43.

M'Crie, Dr Thomas, 144.

M'Cunn, Mrs, 39.

Macphail, Dr Jas. C, 113.

'Magistrate, The,' 35, 36, 67, 68, 73, 77, 97, 103, 117, 120, 124.

Mair (_see_ Major).

Maitland (_see_ Lethington).

Major, John, 10, 15-19, 22.

Maries, The Four, 52, 63.

Marischal, The Earl, 93.

Marmion, 49.

'Marriage, My,' 133.

Marvels, 40-44.

Mary of Lorraine, Queen Regent, 69-71, 76, 79, 80, 81, 82, 84, 90, 91,

126.

Mary, Queen of Scots, 42, 52, 80, 82, Chap. VI. (117-143).

Mary, Queen of England, 82.

Mass, The, 67, 69, 99, 122, 127, 129.

'Meditation or Prayer,' 27-31.

Melancholy, Knox's, 63.

Melville, James, 148.

Mitchell, Dr A.F., 109.

Moray, Earl of, 51, 122, 131, 132, 137, 142.

Morton, Earl of, 33, 139, 151.

Movements, Leadership of, 34.

Nathaniel Knox, 51.

National Churches, 15-18.

'Need of all,' of Knox, 63.

Netherbow, 145, 147, 149.

Norham Castle, 48, 49.

Notary, 11.

Ochiltree, Lord, 52.

Organisation of Church, 35, 110, 115, 116.

Palatinate Catechism, 30.

Parentage of Knox, 10.

Paris, University of, 15-18.

Parishes, 20-22.

Parliament, 92, 94, 98, 138.

Pasquil, 70.

Patrimony of the Church, 106, 114, 115.

Patrimony of the Poor, 83, 107.

Persecution, 14, 23, 24, 26, 32, 35, 43, 57, 74, 76, 99-103.

Perth, 85.

Poor, The, 83, 106-108, 111, 115.

Pope, The, 11, 12, 15, 18, 22, 23, 99, 128.

Portraits, 10, 11.

Prayer-Book, English, 67.

Prayer, Treatise on, 66.

Preaching, 20, 41, 75, 86, 89, 94, 110, 132, 138, 142, 144, 145, 146,

148.

Predictions, 40-44.

Priest, Knox as, 11, 12, 13.

Principles, Fundamental, of Knox, 35, 36, 146.

Private Life, Chap. III.

'Prophesyings,' 110, 144.

Prophet, Knox as, 39-44.

'Proud Mind,' 126.

Puritanism of Knox, 26, 35, 36, 67, 68, 96.

Radicalism, 19, 103, 105, 110, 115, 124, 133, 135, 137.

Randolph (English Ambassador), 90, 92, 93, 103, 127, 128.

Ratification of Creed, 117.

'Reconciliation, Articles of,' 75.

Regimen of Women, 63, 120.

Regular Priests, 21, 22.

Renaissance, 20, 23.

Repentance, 58.

Reticence of Knox, 11, 12, 13.

Risks of the Reformation, 34, 35.

Rizzio, 136, 137, 139.

Rouen, 65.

Rough, John, 31, 32.

Ruthven, Lord, 130, 139.

Sacerdotalism, 14.

Sandilands, Sir James, 117.

Scholasticism, 14, 16, 18.

Schools in Scotland, 110, 111.

Scriptures, The, 24, 30, 35, 72, 125.

Secrets of God's Counsel, 42.

Self-torture, 58.

Shakespeare, Priests in, 11.

Simony, 22.

Sir John Knox, 11 (_Note_).

Spain, 129, 131, 132, 134, 136, 137.

St Andrews, 10, 26, 31, 65, 85, 142, 148.

St Giles, 144.

Statesman, Knox as, 45, 46, 110, 111, 114, 115.

Statutes, 24, 80, 99, 100, 114.

Stewart, Lord James (_see_ Moray).

Stewart, Margaret (Mrs Knox), 52.

Stirling, 89, 142.

Sustentation, 112, 113.

Sword, The Civil, 124, 129.

Syllogism, 67, 103.

Sympathy of Knox, 13, 26, 53-64.

Testamentary Charities, 104.

Thomassin, 107.

Teinds, 21, 22, 105-108, 112-115.

Tithes (_see_ Teinds).

Toleration, 14, 18, 23, 24, 35, 74, 76, 79, 80, 81, 86, 90, 91, 98-103,

112, 113, 114, 121, 126, 129.

Trent, Council of, 131.

Turing, or Trunk Close, 145.

'Use themselves Godly,' 75, 81, 129.

Vocation, Knox's, 28, 31, 32, Chap. II.

Wallace, Sir William, 19.

'Wholesome Counsel,' Letter of, 71, 72.

Will, Knox's, 42, 51, 148.

Willock, 91.

Window, 29, 47.

Wishart, George, 25, 26, 30, 36, 38, 97, 102, 109.

Women Friends, Chap. III.

Young, Sir Peter, 10, 146.

* * * * *

Transcriber's notes:

Obvious typographical and other printer errors and misspellings

have been corrected. Archaic spellings have been retained.

Footnotes are placed at the end of the chapter in which they

appear.

In the Index, page 1 as a reference for "Reticence of Knox" has

been changed to page 11 since there is no page 1, but page 11

does refer to the subject of Knox's reticence.

Page 141, omitted in the Index as a reference for "Kirk of

Field", has been added.

Omission in the Index of a page reference for "Bothwellhaugh"

has been retained as there is no mention of "Bothwellhaugh" in

the text.

The date 1563 on page 47 is a best guess since the final number

of the date is completely unreadable due to an ink blot.

The names Campbell of Kinzencleuch and Kirkcaldy of Grange have

been changed to Campbell of Kinyeancleugh and Kirkaldy of

Grange in the Index to agree with spelling in the text.

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