says “the disorder was a kynd of apoplexia, called by the
phisitiones resolutione;” probably a more gentle stroke of
the disorder, attended with relaxation of the system.
225 – In 1556, Calvin was suddenly seized in the pulpit with
a fever, which confined him to his bed for a considerable
time, and from which it was not thought he would recover.
On hearing this, the popish clergy of Noyon, his native
city, met, and rather prematurely gave public thanks
to God for his death. Melch. Adam, Vitæ Exter. Theol.
p. 93.――“Plusieurs grands hommes (says Senebier) ont
partagé cet honneur avec Calvin, et ont eu, comme lui, la
satisfaction de connoitre la profonde estime qu’on avoit
concue pour eux.” Histoire Litteraire de Geneve, tom. i.
p. 228. Luther, having received in 1545 a copy of an
account of his own death, printed at Naples, caused it to
be reprinted, with this note:――“I, Doctor Martin Luther,
attest that I received this frantic fable on this 21st of
March, and am delighted beyond measure to understand that
the devil and his spawn, the pope and papists, hate me so
heartily.” Seckendorf, Hist. Lutheran. lib. iii. p. 581.
226 – Bannatyne’s Journal, p. 55.
227 – James Kircaldy of Grange was restored to his lands, &c.,
at the request and special desire of Henry II. of France,
by letters under the signet and privy seal of queen Mary,
dated at Paris, 26th February, 1556. William Kircaldy
of Grange, son and heir to the former, was restored by
letters dated the 13th of February, 1561. Reg. Secr. Sig.
Lib. xxxi. f. 16.
228 – See vol. i. p. 75.
229 – Bannatyne’s Journal, p. 67‒87.
230 – Crawford, in his Memoirs of Scotland, (p. 186, Edin.
Anno 1706,) among other things disgraceful to our
Reformers, says that they openly avowed, on this occasion,
“That to pray for, or forgive our real or reputed enemies,
was no part of a Christian’s duty.” It is sufficient to
say, that there is not one word of this in the “authentick
MS.” from which he professes that his Memoirs were
“faithfully published.” See Historie and Life of King
James the Sext, p. 113, 114. The public are under great
obligations to Mr Malcolm Laing, for exposing this literary
forgery, which had continued so long to impose upon our
most acute and industrious historians.
231 – The accusation and defence may be seen at full length in
Bannatyne’s Journal, p. 190‒210.
232 – Bannatyne, p. 77.
233 – Letter to the Laird of Lochleven, in the Appendix.
234 – The lively interest which he continued to take in
public affairs, is apparent from the letters of his
correspondents. Captain Crawford of Jordanhill sent him,
at his desire, a minute account of the taking of Dunbarton
castle, with an inventory of the arms, ammunition, and
provisions, which were found in it. Bannatyne, 123. There
are also two letters to him from Alexander Hay, clerk of
the privy council, informing him of the most important
transactions in England, and on the continent. Ibid.
294‒302.
235 – Bannatyne, 132‒3, 145.
236 – Cald. MS. ad ann. 1572. Life prefixed to History,
anno 1644.
237 – Bannatyne, 144‒146.
238 – Ibid. Historie of King James the Sext, p. 123.
239 – Keith’s Scottish Bishops, 166. The principles upon which
the bishop vindicated the authority of the queen, and the
duty of praying for her in the pulpit, show the strong and
universal opinion entertained of her guilt at that time.
He did not venture to insinuate her innocence, although
the town was full of armed men, who were enlisted under
her banners. Bannatyne, 181, 182.
240 – Bannatyne, 144, 169, 170. Hist. of King James the Sext,
123, 124. Knox’s Epistle to his Brethren of the Church
of Edinburgh, now dispersed. Streveling, 1571.
241 – Bannatyne, 154, 240, 322.
242 – Bannatyne, 309, 310. “Gif this had been their first
inventit lie,” says the same Richart, “I wald never have
blackit paper for it.”
243 – See vol. i. p. 69.
244 – Bannatyne, 380‒3. Goodall, after relating this story,
attempts, but with his usual imbecility of argument, to
deduce from it, that Murray had really conspired to murder
Darnly, and that Knox was one of his accomplices. “They
all talk of it,” says he, “as a known uncontroverted matter
of fact. And Knox’s waving all prosecution, and hushing up
the business, is more than a tacit acknowledgment that he
was in that plot, and a subscriber.” Examination, i. 211.
According to this doctrine, if a person shall rest
satisfied with a private apology for a slander which a
weak and irritable man had imprudently circulated to his
prejudice, and if he shall decline a public prosecution,
this must be regarded as good proof of his guilt, and of
the truth of the report! With respect to Murray’s having
conspired against Darnly at the time of his marriage,
it is true that such a thing was reported; but it is not
mentioned in the proceedings against that nobleman, nor is
there the least allusion to it in any of the proclamations
which the queen issued against him, although Murray
publicly accused Darnly of a plot against his life. If
the court had credited that report, and possessed any
evidence of its truth, it will not be easy to account for
this silence.
245 – Archibald Hamilton, a short time after this, left Scotland;
and going to France, made a recantation of the protestant
religion. As an evidence of the sincerity of his conversion
to popery, he published _De Confusione Calvinianæ Sectæ
apud Scotos Dialogus_; a book which I have frequently
referred to, and which strikingly exemplifies the adage,
_Omnis apostata osor acerrimus sui ordinis_. In the copious
abuse of Knox with which it teems, we are reminded of the
present quarrel. Thomas Smeton, principal of the university
of Glasgow, published an elegant and masterly answer
to this Dialogue. Hamilton replied in a work entitled,
_Calvinianæ Confusionis Demonstratio: Parisiis_ 1581. Of
this treatise, which is rarer than his first, specimens
will be found in the notes at the end of this volume.
246 – Hamiltonii Dialog. p. 61. Smetoni Responsio ad Hamiltonii
Dialogum, p. 90, 91. Bannatyne, 383‒385.
247 – Bannatyne, 364.
248 – Archbishop Spotswood is displeased that a bishop, and one
of his predecessors in the see of St Andrews, should have
suffered so disgraceful a punishment. History, p. 252.
Even Dr Robertson seems to have felt the _esprit de corps_
on this occasion. It is surprising that this accurate
historian should say, that the accusations against Hamilton,
as “accessory to the murder both of the king and regent
were supported by no proof,” and that his enemies, by
“imputing to him such odious crimes,” merely “sought some
colour” for the sentence which they pronounced against
him. History of Scotland, ii. 334. Hamilton confessed his
accession to the regent’s murder. See above, p. 168. As
the record of the trial has not been preserved, we cannot
determine what evidence was brought forward; but there are
good grounds for believing that he was also concerned in
the murder of the king. Keith, 447. Spotswood, 252.
249 – Dr Robertson seems to regret the failure of this
expedition, and says that if Kircaldy’s plan had succeeded,
it would have “restored peace to his country.” History of
Scotland, ii. 339. It would certainly have given a very
dangerous blow to the king’s party; but it is not easy to
conceive how it could have produced a desirable or lasting
peace, when we consider the dispositions of the great body
of the nation, the situation of the queen, and the temper
and views of her adherents.
250 – Bannatyne, 246, 250, 255, 257, 260, 285.
251 – See Note Y.
252 – Ibid. 253, 278, 312, 367. Cald. MS. ii. 284, 295.
253 – Records of Privy Council, January 16, 1571. Cald. MS.
ii. 310‒325. Calderwood, De Reg. Eccl. Scotic. relatio,
p. 8, anno 1618; and Epist. Philad. Vind. apud Altare
Damasc. p. 727‒729. Lugd. Batav. 1708. Petrie, part ii.
p. 372‒374.
254 – Buik of the Universal Kirk, p. 55. Matthew Crawfurd’s
History of the Church of Scotland, MS. vol. i. p. 80.
255 – A tulchan is a calf’s skin stuffed with straw, set up to
make the cow give her milk freely.
256 – Buik of the Universal Kirk, p. 53. Cald. MS. ii. 280, 281.
Petrie, part ii. 370. Spotsw. 258. Collier says, that, in
Knox’s letter to the Assembly at Stirling, “there are some
passages not unbecoming a person of integrity and courage,”
Hist. ii. 533. Those who are acquainted with the spirit
of this historian, will think this high praise from such
a quarter.
257 – See this Letter in the Appendix.
258 – One glaring instance of this had just taken place, in
giving the bishopric of Ross to Lord Methven. Bannatyne,
366. Robertson’s History of Scotland, ii. 358, 359.
259 – I have read somewhere (though I cannot at present find my
authority) that Robert Pont, when offered a bishopric, took
the advice of the General Assembly as to accepting it, and
professed his readiness to apply its funds to the support
of the ministry within the diocese.
260 – Letter to Mr John Wood, Feb. 14, 1568, in the Appendix.
261 – In this letter, Beza commends Knox for establishing, not
merely the purity of doctrine in the Scottish church, but
also discipline and good order, without which the former
could not be preserved for any time. Bezæ Epistol. Theol.
ep. lxxxix. p. 344‒355, edit. 1572.
262 – Meaning Edward VI. of England and his council. See
vol. i. p. 101.
263 – Bannatyne, 321, 325, 375. Cald. MS. ii. 269, 338, 340.
Douglas, after he was made bishop, was continued in
his offices of rector of the university, and provost of
St Mary’s college. James Melville says, that he was “a good
upright‑hearted man, but ambitious and simple;” and that
Knox spoke against him “bot sparinglie, because he loved
the man.” MS. Diary, p. 27.
264 – Bannatyne, 331.
265 – Melville’s MS. Diary, p. 26.
266 – _i.e._ thrill.
267 – _i.e._ slowly and warily.
268 – _i.e._ arm‑pit.
269 – _i.e._ it appeared as if he would beat the pulpit in pieces.
270 – Melville’s Diary, p. 23, 28. It is not without reason that
I have added the above explanation of some phrases in this
extract, as the reader will perceive from the following
version of it, by a modern French writer, in the Journal
des Debats:――“A presbyterian fanatic, named Knox, stirred
up the people by his violent preaching. Nothing proves the
coarseness of that people so much, as the ascendency which
such a madman possessed over them; old and broken down, and
so helpless, as to be hardly able to crawl along, he was
raised to his pulpit by two zealous disciples, where he
began his sermon with a feeble voice, and slow action;
but soon heating himself, by the force of his passion
and hatred, he bestirred himself like a madman; _he broke
his pulpit, and jumped into the midst of his auditors_,
(sautoit au des auditeurs,) transported by his violent
declamation, and words still more violent.” For this
_morceau_ I am indebted to the Editor of “The Poetical
Remains of Mr John Davidson, Edinburgh, 1829.”
271 – See vol. i. p. 30.
272 – See Note Z.
273 – Tyrie published a reply to this, under the title of “The
Refutation of ane Answer made be Schir Johne Knox to ane
Letter, send be James Tyrie to his vmquhyle brother. Set
furth be James Tyrie, Parisiis, 1573. Cvm Privilegio.”
H. fol. 57. 12mo. It includes Tyrie’s first letter, and
Knox’s answer, but not the other papers originally printed
along with that answer. “Mr Knox,” says Keith, “makes some
good and solid observations, from which, in my opinion,
the Jesuit [in his reply] has not handsomely extricated
himself.” History, Append. p. 255.
274 – Tyrie, in his reply, scoffs at this amiable expression of
piety; and in doing so, the Jesuit discovers that he was
as great a stranger to conjugal and parental feelings,
as he was to the rules of logic. “He [Knox] sais, that of
tuay propositionis quhilkis ar verray trew, I collect ane
conclusione maist false and repugnant to all veritie. Ane
Dialectitian wald answer that Schir Johne Knox hes nocht
weill considderit the rewlis of Dialectik, to affirme ane
fals conclusion to follow of trew premissis. Bot becaus
I knaw his greit occupationis, and sollicitude he hes of
his wyf and childrine, that he culd nocht take tent to sic
trifflis, I will pas this with silence.” Refutation, ut
supra, fol. 4, a.
275 – Bannatyne, 364‒369. Cald. ii. 355, 366.
276 – “Ane sermon prechit before the regent and nobilitie upon
a part of the third chapter of Malachi [verses 7‒12], in
the kirk of Leith, at the time of the Generall Assemblie,
on Sonday the 13 of Januarie. Anno Do. 1571. Be David
Fergusone, minister of the evangell at Dunfermline.
Imprentit at Sanctandrois, be Robert Lekpreuik. Anno Do.
MDLXXII.” The dedication to the regent Mar is dated 20th
August, 1572.
277 – Previous to the cessation of arms, the banished citizens
(who had taken up their residence chiefly in Leith) entered
into a solemn league, by which they engaged “in the fear
of God the Father, of his Son our Lord Jesus Christ, and of
the Holie Spirit, tackand to witness his holie name,” that
they would, with their lives, lands, and goods, promote
the gospel professed among them, maintain the authority
of the king and regent, assist and concur with others
against their enemies in the castle, defend one another if
attacked, and submit any variances which might arise among
themselves to brotherly arbitration, or to the judgment of
the town‑council. Bannatyne, 361‒364.
278 – Bannatyne, 370‒373.
279 – Bannatyne, 372, 373.
280 – Bannatyne, p. 373, 385. Smetoni Respons. p. 117, 118.
281 – Ibid. 150, 370.
282 – Spotswood, 464. When informed that his majesty had made
choice of Craig, the General Assembly, July 1580, “blessed
the Lord, and praised the King for his zeal.” Row, Hist.
of the Kirk, 47.
283 – Smetoni Respons. 118. Bannatyne, 370.
284 – Smeton, ut supra. Bannatyne, 372. James Melville thus
describes Lawson:――“A man of singular learning, zeal, and
eloquence, whom I never hard preache bot he meltit my hart
with teares.” MS. Diary, 23. See also note C, at the end
of this volume.
285 – Bannatyne, 386.
286 – Memoires de Sully, tom. i. 16. Paris, 1664. Brantosme
Memoires, apud Jurieu, Apologie pour la Reformation,
tom. 420. Smetoni Respons. ad Hamilt. Dial. p. 117.
Bannatyne’s Journal, p. 388‒396.
287 – The papal bull for the jubilee may be seen in Strype’s Life
of archbishop Parker. Append. No. 68, p. 108.
288 – The regent Mar issued a proclamation on this occasion,
summoning a general convention of deputies from all parts
of the kingdom, to deliberate on the measures proper to
be adopted for defence against the cruel and treasonable
conspiracies of the papists. Bannatyne, 397‒401. Strype
has inserted the preamble, and one of the articles, of
a supplication presented by this convention to the regent
and council. Annals, ii. 180, 181. This may be compared
with the more full account of their proceedings, in
Bannatyne, 406‒411.
289 – Bannatyne, 401, 402.
290 – Smetoni Responsio, 118. The house which the Reformer
possessed is situated near the bottom of the High Street,
a little below the Fountain well. These three words are
inscribed on the wall, ΘΕΟΣ, DEUS, GOD.
291 – As it is unnecessary to repeat the quotations, the reader
may be informed, once for all, that the account of the
Reformer’s last illness and death is taken from the
following authorities:――“Eximii viri Joannis Knoxii,
Scoticanæ Ecclesiæ instauratoris, Vera extremæ vitæ et
obitus Historia,” published by Thomas Smeton, principal
of the university of Glasgow, at the end of his “Responsio
ad Hamiltonii Dialogum. Edinburgi, apud Johannem Rosseum.
Pro Henrico Charteris. Anno Do. 1579. Cum Privilegio
Regali:”――“Journal of the Transactions in Scotland,
(Annis) 1570‒1573, by Richard Bannatyne, secretary to John
Knox,” 413‒429, edited from an authentic MS. by J. Graham
Dalyell, Esq. Anno 1806:――Spotswood’s History, p. 265‒267.
Anno 1677: and Calderwood’s MS. History, ad ann. 1572;
copy in Advocates’ Library, Edinburgh, transcribed anno
1634. The two first of these works contain the most ancient
and authentic narratives, both being written at the time of
the event, and by persons who were eye and ear witnesses of
what they relate.
292 – This speech is translated from the Latin of Smeton, which
accounts for the difference of style which the attentive
reader must have remarked.
293 – After the castle surrendered, and Kircaldy was condemned
to die, Lindsay attended him at his earnest desire, and
received much satisfaction from conversation with him. When
he was on the scaffold, he desired the minister to repeat
Knox’s last words respecting him, and said that he hoped
they would prove true. James Melville had this information
from Lindsay. MS. Diary, p. 29, 30. See also Spotswood,
266, 272.
294 – Morton afterwards acknowledged that he did know of the
murder; but excused himself for concealing it. “The quene,”
he said, “was the doare thareof;” and as for the king, he
was “sic a bairne, that there was nothing tauld him but he
wald reveill it to hir agane.” Bannatyne, 494, 497.
295 – The regent Mar died on the 29th of October preceding. The
nobility were at this time assembled at Edinburgh to choose
his successor, and it was understood that Morton would be
raised to that dignity. He was elected regent on the day of
Knox’s death. Bannatyne, 411, 412, 427. The author of the
Historie of King James the Sext says, that the regent died
October 18, and adds, “efter him dyed Johne Knox in that
same moneth,” p. 197. But he has mistaken the dates.
296 – Morton gave this account of his conference with the
Reformer to the ministers who attended him before
his execution. Being asked if he had not found Knox’s
admonition true, he replied, “I have fand it indeid.”
Morton’s Confession. Bannatyne, 508, 509.
297 – “Manum itaque, quasi nouas vires jamjam moriturus
concipiens, cœlum versus erigit, duobusque emissis
suspiriis, e mortali corpore emigrauit, citra vllum aut
pedum aut aliarum partium corporis motum, vt potius dormire
quam occidisse videretur.” Smetoni Responsio, p. 123.
298 – Cald. MS. ad ann. 1572. Bannatyne, 429. Spotswood, 267. The
area of the Parliament Square was formerly the churchyard
of St Giles. Some think that he was buried in one of the
aisles of his own church. The place where the Reformer
preached is that which is now called the Old Church. It
has, however, undergone a great change since his time.
The space now occupied by the pulpit and the greater
part of the seats, was then an aisle; and the church was
considerably more to the north of the building than at
present. The small church fitted up for him a few weeks
before his death is called, by Bannatyne, the Tolbooth.
Whether it was exactly that part of the building now
called the Tolbooth church I do not know.
299 – Some verses to the Reformer’s memory may be seen in Note AA.
300 – See Note BB.
301 – Senelier, Hist. Lit. de Geneve, i. 377.
302 – The reader should observe, that the word servant, or
servitor, was then used with greater latitude than it is
now, and in old writings often signifies the person whom
we call by the more honourable names of clerk, secretary,
or man of business. As the drawing of the principal
ecclesiastical papers, and the compiling of the history
of public proceedings, were committed to our Reformer, from
the time of his last return to Scotland, he kept a person
of this description in his family, and Bannatyne held the
situation.
303 – Journal, 104, 105.
304 – _i.e._ labour.
305 – Bannatyne, 427, 429.
306 – Smetoni Resp. ad Hamilt. Dial. p. 95, 115.
307 – Calfhill’s Answere to the Treatise of the Crosse: Preface
to the Readers, fol. 18, a. Lond. 1565. This writer was
cousin to Toby Matthews, archbishop of York; and in the
Convocation which met in 1562, sat as a representative of
the clergy of London, and the canons of Oxford. Strype,
Annals, i. 289, 292‒3.
308 – See vol. i. 236, 387‒8.
309 – Harborowe for faithful and Trewe Subjects, B. B. 2.
C. C. 2. Strype’s Life of Aylmer, p. 238.
310 – Strype’s Life of Grindal, p. 19, 20.
311 – Burnet, vol. ii. Appendix, part iii. B. vi. p. 351, 352.
312 – In a dedication of Knox’s “Exposition of the Temptation
of Christ,” John Field, the publisher, says: “If ever God
shall vouchsafe the church so great a benefite; when his
infinite letters, and sundry other treatises shall be
gathered together, it shall appear what an excellent man
he was, and what a wonderfull losse that church of Scotland
susteined when that worthie man was taken from them.――If,
by yourselfe or others, you can procure any other his
writings or letters here at home, or abroad in Scotland,
be a meane that we may receive them. It were great pittie
that any the least of his writinges should be lost: for
he evermore wrote both godly and diligently, in questions
of divinitie, and also of church policie; and his letters
being had togeather, would togeather set out an whole
historie of the churches where he lived.”
313 – In a sermon preached by him at Paul’s Cross, before the
Parliament of England, Feb. 9, 1588, on 1 John iv. 1,
printed in 1588, and reprinted in 1636. He enlarged on
the subject in two posterior treatises, the one entitled,
“Dangerous Positions; or Scottish Genevating, and English
Scottizing:” The other, “A Survey of the Pretended Holy
Discipline.”
314 – John Davidson, minister first at Libberton, and afterwards
at Prestonpans, answered Bancroft in a book entitled,
“Dr Bancroft’s Rashnes in Rayling against the Church of
Scotland;” printed at Edinburgh, 1590.
315 – Cald. MS. ad an. 1570; quarto copy in Advocates’ Library,
vol. ii. p. 260, 261.
316 – De Thuani Histor. Successu apud Jacobum I. Mag. Brit.
Regem: Thuani Hist. tom. vii. pars v. edit. Buckley, 1733.
Laing’s Hist. of Scotland, i. 228‒241. 2nd edit.
317 – History, 261.
318 – Whitaker’s Vindication of Queen Mary, _passim_. The
same writer designs Buchanan “a serpent――daring
calumniator――leviathan of slander――the second of all
human forgers, and the first of all human slanderers.”
Dr Robertson he calls “a disciple of the old school of
slander――a liar――and one for whom bedlam is no bedlam.”
319 – See Extracts from his Letters to “Mrs Locke, 6th April,
1559,” and to “A Friend in England, 19th August, 1569;”
published in the Appendix.
320 – Robertson, Hist. of Scotland.
321 – “Haud scio an unquam――magis ingenium in fragili et
imbecillo corpusculo collocarit.” Smetoni Respons. ad
Dialog. Hamilt. p. 115.
322 – A print of him, cut in wood, was inserted by Beza, in his
Icones. There is another in Verheideni Imagines. See also
Grainger’s Biographical History of England, i. 164.
323 – Henry Fowlis, apud Mackenzie’s Lives of Scottish Writers,
ii. 132. The _learned_ Fellow of Lincoln College had
perhaps discovered that the magical virtue which the
popish writers ascribed to Knox, resided in his beard.
324 – “Audivi mente captos hereticos Scotos eo etiam insaniæ
aliquando venisse, quod sceleratissimi, atque omnium
literarum imperitissimi nebulonis Knox, pessimi hæretici,
qui omnes imagines sanctorum frangi præceperat, imaginem
suam non tam fabricari passum fuisse, quam jam fabricatam
non parum probasse.” Laingæus de Vita et Moribus Hæretic.
p. 65‒66. The same writer tells us, as a proof of Calvin’s
vain‑glory, that he allowed his picture to be carried
about on the necks of men and women, like that of a God;
and that, when reminded that the picture of Christ was as
precious as his, he returned a profane answer; “fertur
eum hoc tantum respondisse, Qui huic rei invidet _crepet
medius_.” Ibid.
325 – Letter to the Faithfull in London, Newcastell, and Barwick;
in MS. Letters, p. 113.
326 – Bannatyne, 111, 112, 420, 421.
327 – See the Epistle to the Reader, prefixed to his Sermon,
Append. to History, p. 113. Edin. 1644, 4to.
328 – Cicero de Divinat. lib. i. 4.
329 – This is acknowledged by one who had attempted this more
frequently, and with greater acuteness, than any of them.
“De tels faits, dont l’univers est tout plein, embarrassent
plus les esprits forts qu’ils ne le temoignent.” Bayle,
Dictionnaire, Art. Maldonat, Note G. What he says,
elsewhere, of dreams, may be applied to this subject; “they
contain infinitely less mystery than the multitude believe,
and a little more than sceptics believe; and those who
reject them wholly, give reason either to suspect their
sincerity, or to charge them with prejudice and incapacity
to discern the force of evidence.” Ibid. Art. Majus, Note D.