The Scottish reformers never ascribed or allowed to civil rulers

the same authority in ecclesiastical matters which the English

did. In particular, they resisted from the beginning the claim of

ecclesiastical supremacy granted to the English monarchs. On the 7th

July, 1568, “It was delatit and fund that Thomas Bassinden, printer in

Edinburgh, imprintit an buik, intitulat _The Fall of the Roman Kirk_,

naming our King and Soverane _Supreme Head of the Primitive Kirk_――The

haill assemblie ordaint the said Thomas to call in agane all the

foirsaidis buikis yat he hes sauld, and keip the rest unsauld, until

he alter the forsaid title. Attour, the assemblie appoyntit Mr Alex.

Arburthnot to revise the rest of the forsaid tractat, and report to

the kirk quhat doctrine he findis thairin.” Buik of the Universall

Kirk, p. 38, 39. The General Assembly were frequently occupied in

settling the bounds between civil and ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and

in March 1570 arranged the objects which pertained to the latter under

six heads; including, among other things, the judgment of doctrine,

administration of divine ordinances, the election, examination,

admission, suspension, &c., of ministers, and all cases of discipline.

The following is the concluding article: “And because the conjunction

of marriages pertaineth to the ministrie, the causis of adherents and

divorcements aucht also to perteine to thame, as naturallie annexit

thairto.” Buik of the Universall Kirk, p. 51. Actes of the General

Assemblies, prefixed to the First and Second Booke of Discipline,

printed in 1621, p. 3, 4.

On occasion of some encroachments made on the liberties of the church

in 1571, John Erskine of Dun, superintendent of Angus {347} and Mearns,

addressed two letters to the regent Mar. They are written in a clear,

spirited, and forcible style, contain an accurate statement of the

essential distinction between civil and ecclesiastical jurisdiction,

and should be read by all who wish to know the early sentiments of

the church of Scotland on this subject. See Bannatyne’s Journal,

p. 279‒290.

It has always been a principle of the presbyterian church of

Scotland, that the ministers of religion ought not to be distracted

from the duties of their office by holding civil places. The first

General Assembly (Dec. 1560) agreed to petition the Estates, to

“remove ministers from civil offices, according to the canon law.”

Buik of the Universall Kirk, p. 2. At the request of the regent Mar,

the assembly, or convention, which met at Leith in January 1571‒2,

allowed Mr Robert Pont, on account of his great knowledge of the laws,

to act as a Lord of Session. Buik of the Universall Kirk, p. 54. But

in March 1572‒3, the regent Morton having laid before them a proposal

for appointing some ministers Lords of Session, the Assembly “votit

throughout that naine was able nor apt to bear the saides twa charges.”

They therefore prohibited any minister from accepting the place of

a senator; from this inhibition they, however, excepted Pont. Ibid,

p. 56. In 1584, Pont resigned his place as a Lord of Session, or

rather was deprived of it, in consequence of the act of parliament

passed that year, declaring that none of the ministers of God’s

word and sacraments――“in time cuming sall in ony waies accept, use,

or administrat ony place of judicature, in quhatsumever civil or

criminal causes, nocht to be of the Colledge of Justice, Commissioners,

Advocates, court Clerkes or Notaris in ony matteris (the making of

testamentes onely excepted).” Skene’s Acts, fol. 59, b. Edinburgh,

1597. Lord Hailes’s Catalogue of the Lords of Session, p. 5, and

note 34.

The name of Pont often occurs in the account of ecclesiastical

transactions during the remainder of the sixteenth century. The

writer of Additional Notes to Lord Hailes’s Catalogue of the Lords

of Session, calls him by mistake, “the first presbyterian minister

of the West Kirk,” p. 8. Edinburgh, 1798. William Harlaw preceded him

in that situation, (Keith, 498,) and continued to hold it in August

1571. See Letter to him from the duke {348} and Huntly, in Bannatyne’s

Journal, 217. Pont was also commissioner of Murray, and provost of

Trinity College, Edinburgh. Upon the death of the earl of March,

James VI. offered him the bishopric of Caithness, but he declined

accepting it. Keith’s Scottish Bishops, 129. He was the author

of several publications, besides the sermons against Sacrilege,

repeatedly mentioned.

The time of his death, and his age, appear from the following

inscription on his tombstone, in St Cuthbert’s churchyard:

ILLE EGO, ROBERTꝰ PONTA‑

Nꝰ IN HOC PROPE SACRO

CHRISTI QUI FUERA‾‾ PASTOR

GREGIS AUSPICE CHRISTO

ÆTERNÆ HIC RECUBANS EX‑

SPECTO RESURGERE VITÆ.

OBIIT DIE‾‾ ÆT 81, MEN‑

SIS 8 MAII, A. D. 1606.[355]

Note Z, Footnote 272.

_Particulars respecting Knox’s residence at St Andrews._――The

following particulars are extracted from the MS. Diary of Mr James

Melville. “Ther wer twa in St Androis wha war his aydant heirars, and

wraitt his sermons, ane my condiscipule, Mr Andro Young, minister of

Dumblane, who translated sum of them into Latin, and read thame in the

hall of the collage insteid of his orations.” The other was a servant

of Mr Robert Hamilton, but with what view he took notes Melville could

not say. Diary, p. 28.――“Mr Knox wald sum tymes cum in, and repast him

in our colleage yeard, and call ws schollars unto him and bliss ws,

and exhort ws to knaw God, and his wark in our countrey, and stand be

the guid caus, to use our tyme weill, and learn the guid instructiones

and follow the guid example of our maisters. Our haill collag

[St Leonard’s] maisters and schollars war sound and zelus for the

{349} guid caus, the uther twa colleges not sa.” p. 23. “This yeir

in the moneth of July, Mr Jhone Davidsone, an of our regents, maid

a pley at the marriage of Mr Jhone Colvin, quhilk I saw playit in

Mr Knox presence, wharin, according to Mr Knox doctrine, the castle

of Edinburgh was besieged, takin, and the captin, with ane or twa with

him, hangit in effigie.” p. 24. This seems to have been an exercise

among the students at the university. The following extract shows that

the fine arts were not then uncultivated, and that the professors and

students attended to them in their recreations. “I lernit singing and

pleying on instrumentis passing weill, and wald gladlie spend tyme,

whar the exercise thairof was within the collag; for twa or thrie of

our condisciples pleyed fellin weill on the virginals, and another on

the lute and githorn. Our regent had also the pinalds in his chalmer,

and lernit sum thing, and I efter him.” Melville adds, that his

fondness for music was, at one period, in danger of drawing away

his attention from more important studies, but that he overcame the

temptation, p. 25.

I may add an extract from the same Diary, relating an incident in the

life of one who entertained a high respect for Knox, and afterwards

became a distinguished minister in the church. “The ordor of four

kirks to a minister, then maid by the erle of Morton, now maid regent,

against the quilk Mr Johne Davidsone, an of the regents of our collag,

made a buik called _The Conference betwix the Clark and the Courtier_;

for the quhilk he was summoned befor the Justice Air at Haddington

this winter (1573) the lest of our course, and banished the countrey.”

p. 24. This dialogue, which is in verse, contains the following lines:

Had gude John Knox not yit bene deid,

It had not cum unto this heid:

Had thay myndit till sic ane steir,

He had maid hevin and eirth to heir.

The General Assembly, in October 1577, presented a supplication to

the regent Morton, requesting him to allow Mr Davidson to return home

from England. Buik of the Universall Kirk, p. 70. {350} The editor

of Davidson’s Poetical Remains (lately printed) has furnished some

interesting information concerning the author. I am indebted to

him for correcting a mistake into which I had fallen in the Life of

Melville. Davidson returned to Scotland during the lifetime of the

regent, though not until his fall. Hume of Godscroft, in his account

of Morton’s behaviour before his execution, says, “There he embraced

Mr John Davidson, and said to him, you wrote a book, for which I

was angry with you; but I never meant any ill to you,――forgive me.

Mr Davidson was so moved herewith, that he could not refrain from

weeping.” History of the House of Douglas and Angus, ii. 279, 12mo.

Note AA, Footnote 299.

_Verses to the memory of Knox._――Beza has inserted no verses to the

memory of our Reformer, in his _Icones, id est, Veræ Imagines Virorum

Doctrina simul et Pietate Illustrium_, published by him in Latin, anno

1580. But of this work, a French version was published under the title

of _Les Vrais Pourtraits des Hommes Illustres en Pieté et Doctrine_.

Geneve, 1581, 4to. In this translation are inserted original verses

on Knox, &c. Irving’s Memoirs of Buchanan, 234. Having never seen

this translation, I cannot say whether the verses which it contains

coincide with those which I am about to quote.

_Jacobus Verheiden_ published “Præstantium aliquot Theologorum, qui

Romæ Antichristum oppugnarunt, Effigies, quibus addita eorum Elogia,

librorumque Catalogi. Hag. Comit. 1602.” A new edition of this was

published by _Fredericus Roth‑Scholtz_, under the title of “Jacobi

Verheidenii Hagæ‑Comitis Imagines et Elogia, &c. Hagæ‑Comitum, 1725.”

In this work the following lines are placed under the portrait of

Knox:――

Scottorum primum te Ecclesia, CNOXE, docentem,

Audiit, auspiciis estque redacta tuis.

Nam te cælestis pietas super omnia traxit,

Atque Reformatæ Religionis amor.

{351} To the account of his life and writings, in the same work, is

added an _Epigram_ in Greek and in Latin, which, according to a common

practice in such compositions, consists of a play upon his name, and

that of his country, in the way of contrast; representing Knox as

driving the _nocturnal_ crows, or _scotican_ sophists, from Scotland.

As the author informs us that the Batavian youth amused themselves

in making these epigrams, and thinks that some of them will amuse the

reader, I shall not withhold this specimen in both languages.

Νυκτερίδας, νυκτὸς κόρακας, καὶ νύκτα ἀφεγγῆ,

Ἄλλα τε λύγρ’ Ἠὼς φεύγει ἀλεξίκακος·

Ὅυτως μὲν ΚΝΟΞΟΣ Σκοτικοὺς δνοφερούς τε σοφιστὰς

Ἐν Σκοτίῃ πάτρῃ ἔκβαλε λαμπόμενος.

Nocturnos corvos, noctem obscuramque, volantes

Mures, Aurora et cetera dira fugat:

Sic CNOXVS Scoticos simul obscurosque sophistas

Ex Scotica lucens ejicit hic patria.

Verheidenii Imagines et Elogia, p. 69, 70.

Hagæ‑Comitum, 1725.

Davidson’s Poem, and Johnston’s Verses, to the memory of Knox, will be

found in the Supplement.

Note BB, Footnote 300.

_Popish account of Knox’s death._――The slanders propagated by the

popish writers against our Reformer’s character have been stated in

Note S. After the specimen there given, it will not be expected that

I shall dwell upon the equally extravagant and incredible narratives

which they circulated concerning the manner of his death. I shall,

however, translate the substance of Archibald Hamilton’s account,

the original picture from which so many copies were afterwards taken.

“The opening of his mouth,” he says, “was drawn out to such a length

of deformity, that his face resembled that of a dog, as his voice

also did the barking of that animal. The voice {352} failed from that

tongue, which had been the cause of so much mischief, and his death,

most grateful to his country, soon followed. In his last sickness,

he was occupied not so much in meditating upon death, as in thinking

upon civil and worldly affairs. When a number of his friends, who held

him in the greatest veneration, were assembled in his chamber, and

anxious to hear from him something tending to the confirmation of his

former doctrine, and to their comfort, he, perceiving that his death

approached, and that he could gain no more advantage by the pretext

of religion, disclosed to them the mysteries of that Savoyan art

(_Sabaudicæ disciplinæ_, magic) which he had hitherto kept secret;

confessed the injustice of that authority which was then defended by

arms against the exiled queen; and declared many things concerning her

return, and the restoration of religion after his death. One of the

company, who had taken the pen to record his dying sayings, thinking

that he was in a delirium, desisted from writing, upon which Knox,

with a stern countenance, and great asperity of language, began to

upbraid him: ‘Thou good‑for‑nothing man! why dost thou leave off

writing what my presaging mind foresees as about to happen in this

kingdom? Dost thou distrust me? Dost thou not believe that all which

I say shall most certainly happen? But that I may attest to thee

and others how undoubted the things which I have just spoken are, go

out all of you from me, and I will in a moment confirm them by a new

and unheard‑of proof.’ They withdrew at length, though reluctantly,

leaving only the lighted candles in the chamber, and soon returned,

expecting to witness some prodigy, when they found the lights

extinguished, and his dead body lying prostrate on the ground.”

Hamilton adds, that the spectators, after recovering from their

astonishment, replaced the dead body in the bed, and entered into

an agreement to conceal what they had witnessed; but God, unwilling

that such a document should be unknown, disclosed it, “both by the

amanuensis himself, [Robertus Kambel a Pinkincleugh,] soon after taken

off by a similar death, and by others who, although unwillingly, made

clear confessions.” De Confusione Calvin. Sectæ apud Scotos, fol.

66, 67. Those who have not access to the work itself, will find the

original words extracted, although with some slight inaccuracies,

by {353} Mackenzie. Lives of Scottish writers, iii, 131, 132. “All

the rest of the Romish writers,” says Mackenzie, “insist upon such

like ridiculous stories that are altogether improbable.” Hamilton’s

fabrications gave occasion, however, to the publication of that minute

and satisfactory narrative of the last illness and death of Knox,

drawn up by one who waited on him all the time, and added by principal

Smeton to the answer which he made to that virulent writer. See above,

p. 219. Yet the popish writers continued to retail Hamilton’s story

until a late period. It was published by Knot in his _Protestancy

Condemned_, Doway 1654; and in _The Politician’s Catechism_, printed

at Antwerp, 1658, “_permissu superiorum_.” Those who wish to see the

variations which it had undergone by that time, and who have not met

with these writings, may be satisfied by looking into Strype’s Life

of Archbishop Parker, p. 367.

“The miserable, horrible, detestable, and execrable deaths” of Luther,

Calvin, and other heretics of that time, are particularly recorded by

James Laing, in the work to which I have repeatedly referred.

Note CC, Footnote 332.

_Knox’s stipend._――The General Assembly held in March 1573, passed the

following act:――“The Assemblie, considering that the travels of umqll

Johne Knox, merits favourablie to be remembrit in his posteritie,

gives to Margaret Stewart, his relict, and hir thrie daughters of the

said umqll Johne, the pension qlk he himselfe had in his tyme of the

kirk, and that for the year aproachand and following his deceis, of

the year of God 1573, to their education and support, extending to

five hundreth merks money, twa ch. quhait, sax ch. beir, four ch.

aittes.” Buik of the Universall Kirk, p. 56.

On the 25th of May, 1574, in an action “at the instance of Margaret

Haldin, relict of umq{ll} Mr Henry Fowlis of Colingtown, takesman and

fermorar of the kirk of Haillis, aganis Margaret Stewart, relict of

umq{ll} Johnne Knox, minister, and Andro Ker of Fadounsyd, now hir

spous for his entress, and Maister Adam Lethame, minister at the

kirkis of Currie, Haillis, and Sanct Katherine {354} of the hoppis;”

setting forth that both these parties demanded from her, the said

Margaret Halden, “the sowme of 1{c} pundis w{t} the kirkland of Currie,

viz., the thrid of the personage of Currie, extending to lxiiij{li}

viij{s} x{d} and thrid pairt penny, and the rest extending to xxxv{li}

xi{s} 1{d} twa pairt penny, furth of the thrid of Dumfermling,――and

she aucht not to be compellit to mak dowbill payment thairof.――The

lordis of counsale desernis and ordanis the same Margaret Haldin to

answer, obey, and mak payment to the said Margaret Stewart, relict

foirsaid, and her bairnes, of the dewtie contenit in the said tak of

the crop and yeir of God, 1{m} v{c} lxxiiij yeris, as pairtie fundin

be the saidis lordis haveand maist ryt thairto, conforme to ane

decreit given by the lordis of secreit counsale, of the dait the 25

day of Marche, the yeir of God 1{m} v{c} lxxiiij yeris, schawin and

produced befoir the saidis lordis,” &c. Reg. of Decreets of Court of

Session, vol. lvi. fo. 45.

On the 23d of May, 1569, in an action “at the instance of Allan

Couttis, chalmerlain of the abbacy of Dumfermling, aganis Johne

Knox, minister of Christes evengell, allegeing that the silver

males victuall of certane landis and tiendis of the said abbacy of

Dumfermling ar assignit to him in payment of his stipend of the crope

and yeir of God 1{m} v{c} lxviij yeris,――and that the said complener,

as chalmerlane foirsaid, is awand to him the sowme of twa hundreth and

fiftie merkis, as for the silver maill of the landis assignit to him

as said is, of the terme of Witsonday, the yeir of God foirsaid. The

lordis of consale decernis the said Allane Cowtes to answer and obey

the said Johne Knox of the said termes payment, as pairtie fundin by

the said lordis havand maist right thairto, after the form and tenor

of the assignation given and granted to him thairupon, of the dait the

21 day of September the yeir of God 1{m} v{c} lxviij yeris,” &c. Reg.

of Decreets, vol. xlii. fo. 437.

The following extracts throw light on the subject of his stipend at an

earlier period:――

“The Compt of Sir John Wyisharte of Pitarrow, Knycht Comptroller and

Collector Generall of the Thredis of the Benefices of the Realme, 1564.

“And upown the first day of August, anno &c. lxiiij, delivered to

Johne Knox, minister, at my lord comptrollaris command, in part {355}

of payment of his stipend, the soume of ane hundreth pundis, as his

acquittance beris, j{c li}.

“And mair deliverit to Margaret Fowles, Johne Knox servand, the x day

of October, the soume of twentye pundis, xx{li}.

“And upoune the xvij day of October, ȝeir abonewritten, to John Reid,

servand to Johne Knox, the soume of fourtye pundis, xl{li}.

“And mair, the ix day of Januar, ȝeir foirsaid, anno &c. deliverit to

Robert Watsone, burges of Edinburgh, for Johnne Knox, the sowme of ane

hundrethe pundis, as his acquittance therupoune beris, j{c li}.

“And to Johnne Willock, the xviij day of September, ȝeir, &c. lxiiij,

deliverit the soume of fouretye pundis at my lord comptrollaris

command, in part of payment of his stipend, as his acquittance beris,

xl{li}.

“Alsua the comptare aucht to be discharged of the prices of six

chalderis beir at twa merkis the boll, and four chalder aittis at xx{s}

the boll, coft be the comptare, and delivered to the said John Knox,

minister, for the beir and aits allowit in his stipend of the lxiiij

yeiris crop, quherof na allowance is tane be ony of the collectouris

of befoir, extending in money to ij{c} xxiiij{li}.

“The Comp{t} of Schir Williame Murray of Tullybardin, knight

comptroller and collector generall of the thriddis of the benefices,

&c. At Ed{r}. Jan. 2, 1567, of crope 1566.

“And als the comptare aucht to be discharged of the soume of twa

hundreth fourescoir twa pundis threttene schillingis four penneis,

pait and deliverit be the comptare to Johne Knox, minister, for the

half of his stipend of the cropp and ȝeir of God I{m} v{c} lxvj yeiris

baith silver and victuall at command of my lord regentis precept, as

the same and his acquittance producit upon compt proportis,

ij{c} lxxxij {lib} xiij{s} iiij{d}.

“And of the soume of ane hundreth thretty three pundis six schillinges

aucht penneis pait be the comptare to William Stewart, Ross Herald,

translater of sic werkis in the kirk as ar necessar for edifiing of

the people, quherof he hes had allocatioun of ald be the appointment

of the Buke of the modificatioun of the ministerie.

j{c} xxxiij{li} vi{s} viij{d}.”

{356}

Note DD. Footnote 336.

_Of Knox’s descendants._――In the former editions of this work, it

was stated that one of our Reformer’s daughters was married to Robert

Pont, minister of St Cuthbert’s; but I have since ascertained that

her husband was Zachary Pont, one of the sons of that minister. This

appears from the following documents:

“Nov. 13. 1599.――Mr Zach. Pont, portioner of Schyresmilne, and

Margaret Knox, his spouse,” inhibited by Bessie Colvill.

“11 Feb{y}, 1602.――Said Mr Zach. Pont and spouse inhibited by

Mr Johne Velsche, minister of Godis word at our bust of Kirckcudbryt,

and Elizabethe Knox his spous.” Pont owes complainers 1000{m}, as per

contract between parties at Schyrismylne, 8 Apr. 1596. Reg{d} in books

of Session, 17 Nov. 1601. (Particular Register of Inhibitions, vol. v.)

“Marg. Knox, spous to Mr Zach. Pont, minister at Boar in Cathnes,

w{t} consent of Mr Jo{n} Ker, minister at Preston, and Mr Ja{s} Knox,

ane of the regents of the College of Ed{n},” receives from Andro

Lord Stewart of Vchiltrie, 1300 merks. (Gen. Reg. of Decreets, vol.

cvii; 28 May, 1605.) There is a previous deed relating to the same

transaction, which is signed by “Mr Jo{n} Ker, sone to umq{ll} Andro

Ker of Fadounside, witnes”. (Ibid. vol. civ; 13 Dec. 1664.)

The celebrated Dr Witherspoon, minister of Paisley, and afterwards

president of the college of New Jersey, in America, was a descendant

of our Reformer: and, according to the information of Dr Samuel

Stanhope Smith, his son‑in‑law, and successor in the presidency,

traced his line of descent through Mrs Welch.

I have been favoured with the following pedigree from Alexander

Thomson, Esq. of Banchory, in Aberdeenshire. “John Knox, the

celebrated Reformer, left three daughters, one of whom was married

to a Mr Baillie of the Jerviswood family, and by him had a daughter,

who was married to a Mr Kirkton of Edinburgh. By this marriage

Mr Kirkton had a daughter, Margaret, who was married to Dr Andrew

Skene in Aberdeen. Dr Skene left several children, the eldest of

whom, Dr Andrew Skene, had by his {357} wife, Miss Lumsden of Cushnie,

several sons and daughters. One of these, Mary, was married to Andrew

Thomson of Banchory, who had issue by her, Margaret, Andrew, and

Alexander. Andrew married Miss Hamilton, daughter of Dr Hamilton, of

Marischall College, Aberdeen, and by her had issue, Alexander, born

June 21, 1798, and present proprietor of Banchory.” It is not uncommon

for persons who happen to be of the same name with an individual who

has attained celebrity, to claim a family relation to him upon very

slender grounds. But in the present instance, not to mention the

particularity of detail in the genealogical table, there is no ground

to suspect that the tradition could have such an origin; as the name

of Knox occurs only at the earliest stage of the supposed connexion.

Perhaps one of the Reformer’s daughters was twice married; or, which

I think more probable, it was one of his grand‑daughters who married

a Mr Baillie of Jerviswood. Among the pictures at Mellerstain (now

the seat of the ancient family of Jerviswood) is a portrait of

captain Kirkton, an officer of the Royal Navy. And we know from other

authorities, that Robert Baillie of Jerviswood, who was executed at

Edinburgh in 1684, was brother‑in‑law to Mr James Kirkton, minister

first at Merton, and afterwards in Edinburgh. Burnet’s Hist. of his

own Times, ii. 157. Wodrow, i. 422.

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