it appears that the Genevese Reformer had been consulted by our
countrymen on some other points of considerable difficulty,――most
probably those questions on which the nobility and the ministers
differed. He wrote them accordingly, but soon after was applied
to a second time for his opinion on the same subject, as his first
letter had miscarried. Knowing that his judgment was not altogether
agreeable to some of his correspondents, he suspected that they wished
to draw from him an answer more favourable to their own sentiments,
and expressed his dissatisfaction at such conduct. Knox, who appears
to have been employed in the correspondence, was grieved at this
suspicion, and vindicated himself from the imputation. Calvin, in
this letter, apologises for his severity, and assures him that he
never entertained any suspicion of his integrity. “Te vero dolose
quicquam egisse, neque dixi, neque suspicatus sum.――Ac mihi dolet,
quod exciderat ex ore meo, sic in animum tuum penetrasse, ut putares
malæ fidei aut astutiæ, a qua te remotum {304} esse judico, fuisse
insimulatam. Facessat igitur metus ille vel cura.” In both letters,
Calvin signifies his high satisfaction at the wonderful success of
the Reformation in Scotland. The conclusion of the last is expressive
of the unaffected piety of the writer, and his warm regard for his
correspondent. “Hic versamur inter multa discrimina. Una tantum
cælestis præsidii fiducia nos a trepidatione eximit: quanvis non simus
metu vacui. Vale, eximie vir, et ex animo colende frater. Dominus
tibi semper adsit, te gubernet, tueatur, ac sustentet sua virtute.”
Ut supra, p. 564‒566, et in alter. edit. p. 150.
These are the only parts of the correspondence between Calvin and our
Reformer which have been published; but Mons. Senebier, the librarian
of Geneva, has informed us that there are a number of Knox’s letters
to Calvin preserved in the public library of that city. Histoire
Litteraire de Geneve, tom. i. p. 380.
During his residence at Geneva, Knox became acquainted with Beza,
who then acted as professor of Greek in the neighbouring city of
Lausanne, from which he was translated to Geneva, upon the erection
of the university there, the same year in which our Reformer returned
to Scotland. An epistolary correspondence was afterwards maintained
between them. Two letters of Beza to Knox, the one dated June 3, 1569,
the other April 12, 1572, are inserted in Epistol. Theolog. Bezæ,
p. 333‒336, 344‒346, of the first edition; and p. 304‒307, 314‒316,
of the second edition, Genevæ, 1575. Both of them evince the
writer’s ardent regard for our Reformer, and his high opinion of
our reformation. The first letter is inscribed, “To John Knox, the
Restorer of the Gospel of God in Scotland,” and begins with these
words: “Gratiam et pacem tibi, mi frater, omnibusque vestris sanctis
ecclesiis opto a Deo et Patre Domini nostri Jesu Christi, cui etiam
gratias ago assidue, tum de tanta ipsius in vos beneficentia, tum
de vestra singulari in asserendo ipsius cultu constantia et animi
fortitudine.――Euge, mi frater, quam recte illud quod disciplinam
simul cum doctrina conjungitis? Obsecro et obtestor ut ita pergatis,
ne vobis idem quod tam multis eveniat, ut qui in limine impegerint,
progredi non possint, imo etiam interdum ne velint quidem, quod longe
misserrimum est.” The second letter, which behoved to be received by
Knox only a few months before his death, could not fail to {305} be
gratifying to him, even although he had then taken a formal “farewell
of the world.” It is addressed “To his dearest Brother and Colleague,”
and begins in the following lofty strain of affection: “Etsi tanto
terrarum et maris ipsius intervallo disjuncti corporibus sumus, mi
Cnoxe, tamen minime dubito quin inter nos semper viguerit, et ad
extremum vigeat, summa illa animorum conjunctio, unius ejusdemque
spiritus fideique vinculo sancita.”
Note H, Footnote 37.
_Evidence of Queen Mary’s design to restore the Roman Catholic
Religion in Scotland._――The reader who doubts that this was her
uniform object from the time that she left France, may consult the
following authorities. Throkmorton’s Conference with Mary, in Knox,
Historie, 275‒277. Keith, History, 164‒167. Life of bishop Lesley, in
Anderson’s Collections, i. 4, iii. 9. The letters of the cardinal de
St Croix, (ambassador from the pope to the court of France,) extracted
from the Vatican library, afford a striking demonstration of the
intentions of the queen. St Croix writes to cardinal Borromeo, that
the grand prior of France (one of Mary’s uncles) and Mons. Danville
had arrived from Scotland on the 17th November (1561,) and had brought
information, that the queen was going on successfully in surmounting
all opposition to her in that kingdom. Being informed one day that
some heretics had extinguished the candles on her altar, she repaired
to the chapel, and having ascertained the fact, commanded a baron,
one of the most powerful and most addicted to Lutheranism, to re‑light
the candles, and place them on the altar: in which she was instantly
obeyed. After relating another instance of her spirited conduct
against the magistrates of a certain borough who had banished the
popish priests, the cardinal adds:――“by these means she has acquired
greater authority and power, for enabling her to restore the ancient
religion;” “con che acquesta tutta via maggior autorita et forze, per
posser restituer en quel regno l’antica religione.” Aymon, Synodes
Nationaux des Eglises Reformees de France, tom. i. p. 17, 18.
{306}
Note I, Footnote 39.
_Sanguinary Spirit and Principles of Roman Catholics._――Bayle,
Commentaire Philosophique, tome i. pref. xiv. part ii. chap. v.
p. 343, 347, anno 1686, and his Critique Generale de l’Histoire du
Caivinisme, p. 486, 501‒519. Hume’s Hist. of England, vol. vii.
chap. i. p. 24. Lond. 1793, 12mo. Robertson’s History of Scotland,
vol. ii. p. 62, 143, 352. Lond. 1809.
“Les Papistes,” says Bayle, in a treatise in which he pleads for
toleration on a very extensive basis――“Les Papistes eux‑memes sont les
premiers en ce pais‑ci à crier qu’il n’y a rien de plus injuste que de
vexer la conscience. Pensée ridicule en leur bouche! et non seulement
ridicule, mais traitresse, &c. _i.e._ The papists themselves are the
first in this country [Britain] to exclaim that there is nothing more
unjust than to distress conscience. A sentiment ridiculous in their
mouth! and not only ridiculous, but treacherous, and marked with
that dishonesty which they have uniformly discovered for so many
ages. For they would not fail, in three years, to burn and butcher
all who refused to go to mass, if they acquired the power, and could
avail themselves of the baseness of a sufficient number of court
parasites, men of venal souls, and unworthy of the protestant name
which they bear, to overturn the fundamental barriers which so
salutarily restrain the royal power.” Commentaire Philosophique,
pref. p. xiii. xiv.
The sentiments contained in the following passage are now become
so antiquated and unintelligible, that I shall not risk my credit
by venturing to translate it. “Les malheurs qui sont arrivez à nos
freres de France tourneront, comme il y a apparence, à notre profit.
Il nous out remis dans la necessaire defiance du Papisme, il nous
out fait voir que cette fausse religion ne s’amende pas par le long
age, qu’elle est toujours, comme au tems jadis, animée de l’esprit
de fourbe et de cruauté, et que malgré la politesse, l’honneteté, la
civilité, qui regne dans les manieres de ce siecle plus qu’en aucun
autre, elle est toujours brutale et farouche. Chose etrange! tout
ce qu’il y avoit de grossier dans les mœurs de nos ancestres s’est
evanouit; à cet air rustique et sauvage des vieux {307} tems a succedé
par toute l’Europe Chretienne une douceur et une civilité extreme.
Il n’y a que le Papisme qui ne se sent point du changement, et qui
retient toujours son ancienne et habituelle ferocité. Nous nous
imaginions nous autres Anglois, que c’etoit une bete apprivoisseé, un
loup et un tigre qui avoit oublie son naturel sauvage; mais Dieu merci
aux Convertisseurs de France, nous nous sommes desabusez, et nous
savons à qui nous aurions à faire si notre sort etoit entre leurs
mains. Pesans bien cela et considerons quel malheur nous pendroit
sur la tete, si nous laissions croitre le Papisme dans ce bien
heureux climats. Je ne veux pas que cela nous porte à faire aucunes
represailles sur les papistes; non, je deteste ces imitations; je
souhaite seulement qu’ils n’aquierent pas la force d’executer sur
nous ce qu’ils savent faire.” Ibid. p. xv. xviii. xix.
Note K, Footnote 59.
The following extracts from the records of the town council of
Edinburgh, show the attention which they paid to the support and
accommodation of their minister.
May 8, 1560. The provost, bailies, and council ordain the
treasurer to pay the sum of L.40 Scots for furnishing of the minister,
John Knox, in his household; and because he had been furnished on
David Forrester’s expenses since his coming to this town, for the
space of 15 days, ordains to receive David’s accompts, and make
payment.――“Penultimo Octobris 1560. The quhilk day, the provost,
baillies, and counsaill ordainis James Barroun to pay to John Knox the
soulme of sax scoir pounds of the reddiest money of the solmes being
in his hands, and sicklyk the soulme of L.20.” This last sum seems
to have been allotted for repairs on his house.――“12th Dec. 1560. The
provost, baillies, and counsill ordanis James Barroun (dean of guild
of last year) to pay and deliver to John Knox, minister, the soume
of fiftie pound for supporting of his charges, and that incontinent
after the sight heirof, and gif it beis funden that the said James
be superexpendit, after the making of his accompt, precepts shall be
given in maist strait forme, commanding the treasurer to mak him gud
and thankfull payment of his haill superexpensis, within aught days
nixt thairafter.” {308} From the minutes of Dec. 22, 1560, April 5,
and May 28, 1561, it appears that his fixed stipend was L.200 a‑year;
for L.50 is ordered, each time, “for his quarter payment” or “dues.”
On Dec. 14, 1560, it was agreed that his house rent should afterwards
be “paid at the rate of 15 merks a‑year.”
“Penultimo Octobris [1561.] The samine day the provost, baillies,
and counsail ordanis the dene of gyld, with all diligence, to mak ane
warme stuydye of dailles to the minister, Johne Knox, within his hous,
abone the hall of the same, with lyht and wyndokis thereunto, and all
uther necessaris: and the expenciss disbursit be him salbe allowit
to him in his accomptis.”――“January 1561 (_i.e._ 1562) the provost,
baillies, and counsale, understanding that the minister, Jhone Knox,
is requyrit be the hale kirk to passe in the partis of Anguss and
Mearnys, for electing of ane superintendent thare, to the quhilk
they themselfs hes grantit, thairfoir ordains Alexander Guthrie, dene
of gild, to pass in companie with him, for furnishing of the said
ministeris charges, and to deburse and pay the same of the readeast of
the townis gudis in his handis, quhilk salbe allowit in his accomptis:
And further haist the said minister hame, that the kirk hear be not
desolait.”
To these extracts respecting Knox, I may add one from the same
records respecting Willock, who officiated in his place as minister of
Edinburgh during the civil war. “29 August, 1560. The counsail ordains
their treasurer to deliver to John Willock 22 crownes of the sone
for recompense of the great traveill sustenit be him this haill yiere
bygane, in preching and administring the sacramentis within this burgh,
and ordanis ane member of the counsall to thank him for his greit
benevolence, and for the greit travaill forsaid.” Previous to this,
they had remunerated John Cairns, with whom Willock had lodged.
In the text I have mentioned, that, after the arrangement made by
the privy council respecting the thirds of benefices, Knox seems to
have received part of his stipend from the common fund. The extracts
which Keith has given from the books of assignation mention only two
allowances made to him. “To John Knox, minister, wheat 2 c[halders],
bear 6 c. meal o. oates 4 c.” Whether this was for the year 1563, or
not, Keith does not say. He adds {309} in a note, “For the year 1568,
I see L.333, 6s. 8d. given to Mr Knox.” History, Appendix, 188. His
stipend at the time of his death will be stated in Note BB. Keith has
inserted, from the books of assignation, the prices of the principal
articles of living at that time, from which an idea of the value
of money may be formed. Ibid. 189. The following are a specimen. In
Fyfe, Lothian, Merse, and Teviotdale, for 1573, wheat, L.26, 13s. 4d.
the chalder; bear, L.21, 6s. 8d.; meal, L.16; oats, 20 merks. Or,
according to another account, without expressing any county, wheat,
L.1 the boll; bear, L.1, 13s. 4d.; meal the same; oats, 10s.; malt,
L.2; rye, and pease and beans, the same; mairts of Aberdeen, L.2, 13s.
4d. the piece; sheep, 9s.; poultry, 4s. the dozen; geese, 1s. the
piece; cheese, 6s. 8d. the stone.
Note L, Footnote 64.
Protocol――James Nicolson.
Pro Johanne Knox.
_Knox’s Protest in the affairs of the Earl of Angus._――Vigesimo quarto
die mensis Octobris, anno Domini millesimo quingentesimo sexagesimo
primo, in presence of me notair, and witnesses vnderwrittin, Comperit
Johnne Knox, minister of Edinburgh, and thair being requyrit be George
Dowglas, sone naturall to vmquhile Archibald erle of Angus that last
deceissit, to deliuer agane to him the letter of renunciatioun maid
be the said George of the landis, lordschip, and baronie of Abirnethy,
and regalite thairof, with the maner, places, mylnis, multuris,
woddis, fischingis, tennentis, tennandriys, service of free tennentis,
aduocatiounis, donationis, and rychtis of patronages of the kirkis,
benefices, collegis, and prebendarys thairof, &c., in favouris of
Archibald, now erle of Angus, of the daitt at Edinburgh, the xxiiij
day of Junij the zeir of God I{m} v{c} threscoir ane zeiris; and
consignit and putt be him in the handis of the said Johnne, in hoip
of aggreance to haif bene dressit betuix him the said erle and his
tutouris. Ansuerit, that he granted the resaving of the said lettir,
vnder conditioun foirsaid; and that he had bestowit his faithfull
laubouris besyde the travellis tane zairin be diuers noble men {310}
to haif had that mater aggreit. Be quham thair wes diuers reasonable
offeris maid to the said George, quhilkis he hes refusit, and
thairfoir protestit gif that his refuis turne heirefter to his awin
damnage, that the said Johnne be innocent thairof. Testifiand to
the said George, in his awin presence and ouris, and also befoir
God, that the offer maid is mair reasonable nor he belevis the said
George is able to haif ony proffett or gaynes vtherwyis thairbi.
And thairupoun the said Johnne deliuerit to the said George his said
lettir of renunciatioun, of the daitt foirsaid, vnder his seill and
subscriptioun, quhilk the said George confessit and recognoscit to
be the same quhilk he deliuerit, togidder also with his seill in
lead, quhilkis the said George resavit and dischargit the said
Johnne thairof. Quhairupoun the said Jo{n} askit instrumentis. Done
in maister James M‘gillis study, at vj houris at evin, or thairbi.
Present thairat the said Maister James, clerk of reḡri; Maister
George Hay, vicare of Eddilstoune; Adam Wauchop, and I James Nicolson.
J. NICOLSON.
Note M, Footnote 75.[352]
_Minutes of the Town Council of Edinburgh respecting a
second Minister._――“10th April, 1562.――The same day the counsale,
understanding the tedious and havie labours sufferit be the minister,
Jhone Knox, in preiching thrise in the oulk, and twise on the Sounday,
ordains with ane consent to solist and persuade Maister Jhone Craig,
presentlie minister of the Canongait, to accept upoun him the half
chargis of the preaching of the said kirk of Edinburgh for sic gud
deid as thai can aggre on.”――That this measure was not carried into
effect for some time after, appears from the following act of council.
“18th June, 1563.――After lang reasoning upon the necessities of
ministers, finds that there salbe ane uther minister elected be the
provost, baillies, and counsale, dekynes and elderis of this burgh,
and addit to Johne Knox, minister.” From the same act and subsequent
measures, it is evident that the want of necessary funds was the cause
of the delay. For the council resolved, {311} that “for susteaning of
thame baith, togidder with Johne Cairns reider,” the deacons should
meet with the trades and the merchants, to see what they would be
willing to give. The reports made to the council bore that, if they
would fix a particular stipend, the trades were willing to pay a fifth
part of it, according to old custom. But although Craig had not been
translated from the Canongate, he seems to have performed a part of
the duty in Edinburgh; for, in the same month, I find the council
appointing a number of persons “to go amang the faithfull who had
communicate,” and make a collection for “Johnne Craig and Johnne
Cairns, who had received nothing for a lang time.” This expedient
they were obliged afterwards to repeat. On the 26th September, 1561,
the council had agreed to give “to John Cairns, lector of morning
prayeris, 100 merks a‑year, in tyme to cum.” Records of Town Council.
Note N, Footnote 88.
_Writings of Quintin Kennedy and George Hay._――Keith has inserted
a letter which Kennedy wrote to the archbishop of Glasgow, and the
correspondence between him and Willock, in 1559. He has also given
large extracts from his Compendious Tractive. History, Append.
p. 193‒203. The following quotations may be added, for verifying the
statement which I have made in the text. Having quoted John, v. 39,
Kennedy says, “Marke (gud redare) the Scripture to occupy the place of
ane wytnes, and not the place of ane juge.” A, iiij. In a subsequent
part of the work, he endeavours to qualify what he had stated
respecting the church being judge of all matters in religion. “We
never say in all our lytil tractive, that the kirk is juge to the
Scripture, bot yat the kirk is juge to discern quhilk is the trew
Scripture of God, and to mak manifest to the congregation the trew
understandyng of the samyn.” Ibid. H, v. This explication does not
much mend the matter; for certainly he who has the power of calling
what witnesses he pleases, and of putting what sense he pleases upon
their testimony, is to all intents and purposes the judge of the
witnesses, and of their evidence. Having mentioned that there were
persons “swa religious {312} and clean fyngerit, that thair wil na
thyng perswade thaim without testimony of Scripture,” he adds, “All
Christin men havand ane generale understanding of the articles of our
faith (conforme to the understanding that the kirk hes teacheit ws);
the ten commandements, the prayer of the Lord callit the Pater noster,
it suffices to thame to quhame it does not appertene of thair office
nor vocatioun, to occupy the place of the prechairis or techeairis in
the congregatioun. As to the sacramentis, and all uther secretis of
the Scripture, stand to the jugement of thy pasture, (without curious
ressoning or cersing of the secretis of Godis word,) quha beiris thy
burding in all materis doutsum abone thy knawledge, conforme to the
saying of the apostle, ‘Obey unto your superioris,’ &c. And in cais
they be negligent, ressave doctryne of the kirk, as the tyme teicheis
ws. Be this way (quhilk is conforme to Godis word and all veritie) it
sall be asie to all men, quhat place or estait in the congregatioun
that ever he occupy, to beir his awin burding.” Ibid. D, vii.
Another work of Kennedy has lately been printed, from a MS. in the
Auchinleck library, under the following title: “Ane Oratioune in
fauouris of all thais of the Congregatione, exhortand thaim to aspy
how wonderfullie thai ar abusit be thair dissaitful prechouris, set
furth be master Quintine Kennedy, Commendatour of Corsraguell, ye zeir
of Gode 1561.” Edinburgh, 1812. Perhaps this oration was printed in
the year mentioned in the title, although no copy is now to be found,
and was one of “his books,” referred to by the abbot in his dispute
with Knox. I have already given extracts from this book, in vol. i.
p. 398, 439. It concludes in the following manner: “Quharfor, with
all my hart exhortis, prays, and but mercie appellis thar pestilent
precheouris,” [on the margin, “Knox, Willock, Winrame, Gudmane,
Dowglasse, Heriot, Spottiswoode, and all ye rest.”] “puffit vp with
vane glore, quhilkis rackinnis thaimselfis of gretar knawlege nor
Christis haill kirk, cumand but authoritie, subuertand, subornande,
and circumuenande the simple peple, cersande thair pray like the
deuillis rachis, barkcand bauldly like bardis, aganis the blissit
sacrament of the altare, the sacrifice of the mess, and all vther
godlie ordinance of Jhesus Christ and his kirk, to preiss their wittis
and inginis, and to streik {313} all thair pennis in my contrar,
makande the congregatioun and all vtheris to vnderstande, gif I do
propirly, truely, and godly, or nocht, invey aganis thair deuillische
doctrine and doyingis. Failyeande thairof, recant, for schame, recant
(ye famouse precheouris) and cum in obedience to the kirk of God,
quhilk ye haue stubbornlie misknawin this lang time bypast, (and that
nocht without grete dangere to your avne saulis and mony vtheris,)
thairfor recant, in tyme recant, as ye lufe your saluation, and cry
God mercie: To quham, with the Sone and Haly Gaist, be prayse, honour,
and glore, for ever ande ever. Amen. Progenies viperarum fugite a
ventura ira, nam securis ad radicem arboris posita est, penitentiam
agite. Matth. iii.”
In his dispute with Knox, the abbot mentions his “books,” and he
refers particularly to a book which he had published in 1561, on the
sacrament of the mass. There is in the library of Alexander Boswell,
Esq. of Auchinleck, a MS. by the abbot, entitled, “Ane familiar
commune and ressoning anent the misterie of the sacrifice of the mess,
betwixt twa brether, master Quintin Kennedy, comendator of Corsraguell,
and James Kennedy of . In the yeir of God ane thousand, five
hundred, three scoir ane yeir.” It was answered by George Hay, in a
work entitled, “The Confutation of the Abbote of Crosraguels Masse,
set furth by Maister George Hay. Imprinted at Edinburgh by Robert
Lekpreuik, 1563.” The dedication is inscribed, “To the most noble,
potent, and godlie Lord James Earle of Murray.” This is the book to
which Winzet alludes on the margin of his Buke of Questionis, where he
says, “Mr George Hay, fy haist zow to recant.” Keith, Append. p. 236,
246. I have been favoured with the sight of a copy of this rare
tract, belonging to Richard Heber, Esq. It would seem that the abbot’s
treatise was not printed, but that copies of it had been transcribed,
and industriously circulated through the country in manuscript; for
Hay repeatedly makes the supposition that there might be variations
in the different copies, and on one occasion confesses that he could
not read a passage in the copy which he used. “Followeth, another
objection made by James. Alwayes,” sayes he, “all ze wha vses the
Masse, dois not (this (not) is not in the text, that is come to my
handes, but because the sentence requireth it, {314} I haue added it)
as Christe did in the latter supper,” &c. He gives another quotation
from the abbot in the following manner: “Trewly, brother, and ze be
sa scrupulus Scripturares, that ze will do nothing but (but is not in
my text) as Christe did, towards the vse of the Sacramentes, ze will
subuert our haile Faith, and commend our awin doinges,[353] (so I ride
it) (our owen doinges or commonly I can not tell which should be red,
or if there be any other thing yet,) for quhair finde ze that Christe
euer appointed ane man to be baptized,” &c. Fol. 36, b. 37, a, b.