It would, indeed, have been more natural if in connexion with the

idea of the congregation of souls enclosed in the {536} kingdom of

the underworld deities a belief in a compensatory justice to be

found in this after-life of the dead, had grown up and obtained

popular currency. The oppressed and needy who feel themselves

deprived of their share in this world's goods think only too easily

that somewhere there must be a place where they too will some day

enjoy the fruits that others alone are allowed to pluck upon

earth--and place that "somewhere" beyond the boundaries of this

world and of reality. Pious belief in the gods expects to obtain the

prize, so often denied upon earth, in a realm of the spirit. If

indeed such a conviction of a compensatory justice to

come[95\15]--reward of the virtuous and punishment of the wicked in

a hereafter--was really more widely and seriously held in this age

than it had been before,[96\15] then the cult of the underworld

deities as it was practised in the mysteries of the states and the

various religious societies must have contributed in a large degree

to bring this about. And contrariwise, the belief that the punishing

and rewarding omnipotence of the gods would be felt in a hereafter

must have brought an unbroken stream of adherents to those mysteries

which in fact offered their help and mediation in the life to come.

Those only could imagine that they had detailed knowledge of the

enigmas that lie beyond the reach of all experience, who could

surrender themselves entirely to the dogmatic teaching of a closed

sect. We may in fact take leave to doubt whether the gruesome

pictures of a place of torment in Hades, with its undying punishment

in devouring flames, and the similar fancies that later authors

sometimes express, were in reality anything more than the private

imaginations with which exclusive and superstitious conventicles

sought to terrorize their members.[97\15] The charming pictures of a

"Land of Arrival" to which death sends the much-tried children of

men, may have been more widely accepted. Homer, the universal

instructor, had stamped them upon men's memories. For the poet the

Elysian plain had been a place situated upon the surface of the

earth to which the occasional favour of the gods was able to

translate a few of their dearest favourites, that they might there

enjoy, without seeing death, unending bliss.[98\15] In imitation of

the Homeric fancy, the poetry of the following ages had imagined the

translation of many other Heroes and heroic women of the legendary

past to a secret life of bliss in Elysium or in the Islands of the

Blest.[99\15] Later fancy, which saw in Elysium the Land of Promise

to which all men who had lived in a manner pleasing to the gods

{537} would be taken after their death,[100\15] now placed its

Elysium or Islands of the Blest in the interior of the earth beyond

the reach of all save disembodied souls. In later times this became

the currently accepted view, but the subject remained undefined and

subject to variation. Men must still, in fact, have imagined The

Isles of the Blest, the abode of privileged spirits, to be situated

upon the surface of the earth (though, indeed, far away beyond the

limits of the discovered countries of the globe, when attempts could

be made to find the way there and to bring back news to the living.

The attempt attributed to Sertorius was only the most famous of such

voyages of discovery.[101\15] Why, indeed, should these magic Isles

remain for ever undiscovered upon the borders of the inhabited world

that yet offered so wide a field for discovery, when everybody knew

of the island in the Black Sea, often visited by living men, where

Achilles, the supreme example of miraculous translation, lived for

ever in perpetual enjoyment of his youth? For centuries the island

of Leukê, the separate Elysium of Achilles and a few select among

the Heroes, was visited and reverenced with religious awe.[102\15]

Here men thought they could discern in immediate perception, and in

actual physical contact, something of the mysterious existence of

blessed spirits. The belief in the possibility of miraculous

translation to an eternity of unbroken union of body and soul, thus

palpably and visibly substantiated, could not completely die even in

this prosaic age. The educated did indeed find this conception so

strange and unintelligible that when they come to speak of

translation legends of the past they profess themselves unable to

say what exactly the ancients had supposed to occur when such

miracles took place.[103\15] But the populace, which finds nothing

easier to believe in than the impossible, once more naively accepted

the miracle. Did not the examples of Amphiaraos and Trophonios

plainly establish the fact of translation to underground retreats?

And to them as being still alive in their caves beneath the earth a

cult was offered until an advanced period.[104\15] The translation

of beautiful youths to everlasting life in the kingdom of the nymphs

and spirits was the subject of many folk-tales.[105\15] Even in

contemporary life the miracle of translation seemed not altogether

impossible.[106\15] When the kings and queens of the Macedonian

empire of the East began to receive divine honours in imitation of

the great Alexander himself, it was not long before men ventured to

affirm that at the end of his earthly existence the Divine Ruler

everywhere {538} does not die but is merely "carried away" by the

gods and still lives on.[107\15] It is the peculiar property of

divinity, as Plato clearly expresses it,[108\15] to live for ever in

the indivisible unity of body and soul. A court-bred theology could

the more easily make such demands upon the belief of subject peoples

in the Semitic East, and possibly in Egypt too, because

native[109\15] legends had already told of the translation to

immortal life of individual men dear to the gods and akin to the

gods in nature; just as similar stories became common in Italian

legends too,[110\15] though possibly only under the influence of

Greek models. Indeed, quite apart from obsequious courtliness,

Greeks and half-Greeks were quite capable of entertaining the

idea[111\15] that the darlings of their fancy, such as Alexander the

Great, had not suffered death but had been translated alive to the

realm of imperishable physical existence. This is shown clearly

enough by the success which attended the appearance, in Moesia at

the beginning of the third century A.D., of another Alexander. This

imposter travelled from land to land with a great train of

Bacchants, and everywhere men believed in his identity with the

great monarch.[112\15] A little earlier they had believed with equal

credulity in the reappearance upon earth of the Emperor

Nero,[113\15] who, it was thought, had not died but had merely

disappeared. When Antinous, the beautiful youth beloved by the

Emperor Hadrian, sank and disappeared in his watery grave he was at

once regarded as a god who had, in fact, not died but had been

translated.[114\15] The miraculous translation of Apollonios of

Tyana is reported with the utmost seriousness;[115\15] like the

other marvels and mysteries in the strange and enigmatic existence

of this prophetic figure, it found believers enough.[116\15]

But such unbroken continuance of the united life of body and soul,

begun upon earth and carried on in a mysterious abode of bliss (the

oldest form taken by the idea of human immortality in the Greek

mind), was never attributed to more than a few specially favoured

and specially gifted individuals. An immortality of the human soul

as such, by virtue of its nature and composition--as the

imperishable force of divinity in the mortal body--never became a

real part of the belief of the Greek populace. When approximations

to such a belief do occasionally find expression in popular modes of

thought, it is because a fragment of theology or of the universally

popular philosophy has penetrated to the lower strata of the

uninstructed populace. Theology and philosophy remained the sole

true repositories of the belief in the {539} immortality of the

soul. In the meeting together and conjunction of Greek and foreign

ideas in the Hellenized Orient it was not Greek popular tradition

but solely the influence of Greek philosophy, that, finding favour

even outside the limits of Greek nationality, communicated to

foreign nations the arresting concept of the divine, imperishable

vitality of the human soul--upon the impressionable Jewish people,

at least, it had the profoundest and most deeply penetrating

influence.[117\15]

§ 5

All the various modes of conceiving the life enjoyed by the soul

after the death of the body, as they had been explored, modified,

and developed in the course of centuries, were admitted on an equal

footing to the consciousness of the Greeks in this late period of

their maturity. No formulated body of religious doctrine had by a

process of exclusion and definition given the victory to any one

conception at the expense of the others. But where so much was

permitted and so little proscribed it is still possible to ask how

these various formulations of belief, expectation, and hope stood in

relation to each other. Were any more popular and more readily

received than others? To answer this question it is natural to

suppose that we have only to turn to the numerous inscriptions from

the gravestones of the people. Here, especially in these later

times, individuals give unhampered expression to their own feelings

and thus reveal the extent and character of popular belief. But

information derived from this source must be carefully scrutinized

if it is not to lead to misconception.

If we pass in imagination through the long rows of streets in which

the Greeks placed the memorials of their dead, and read the

inscriptions on the tombstones--they now form part of the

accumulated treasures of Greek Epigraphy--the first thing that must

arrest our attention is the complete silence maintained by the

enormous majority of these inscriptions with regard to any

hope--however formulated--or any expectation of a life of the soul

after death. They content themselves with recording the name of the

dead, adding only the name of the father and (in the case of a

foreigner) the country of the deceased. At the most, the custom of

some localities may add a "Farewell". Such stubborn silence cannot

be satisfactorily explained simply on the grounds of an economy

practised by the surviving relatives {540} of the deceased (though

in some cases a municipal regulation against wordy inscriptions may

have given countenance to such economies).[118\15] The very silence

of this people that was never at a loss for words to express its

meaning whether in verse or in prose, is in itself expressive. Where

so little need was felt to give utterance to hopes of comfort, such

hopes cannot have been of very vital consequence or matters of much

assurance. Men rescued from forgetfulness only what had been the

exclusive property of the individual--his name; the appellation

which had distinguished him from all others in his lifetime and has

now become the barest and emptiest envelope of the once living

personality. Inscriptions in which precise hopes of a future life

are expressed form a very small proportion of the great mass of

epitaphic records. And of these very few again are in prose. Not as

simple records of plain and authentic fact do such provisions and

announcements of a blessed and hoped-for futurity present

themselves. They need the artistic pomp and circumstance with which

poetic fancy and extravagant affection clothe their inspired

voyagings beyond the region of cold and matter of fact reality. This

is certainly significant. Even among the poetic epitaphs the

majority allude only to the life which the deceased has now done

with, looking back upon the circumstances of his life--his fortunes

and activities and character; giving expression, often with the most

convincing sincerity, to the regret and dependence of the survivors;

fixing attention exclusively upon things of this world. Wherever, at

last, allusion is made to a future life, the tendency is rather to

let fancy roam far beyond the limits of experience and sober

reflexion to a vague and visionary land of promise. Such lofty

aspirations needed more than any others the elevated language of

verse. But we should run the risk of falling into grave error if we

concluded from the preponderance of such aspirations among the

metrical epitaphs that these were the normal views of the city folk

who were their contemporaries.

The simple and archaic conception which perpetuates the old Homeric

attitude and views without a complaint or a regret the disappearance

of the soul of the departed into Erebos, is of the rarest occurrence

among these sepulchral verses.[119\15] More commonly we have the

prayer that the departed may "rest in peace", expressed in the

traditional formula[120\15]--a formula that really refers to the

dead man lying in his grave but also contains a further allusion to

the "soul" that has departed to Hades.[121\15] The idea is not yet

dead {541} that there is a realm of the souls which receives the

departed--Hades, the world ruled over by the Underworld deities, the

"Chamber" of Persephone, the seat of primeval Night.[122\15] Here a

state of semi-conscious existence is conceived to prevail, under the

empire of "Forgetfulness", drinking of which[123\15] the

consciousness of the soul is darkened. Here "the majority"[124\15]

are assembled, and the dead man is visited by the reassuring thought

that he may greet once more the souls of those who have gone before

him.[125\15]

But sterner conceptions also occur. There is occasional reference to

a judgment[126\15] that separates the souls in the world below,

dividing them into two and sometimes three[127\15] classes in

accordance with the deserts which they have earned on earth. There

is no lingering over the pains of the damned,[128\15] in the

description of which the theological imagination had indulged so

frequently. A more simple-minded fancy did not need such pharisaical

satisfaction in the misfortunes of sinners in order to heighten its

own assurance of superiority. There is no trace of a sentiment of

penitence and terror indulged in for its own sake. The soul hopes to

come by its rights;[129\15] to reach the "Blessed", to arrive at the

Isles or the Island of the Blest--to Elysium, the abode of Heroes

and demi-gods.[130\15] Such hopes are very commonly expressed, but

as a rule only in a brief phrase of confidence and hope. We rarely

meet with any elaborate or alluring picture of the abode of the

blessed.[131\15] That abode is generally placed within the limits of

the underworld kingdom of the souls,[132\15] and such anticipations,

when particularized, refer commonly to a "Place of the Good", which

in various forms is represented as the hoped-for dwelling-place of

future life.[133\15]

But we also meet with the view that the company of the good is

entirely removed from the region of underworld darkness.[134\15] For

many individuals the hope is expressed or the certainty announced

that after death they will have their dwelling in the sky--in the

shining _Aether_, among the stars. This belief in the elevation of

the disembodied soul to the regions above the earth is so frequently

repeated in various forms in this late period that we must suppose

that among those who entertained precise conceptions of the things

of the next world this was the most popular and widely held

conviction.[135\15] This belief that the soul rises to the

neighbourhood and even the community of the heavenly deities[136\15]

has its origin both in religious aspiration and in philosophy. Its

roots, indeed, stretch back to a much {542} earlier period[137\15]

and we may suppose that even in these later days it was derived from

and very largely supported by the popular conception, disseminated

by Stoic writers, of a living "breath", which composes the human

soul, and its effort upwards to the heavenly regions.[138\15]

But such language is in many cases plainly nothing more than a

conventional formula which has already lost all vital significance;

it rarely goes further than the expression of a hope that the soul

will mount upwards to the heavenly heights. Very occasionally, in

the adjective "immortal"[139\15] applied to the soul (which only

sleeps in death),[140\15] we may detect the influence of mixed

philosophical and theological ideas. We soon come to an end of the

inscriptions which give expression to the doctrines of theology and

of theologically minded philosophy as to the divine nature of the

soul, its brief pilgrimage through earthly life and destined return

to its true home in a divine incorporeal existence.[141\15] There is

no certain mention of a belief in the transmigration of

souls.[142\15] Of the specifically Platonic doctrine or its

influence there is scarcely a trace.[143\15]

Another type of belief derives its strength not from the teachings

of philosophers but from the usage and popular practice of religion.

This is the belief of those who hope to be conducted after death to

a blessed life by the special care of a god, presumably the god to

which in their life-time they have offered particular devotion. Such

a god will lead them by the hand, they hope, and conduct them into

the land of bliss and purity. One who has thus "obtained a god as

his leader"[144\15] may face the future with equanimity. Together

with Hermes the "messenger of Persephoneia",[145\15] Persephone

herself is most frequently mentioned among these conducting

deities.[146\15] Perhaps in this we may see a reminiscence of the

hopes awakened and cherished in the Eleusinian and other related

mysteries[147\15]--hopes otherwise expressed on these tombstones

with striking rarity. On the epitaph--certainly a late

composition--of a Hierophant of Eleusis who "goes to the Immortals",

the dead man is made to commend, as a mystery revealed by the gods,

the ancient opinion illustrated by stories like that of Kleobis and

Biton[148\15] "that death not only brings no evil to mortals, but is

rather a blessing".[149\15] A gloomy philosophy has in these latter

days of the old religion and worship of the gods taken hold of the

mysteries themselves and given them an attitude of hostility to

human life that was not originally theirs.[150\15] We are reminded

of the mysteries again when we find prayers {543} or promises that

the dead shall not drink of the water of forgetfulness in the realm

of the souls, but shall be given the "cold water" to drink by the

God of the lower world; that he shall be refreshed at the spring of

Mnemosyne, the bath of immortality, and so preserve intact his

memory and consciousness, the necessary conditions of full and

blessed life.[151\15] Here there appears to be a reference to the

promises made by particular secret cults in which the departed has

specially recommended himself to the powers of life and death. This

must plainly be the case when, instead of the Greek Aidoneus, there

is mention of Osiris, the Egyptian Lord of Souls. "May Osiris give

you the cold water" is a common prayer expressed in a formula that

is of frequent and significant occurrence in late epitaphs.[152\15]

Of the numerous secret cults of these later times that promised a

blessed immortality to their adherents, there is but infrequent

mention in the grave-inscriptions: occasionally at the most there is

an allusion to the special favour, reaching even beyond the grave,

which belongs to the initiated in the mysteries of Mithras.[153\15]

No doubtful promises, but real and practical experience forms the

basis of the belief of those to whom the dead has appeared visibly

in a dream to assure them that his "soul" has not been annihilated

by death.[154\15] The oldest proof of the continued existence of the

soul remains in force the longest. The pupil hopes for something

higher from the master whom death has taken away from his sight: he

prays to him that, as he had once in life, so he will now continue

to stand by his side, assisting him in the pursuance of his

profession as a physician--"Thou canst, for now thou hast a more

divine part in life."[155\15]

Expectations of an energetic after-life of the departed soul,

expressing themselves in many forms, are widely current; but such

expectations never achieve a unified, dogmatic form. Nor was anyone

forbidden to cherish for himself and inscribe upon his grave-stone,

unorthodox opinions of every kind--even though they should point to

the very opposite of such expectations.[156\15]

A dubious "If" precedes on many epitaphs the anticipation of a

conscious life of the dead in full possession of the senses, or a

reward of the dead in accordance with their deserts: "if anything

yet remains below". Such phrases are of very frequent

occurrence.[157\15] Indeed the doubt itself is set aside when it is

distinctly asserted that after death nothing of the man remains

alive. All that men say of Hades and its terrors or its consolations

is the fabled invention of poets; darkness {544} and nothingness is

all that awaits us below.[158\15] The dead turns to ashes or to

earth;[159\15] the elements out of which he was created take back

what is their own.[160\15] Life is only lent to man and in death he

restores the loan again.[161\15] In death he pays tribute to

nature.[162\15] The bitter outcry of the survivors against death,

the savage beast of prey, loveless and pitiless, that has snatched

away their dearest from their side, shows small hope of the

preservation of the vanished life.[163\15] Grief and complaint, say

others, are vain both for the dead and for the living; no man

returns; the parting effected by death is for ever.[164\15] Only

submission is left.[165\15] "Take comfort, child, no man is

immortal"--so runs the conventional phrase current among the

populace and inscribed by many upon the graves of their vanished

dead.[166\15] "Once I was not, then I was, and now I am no more:

what more is there to be said?"--so speaks the dead from more than

one gravestone, addressing the living who is soon to suffer the same

fate.[167\15] "Live," he cries to the living, "for there is nothing

sweeter granted to us mortals than this life in the

daylight."[168\15] A last thought reverts once more to the life that

has been left behind on earth. The body dies, personality vanishes,

nothing is left alive on earth but the memory of the deeds and

virtue of the departed.[169\15] But there is a continuance in the

life of others, more vital than in the empty sound of fame, achieved

by him who leaves behind him on earth children and children's

children. There are many who, in these later ages too, are content,

in the true spirit of antiquity, with this blessing and desire no

other consolation for their own annihilation.[170\15]

§ 6

But such reassertions of the antique temper were of rarer and rarer

occurrence. The ancient world to which it had given such toughness

and energy of purpose was on its death-bed. With the end of the

third and the beginning of the fourth century it enters upon its

last agony; a general failure of nerve had long threatened the

loosely bound masses that shared in the Græco-Roman civilization. In

the general atrophy that beset its old age the vigorous blood of the

genuine and **unadulterated Greek and Roman stocks was flowing but

feebly. Now the universal process of decay sets in irresistibly. It

was its own inherent weakness that made the attacks of outside

forces so ominous to the old world. In the West the old order

vanished more swiftly and submitted more {545} completely to the new

forces, than in the Hellenized East. It was not that the old

civilization was any less rotten in the East than in the West. The

enfeebled hand and the failing mind betray themselves in every

utterance--in the last spasms of vital energy that inspired the art

and literature of moribund Greece. The impoverishment of the vital

forces out of which Greece had once brought forth the flower of its

special and characteristic spirit makes itself felt in the altered

relation of the individual to the whole, and of the totality of

visible life to the shadowy powers of the unseen world.

Individualism has had its day. No longer is the emancipation of the

individual the object of man's endeavour; no longer is he required

to arm himself against all that is not himself, that is outside the

region of his free will and choice. He is not strong enough, and

should not feel himself strong enough, to trust to the

self-conscious strength of his own intelligence. Authority--an

authority that is the same for all--must be his guide. Rationalism

is dead. In the last years of the second century a religious

reaction begins to assert itself and makes itself felt more and more

in the period that follows. Philosophy itself becomes at last a

religion, drawing its nourishment from surmise and revelation. The

invisible world wins the day over the meagre present, so grievously

bound down by the limitation of mere experience. No longer does the

soul await with courage and calmness whatever may be hidden behind

the dark curtain of death. Life seemed to need something to complete

it. And how faded and grey life had become[171\15]--a rejuvenation

upon this earth seemed to be out of the question. All the more

complete, in consequence, is the submission that throws itself with

closed eyes and eager yearning upon another world, situated now far

beyond the limits of the known or knowable world of the living.

Hopes and a vague longing, a shrinking before the mysterious terrors

of the unknown, fill the soul. Never in the history of the ancient

world is the belief in an immortal life of the soul after death a

matter of such burning and exacerbated ardour as in these last days

when the antique civilization was preparing itself to breathe its

last.

Hopes of immortality, widely espoused by the masses and fed rather

on faith than on reflexion, sought satisfaction in the brilliant

ceremonial of religions that easily outshone the simple worship of

every day officially undertaken by the city. In these new rites the

worshippers united in the secret cult seemed to be placed more

directly in the hands of the gods; and, above all, a blessed

existence hereafter was assured to pious {546} believers. In these

days the ancient and hallowed mysteries of Eleusis awake to a new

life and remain in vigorous activity till nearly the end of the

fourth century.[172\15] Orphic conventicles must have attracted

worshippers for ages;[173\15] the Hellenized Orient was familiar

with many such orgiastic cults.

In the mixed populations of the East the new religions proved more

attractive to the Greeks, too, than their old worship of the gods of

Greece. Clear and definite obligations, fixed commandments and

dogmas, holding the weak and frail individual in their stronger

embrace, seemed to belong more peculiarly to these foreign worships

than to the old beliefs of Greece. Rigid and unalterable maintenance

of primitive ideas and practices seemed to give the former the stamp

of sacred and certain knowledge. From all men they demanded perfect

submission to the God and his priests; perfect renunciation of the

world, conceived as dualistically opposed to the divine; the purging

away of the contamination of its lusts by purifications and

sanctifications, ceremonial expiations and asceticisms. By these

means the faithful prepared themselves for the highest reward that

piety could conceive; an unending life of bliss far away from this

unclean world in the realm of the holy and the consecrated. To the

belief in a blessed immortality these foreign mysteries contributed

their much desired support; and the populace welcomed their message

of salvation with all the greater eagerness since their varied and

impressive ceremonial contrasted so strikingly with the plain and

homely worship of the Greek gods. In the symbolism of these exotic

cults men seemed to discern a mysterious and secret knowledge; and

to the divine figures illuminated by such a halo were easily

attributed strange and magical powers beyond belief or experience.

The cult of the Egyptian deities had long been familiar both in the

East and in the West, and they maintained and extended their

influence down to the last days of the ancient religions. The

Phrygian deities, the Thraco-Phrygian cults of Sabazios, Attis, and

Kybele, and the Persian worship of Mithras were later comers, but

they, too, took equally firm root and spread over the whole extent

of the empire.[174\15]

The higher culture of these last centuries, having become credulous

and avid of marvels, no longer looked with contempt upon the means

of salvation and sanctification which had once been left almost

entirely to the lower orders of the population. The most cultivated

and educated people of these times used their culture and their

education simply to justify everything mysterious and

incomprehensible in itself--even {547} when it was expressed in the

most physical symbolism. The newly awakened religious interest of

the populace had coincided with a return on the part of philosophy

to the teaching of Plato; a teaching which itself tended towards

religion. Platonism had invaded the doctrine of other schools at

many points, and it had already acquired a new home for itself in

the restored Academy, where once an un-Platonic Scepticism had

overthrown the teaching of the master. Now a new Platonism comes

forward and overwhelms all the other schools of philosophy.

Absorbing the doctrines of Aristotle and Chrysippos (which it

fancied it could reconcile with Platonism), it weaved them into its

own special teaching so that the whole presented a subtle and

far-reaching system of thought. The speculative system of

Neoplatonism, into which the old age of Greece, in spite of its

weariness, contrived to introduce so much profundity, spirit, and

ingenuity (together with a luxuriant mass of scholastic folly),

fills the history of the last centuries of Greek thought. Its

fundamental tendency is, once more, a turning away from the life of

nature, and a determined invasion of a transcendent world of pure

spirit; and it was by this tendency that it satisfied the needs of

its time. The Sole and First Cause, lying beyond all being and

continually expressing itself in creative emanations, yet never

troubled or impaired in its perfect and eternal transcendency; the

development, in an unbroken process from this One, of the world of

thinking, of the Ideas and pure thought preserved in it--the world

of Spirit and the world of Matter--until at last, in longing and

desire,[175\15] all things created return to the origin of all

Being: to describe and express all this is the single theme,

persisting throughout all variations, of this philosophy. The whole

fabric of reality, the interplay of cause and effect, depends upon

the inherence of the thing caused in its Cause from which it takes

its origin and to which it returns at last. That which in the

evolution of nature takes its origin from the One, and degenerates

more and more completely, in the darkness and corruption of Matter,

as it gets further away from its source--now becomes Man and seeks

in morality and religion a conscious return to the pure and

everlasting and unfailing One. The divine does not descend to earth

and man must reach upwards to the divine heights in order to unite

himself with the One that is before all multiplicity. This union can

be brought about by the pure exercise of the human reason, but also

in the mysterious harmony of the individual life with the First

Cause that is beyond all reason in the ecstasy {548} that is above

all rationality. It can be achieved when at last the whole series of

rebirths has been passed through, whereupon the pure soul, the

divine in man, enters into the divinity of the Whole.[176\15]

To fly from the world--not to work within the world to produce

something better--is the teaching and injunction of this last Greek

philosophy. Away from separate, divided Being, upward towards the

uninterrupted glory of the One divine life, the soul wings its way.

The world, this visible world of matter, is fair, says Plotinos, for

it is the work and image of the divine, present and working in it. A

last gleam of the departing sunlight of Greek sensibility seems to

break through the words in which Plotinos rejects the

Christian-Gnostic hatred of the world.[177\15] The ugly, he says, is

strange and contrary to God as well as to Nature.[178\15] But the

soul must no longer rest in the world of created beauty.[179\15] The

soul is so profoundly conscious of its derivation from the

supra-sensual, of its divinity and eternity, that it must rise above

all created being and reach out to the One that was before the world

and remains for ever outside the world.[180\15]

This philosophy, profoundly estranged though it was from the old

Greek attitude to life with its enjoyment of the world, nevertheless

felt itself called upon to oppose the rising tide of the new and

irresistible religion. It took under its protection the ancient

Greek culture and the ancient faith that was so inseparably bound up

with that culture. Its most convinced supporters, with the last of

the Emperors of the old faith at their head, threw themselves

whole-heartedly into the fray. And before them rode the Genius of

ancient Hellas, and the old beliefs of Greece. But when the battle

had been fought and lost it became apparent to all the world that it

was a corpse that rode before the exalted combatants, like the body

of the dead Cid Campeador fastened upon his horse and leading his

hosts against the Moors. The ancient religion of Greece, and with it

the whole civilized life of the Greek world, faded and died at that

discovery, and could not be recalled to life. A newer faith, very

differently endowed and having power to crush the heavily laden soul

and point it upwards in absolute submission to the divine

compassion, held the field. The new world that was coming into being

had need of it.

And yet--was Greece quite extinguished and dead for ever? Much--only

too much--of the philosophy of its old age lived on in the

speculative system of the Christian faith. And in the whole of

modern culture so far as it has built itself upon {549} Christianity

or by extension from it, in all modern science and art, not a little

survives of Greek genius and Greek inspiration. The outward

embodiment of Hellas is gone; its spirit is imperishable. Nothing

that has once been alive in the spiritual life of man can ever

perish entirely; it has achieved a new form of existence in the

consciousness of mankind--an immortality of its own. Not always in

equal measure, nor always in the same place, does the stream of

Greek thought rise to the surface in the life of mankind. But it is

a river that never quite runs dry; it vanishes, to reappear; it

buries itself to emerge again. _Desinunt ista, non pereunt._

NOTES TO CHAPTER XIV

PART II

[1\15: See above, chap. v, p. 162 f.]

[2\15: Lucian 50, _De Luctu_: washing, anointing, crowning of the

dead body, ~pro/thesis~: c. 11. Violent dirge-singing over the dead,

12; accompanied by the ~aulo/s~, 19; and led by a special singer

~thrênô=n sophistê/s~, 20. Special lament by the father, 13. The

dead is before them with jaws tied up and so secured against

unsightly gaping--19 fin. (a stronger form of the Homeric ~su/n te

sto/m' erei/dein~, ~l~ 426). For this purpose narrow bands are drawn

round the chin, cheeks, and forehead of the dead man. We sometimes

see them represented on vases depicting a lying-in-state, and they

have also been found sometimes in graves in which case they have

been made of metal (gold or lead): see Wolters, _Ath. Mitth._ 1896,

p. 367 ff. ~esthê/s, ko/smos~ (even including horses and slaves)

burnt or buried in company with the dead for his pleasure, 14.

~obolo/s~ given to the dead, 10. The dead fed by ~choai/~ and

~kathagi/smata~, 9. The gravestone crowned; sprinkled with

~a/kratos~; burnt offering, 19. ~peri/deipnon~ after a three days'

fast, 24.]

[3\15: From a rather earlier period we hear that it is a bad thing

to be dead ~mê\ tucho/nta tô=n nomi/môn~--it is an infamous deed for

the son to deny his father ~ta\ nomizo/mena~ after death; Din.,

_Aristog._ viii, 18; cf. [D.] 25, 54.--The dead man says with

satisfaction ~pa/nth' ho/sa toi=s chrêstoi=s phthime/nois no/mos

esti\ gene/sthai tô=nde tuchô\n kagô\ to/nde ta/phon kate/chô~,

_Epigr. Gr._, 137; cf. 153, 7-8.]

[4\15: ~homo/taphoi~ are mentioned among other associations as

occurring in a Solonian law: _Digest._ 47, 22, 4. These would

probably be special _collegia funeraticia_ (at any rate societies of

which the exclusive or essential bond of union consisted in ~homou=

taphê=nai~--and not, therefore, any of the ordinary ~thi/asoi~ or

any "gentilician association" as Ziebarth thinks, _Gr.

Vereinswesen_, p. 17 [1896]). There are also traces (but not very

frequent) of common burial grounds belonging to ~thi/asoi~; e.g. in

Kos, _Inscr. Cos_, 155-9. ~eranistai/~ bury their dead member,

_CIA._ ii, 3308; ~summu/stai~ do the same, _Ath. Mitt._ ix, 35. A

member contributes as ~tami/as~ of the _collegium_ out of his own

means, for the benefit of dead members of an ~e/ranos, eis tê\n

taphê/n, tou= euschêmonei=n autou\s kai\ teteleutêko/tas ktl.~,

_CIA._ ii, 621 (about 150 B.C.). Another ~tami/as de/dôken toi=s

metalla/xasin (thiasô/tais) ta\ taphiko\n parachrê=ma~ ins. from

Attica, third century B.C. _CIA._ iv, 2, 623b; cf. ib., 615b, l.

14-15; Rhod. inscr. in _BCH._ iv, 138. Dionysiastai, Athenaistai in

Tanagra ~e/thapsan to\n dei=na~: _GDI._ 960-2 (_IG. Sept._ i,

685-9). The Iobakchai in Athens (third century A.D.) offer a crown

and wine at the burial of a member: _Ath. Mitt._ 1894, 261, l. 158

ff. ~hoi thi/asoi pa/ntes~ and even ~hoi e/phêboi kai\ hoi ne/oi, ho

dê=mos, hê gerousi/a~ erect the monument, _CIG._ 3101, 3112. (Teos)

~sunodei=tai~ bury together the members of their ~su/nodoi~, _IPE._

ii, 60-5. A gymnasiarch also undertakes ~tô=n ekkomidô=n

epime/leian~, _Inscr. Perg._, ii, 252, l. 16; noteworthy also is ii,

374 B, l. 21-5. A few more exx. are given by E. Loch, _Zu d. griech.

Grabschriften_ (_Festschr. Friedländer_, 1895), p. 288.] {551}

[5\15: ~dêmosi/a taphê/~ frequently. Resolution ~pandêmei\

parape/mpsasthai to\ sô=ma tou= dei=nos epi\ tê\n kêdei/an autou=~,

inscr. of Amorgos, _BCH._ 1891, p. 577 (l. 26); p. 586 (l. 17 ff.).

Resolution of the council and people of Olbia (first century B.C.):

when the body of a certain deserving citizen who has died abroad is

brought into the city, all workshops are to close, the citizens

wearing black shall follow his ~ekphora/~; an equestrian statue of

the dead man to be erected and every year at the ~hippodromi/ai~ of

Achilles the golden crown granted to the dead man to be proclaimed,

etc.: _IPE._ i, 17, 22 ff.--Honour paid to a dead man by granting a

golden crown, _CIG._ 3185; cf. Cic., _Flac._ 75. This example comes

from Smyrna, where such honours were particularly common: see Böckh

on _CIG._ 3216. Frequent on Asia Minor inss.: ~ha po/lis~ sc.

~stephanoi=, e/thapsen, to\n dei=na. ho da=mos tô=| dei=ni~, sc.

~ane/thêke~, on graves: see esp. G. Hirschfeld, _Greek Inscr. in

Brit. Mus._ iv, 1, p. 34. More ap. Loch, op. cit., p. 287.]

[6\15: This seems to have been particularly common in Amorgos; cf.

_CIG._ 2264b: four inss. from Amorgos. _BCH._ 1891, p. 574 (153-4

B.C.), 577, 586 (242 B.C.), 588 f. The Council of the Areopagos and

the people of Athens decree the erection of a statue in honour of a

young man of rank (T. Statilius Lamprias) who has died ~pro\ hô/ras~

in Epidauros, and also the dispatch of envoys to ~paramuthê/sasthai

apo\ tou= tê=s po/leôs ono/matos~ his parents and his grandfather

Lamprias. In the same way the citizens of Sparta send an embassy of

sympathy and consolation to other relatives of the same youth (first

century A.D.), _Fouil. d'Epidaur._ i, 205-9, pp. 67-70. Honorific

decree of council and people of Corinth for the same person, ~Eph.

Arch.~, 1894, p. 15. ~_psêphi/smata paramuthêtika/_~ of two Lydian

cities at the death of a man of rank (first century A.D.), _Anz.

Wien. Ak._, Phil. Hist. Cl., 16th Nov., 1893 (n. 24) = _Ath. Mitt._

1894, p. 102 f.; cf. Paros, _CIG._ 2383 (the council and people

decree the erection of a statue to a dead boy ~epi\ me/rous

paramuthêso/menoi to\n pate/ra~); Aphrodisias in Karia, _CIG._ 277b,

2775b-d; Neapolis, _CIG._ 5836 = _IG. Sic. It._ 758.--The grounds of

consolation, so far as they are alluded to, are regularly

independent of any theological teaching: ~phe/rein summe/trôs ta\

tê=s lu/pês eido/tas ho/ti aparai/têto/s estin hê epi\ pa/ntôn

anthrô/pôn moi=ra~ and the like (~phe/rein to\ sumbebêko\s

anthrôpi/nôs~, _F. d'Epid._ i, 209). We are reminded of the

~paramuthêtikoi\ lo/goi~ of the philosophers which are literary

expressions of these consolations--the philosophers in fact were

expected _ex officio_ to offer such consolations to the mourners,

cf. Plu., _Superst._ 186 C; D. Chr. 27, § 9 (ii, 285 Arn.).]

[7\15: In spite of any brevity in the narrative the fact of ritual

burial is regularly alluded to (as an important circumstance) in the

romance of Xen. Eph. and in the _Historia Apollonii_: _Griech.

Roman_, 391, 3; 413, 1.]

[8\15: At Athens his friend vainly tries to obtain burial _intra

urbem_ for the murdered Marcellus: quod religione se impediri

dicerent; neque id antea cuiquam concesserunt (while in Rome people

were occasionally buried in the city in spite of the prohibition of

the XII tables: Cic., _Lg._ ii, 58): Servius to Cicero, _Fam._ 4,

12, 3 (45 B.C.). There it was permitted uti in quo vellent gymnasio

eum sepelirent and finally his body was cremated and the remains

buried in nobilissimo orbis terraram gymnasio, the Academy.

~entapha\ kai\ the/sis tou= sô/matos en tô=| gumnasi/ô|~ (of an

aristocratic Roman) in Kyme: _GDI._ 311. To a living benefactor of

that city ~sunechôrê/thê kai\ entaphê=nai~ (in the future) ~en tô=|

gumnasi/ô|~, _CIG._ 279b (Aphrodisias in Karia). As a special mark of

honour paid to a benefactor of the city it is permitted that his

body in oppidum introferatur (into Smyrna: Cic., _Flac._ 75),

~entapha\ kata\ po/lin kai\ {552} tapha\ dêmosi/a, entapha\ kata\

po/lin en tô=| episamota/tô| tou= gumnasi/ou to/pô|~, Knidos, _GDI._

3501, 3502 (time of Augustus). The city buries a youth ~gumna/dos en

teme/nei~, _Epigr. Gr._ 222 (Amorgos).--Ulpian, _Dig._ 47, 12, 3, 5,

implies the possibility that lex municipalis permittat in civitate

sepeleri.]

[9\15: ~sê=ma~, i.e. probably grave and monument, of Messia set up

by her husband in his own house: _Epigr. Gr._ 682 (Rome).]

[10\15: Thus _Inscr. Perg._ ii, 590, ~zô=n ho dei=na kateskeu/ase

to\ mnêmei=on tê=| idi/a| ma/mmê| . . . kai\ tô=| pa/ppô|, heautô=|,

gunaiki/, te/knois, ekgo/nois anexallotri/ôton he/ôs diadochê=s

ktl.~ Similar directions, ib., n. 591, and frequently. The series

includes the old and traditional circle of the ~_agchistei=s_~: see

above, chap. v, nn. 141 and 146 (where ~me/chri anepsiadô=n pai/dôn~

should be read).]

[11\15: There was even a Solonian law against violation and plunder

of tombs: Cic., _Lg._ ii, 64. The specially invented word

~tumbôru/chos~ shows that such practices were frequent at a quite

early period; cf. ~sêma/tôn phô=ra~, Herond. v, 57. Complaint on

account of the rifling of a tomb: Egypt, papyr. of 127 B.C.,

_Notices et extraits_, xviii, 2, p. 161 f. Frequent rescripts of

emperors of the fourth century against the profanation of graves,

_Cod. Theod._ ix, 17. But even emperors of second and third

centuries had to deal with the subject: _Dig._ 47, 12, and cf.

Paul., _Sent._ 1, 21, 4 ff.; _sepulchri violati actio_, Quint.,

_Decl._ 299, 369, 373. Grave-thieves were a favourite character in

romance: e.g. ap. Xen. Eph., Chariton and others. Epigram of Greg.

Naz. on the subject of looted graves, _Anth. Pal._ viii, 176 ff.

From the fourth century the Christians in particular seem to have

been a danger to heathen burial places (cf. Gothofred., ad _Cod.

Theod._ iii, p. 150 Ritt.)--in fact, ecclesiastics were specially

given to grave-robbery: _Novell. Valentin._ 5 (p. 111 Ritt.),

Cassiod., _Var._ iv, 18; _bustuarii latrones_ (Amm. Marc. 28, 1,

12), were then frequent. An Egyptian anchorite had at an earlier

period become latronum maximus et sepulchrorum violator: Rufin.,

_Vit. Patr._ 9 (p. 446b Rossw.).]

[12\15: Inscrr. indicating such sepulchral penalties are rare on the

mainland of Greece, common in Thrace and the Greek cities of Asia

Minor, but most frequent of all in Lykia. Most of them belong to the

Roman period, but also appeal occasionally to ~to\n tê=s asebei/as

no/mon~ of the city (cf. also Korkyra. _CIG._ 1933); or refer to the

~e/gklêma tumbôruchi/as~ as though it were a local process of law

which had perhaps been confirmed by an Imperial ordinance

(~hupeu/thunos e/stô toi=s diata/gmasi kai\ toi=s patri/ois

no/mois~, inscr. from Tralles: see Hirschfeld, p. 121). They

therefore cannot be simply borrowed from the Roman custom, but

belong to the old law of the country esp. in Lykia where a similar

prescription has been found dating from the third century B.C.:

_CIG._ 4529; see Hirschfeld, _Königsb. Stud._ i, pp. 85-144

(1887)--doubt is thrown on the legal validity of the penal clauses

in such inscrr. by J. Merkel, _Festg. f. Ihering_, p. 109 ff.

(1892).]

[13\15: Curses directed against those who bury unauthorized persons

in a grave or damage the monument are rare in European Greece: e.g.

Aegina, _CIG._ 2140b; Thessaly, _BCH._ xv, 568; Athens, _CIA._

1417-28; among these is a Thessalian grave, 1427; a Christian, 1428;

1417-22 are set up by Herodes Atticus to Apia Regilla and

Polydeukion (cf. K. Keil, Pauly-Wiss. i, 2101), but his coquetting

with the cult of the ~chtho/nioi~ proves nothing for the common

opinion of his fellow citizens. Sepulchral curses are particularly

common in inss. from Lykia and Phrygia; also Cilicia, _JHS._ 1891,

p. 228, 231, 267; a few also from Halikarnassian graves; Samos,

_CIG._ 2260.--The {553} grave and its peace are placed under the

care of the underworld deities in these inss.: ~paradi/dômi toi=s

katachthoni/ois theoi=s tou=to to\ hêrô=|on phula/ssein ktl.~,

_CIA._ iii, 1423-4. Cf. also a Cretan inscr. _Ath. Mitt._ 1893, p.

211. Whoever introduces a stranger into the grave or damages the

grave ~_asebê\s_ e/stô theoi=s katachthoni/ois~ (thus in Lykia,

_CIG._ 4207; 4290; 4292), ~asebê/sei ta\ peri\ tou\s theou/s te kai\

thea\s pa/sas kai\ hê/rôas pa/ntas~ (from Itonos in Phthiotis,

_BCH._ xv, 568). ~_hamartôlo\s_ e/stô theoi=s katachthoni/ois~,

_CIG._ 4252b, 4259, 4300e, i, k, v, 4307, 4308; _BCH._ 1894, p. 326

(n. 9)--all from Lykia. (The formula occurs already in a Lyk. inscr.

of 240 B.C.; _BCH._ 1890, p. 164: ~hamartôloi\ e/stôsan~--the

archons and citizens who neglect to offer the yearly sacrifice to

Zeus Soter--~theô=n pa/ntôn kai\ apotine/tô ho a/rchôn ktl.~, which

thus corresponds exactly with the oldest Lyk. inscr. with sepulchral

penalty, _CIG._ 4259). ~e/stô _hiero/sulos_ theoi=s ourani/ois kai\

katachthoni/ois~, _CIG._ 4253 (Pinara in Lykia). This must mean: he

shall be regarded as having transgressed the _law_ against

~ase/beia, hierosuli/a~ (cf. ~_hoi no/moi_ hoi peri\ hierosu/lou~,

Teos, _SIG._ 523, 51), ~tumbôruchi/a~, having at the same time

offended against the gods (see Hirschfeld, op. cit., p. 120 f.).

More particular is another Lyk. ins.: ~hamartôlo\s e/stô theô=n

pa/ntôn kai\ Lêtou=s kai\ tô=n te/knôn~ (as the special gods of the

country), _CIG._ 4259, 4303, (iii, p. 1138), 4303 e^3 (p. 1139). In

Cilicia ~e/stô êsebêkô\s e/s te to\n Di/a kai\ tê\n Selê/nên~,

_JHS._ xii, 231. Phrygian: ~kecholôme/non e/choito Mê=na

katachtho/nion~, _BCH._ 1886, p. 503, 6; cf. ~enorkizo/metha Mê=na

katachtho/nion eis tou=to mnêmei=on mêde/na eiselthei=n~, _Amer.

School at Athens_ iii, 174. The same is intended by the peculiarly

Phrygian denunciation ~e/stô autô=| pro\s to\n theo\n, pro\s tê\n

chei=ra tou= theou=, pro\s to\ me/ga o/noma tou= theou=~, _CIG._

3872b (p. 1099), 3890, 3902 f.o., 3963: _Amer. School_ iii, 411;

_BCH._ 1893, p. 246 ff. That these are Christian formulae--as

Ramsay, _JHS._ iv, p. 400 f., supposes--is hardly likely. Equally

unlikely in the case of 3902r (Franz rightly protests against the

idea): ~e/stai autô=| pro\s to\n zô=nta theo/n~ (the same occurs

again in a decisively non-Christian sense: _BCH._ 1893, p. 241)

~kai\ nu=n kai\ en tô=| krisi/mô| hême/ra| (kri/sis~ apparently =

death in _CIG._ 6731, from Rome, which, considering the words

~a/galma eimi Hêli/ou~, can hardly be Christian). ~tê=s tou= theou=

orgê=s methe/xetai~, _CIA._ iii, 1427. Obscure threat: ~ou ga\r mê\

sunei/kê| . . .~, _CIG._ 2140b (Aegina. The profaner of graves is

cursed in more detail: ~tou/tô| mê\ gê= batê/, mê\ tha/lassa plôtê/,

alla\ ekreizôthê/setai pagge/nei~ (the ~arai/~ on the mss. of Herod.

Att. agree so far at least in intention, _CIA._ iii, 1417-22).

~pa=si toi=s kakoi=s pei=ran dô/sei, kai\ phrei/kê| kai\ puretô=|

kai\ tetartai/ô| kai\ ele/phanti ktl.~, _CIA._ iii, 1423-4 (similar

curse on a lead tablet from Crete: _Ath. Mitt._ 1893, p. 211). The

first half of this imprecation represents the regular formula in

such ~arai/~ and ~ho/rkoi--mê\ gê= batê/ ktl.~; cf. Wünsch,

_Defix._, p. vii, and a Jewish-Greek inscr. from Euboea: ~Eph.

Arch.~, 1892, p. 175; it occurs also in _CIG._ 2664, 2667

(Halikarnassos); 4303 (p. 1138 Phrygia. ~dô/sei toi=s

katachthoni/ois theoi=s di/kên~, 4190 (Cappadocia). ~o/rphana te/kna

li/poito, chê=ron bio/n, oi=kon e/rêmon, en puri\ pa/nta da/moito,

kakô=n hu/po chei=ras o/loito~ 3862, 3875, 400 (Phrygia). These are

all peculiarly and originally _Phrygian_; something similar seems to

occur in inss. in the Phrygian language: see _Ztschr. vergl.

Sprachf._ 28, 381 ff.; _BCH._ 1896, p. 111 ff. Phrygian, too, is the

curse ~hou=tos d' aô/rois peripe/soito sumphorai=s~, _Epigr. Gr._,

p. 149, _Amer. Sch. Ath._ ii, 168--i.e. may his children die

~a/ôroi~. (More plainly ~te/knôn aô/rôn peripe/soito sumphora=|~,

_BCH._ 1893, p. 272.) Sometimes the additional phrase is found ~kai\

meta\ tha/naton de\ la/boi tou\s hupochthoni/ous theou\s timôrou\s

kai\ kecholôme/nous~, {554} _CIG._ 3915 (Phrygian). Besides the

common imprecations we also have ~thano/nti de\ oude\ hê gê=

pare/xei autô=| ta/phon~, 2826 (Aphrodisias in Karia); ~mê/te

ourano\s tê\n psuchê\n autou= parade/xaito~, _Am. Sch. Ath._ iii,

411 (Pisidia). Barbarous in the extreme is an inscr. from Cilicia

(_JHS._ 1891, p. 287): ~he/xei pa/nta ta\ thei=a kecholôme/na kai\

ta\s stugera\s Ereinu/as kai\ idi/ou te/knou hê/patos

geu/setai~.--With these grave-imprecations we may compare also the

threats uttered against those who shall neglect the directions for

the honouring of King Antiochos of Kommagene who lies buried in his

~hierothe/sion~ (ib, 13; iiib, 3: hence correct ~hierothu/sion~ in

Paus. 4, 32, 1) on the Nemrud Dagh: ~eido/tas ho/ti chalepê\

ne/mesis basilikô=n daimo/nôn, timôro\s homoi/ôs ameli/as te kai\

hu/breôs, ase/beian diô/kei kathôsiôme/nôn te hêrô/ôn ateimasthei\s

no/mos aneila/tous e/chei poina/s. ta\ me\n ga\r ho/sion ha/pan

koupho\n e/rgon, tê=s de\ asebei/as opisthobarei=s anagkai/~ (iiia,

22 ff., _Ber. Berl. Akad._ 1883).]

[14\15: From the point of view of religion, at any rate, it is true,

though with considerable reservations, that most of the Greeks and

Macedonians scattered over Asia and Egypt in _coloniae_, in Syros

Parthos Aegyptios degenerarunt, Liv. 38, 17, 11-12. The only

non-Greek nation (apart from the Romans) which learnt anything from

the Greeks or from the semi-religious Greek philosophy was the

Jewish--at once the most stubborn and the most pliable of them all.]

[15\15: At a quite late period, in order to explain the impiety of

grave-robbing, Valentinian says (following the libri veteris

sapientiae quite as much as Christian teaching) licet occasus

necessitatem mens divina (of man) non sentiat, amant tamen animae

sedem corporum relictorum et nescio qua sorte rationis occultae

sepulchri honore laetantur (_Nov. Valent._ v, p. 111 Ritt.).]

[16\15: After the reception of the last person who has a right there

~apoierô=sthai to\n pla/tan, aphêrôï/sthai to\ mnêmei=on~, _CIG._

2827, 2834. ~korakôthê/setai~, i.e. it will be finally shut up:

3919.]

[17\15: ~epea\n de\ toi=s kamou=sin egchutlô/sômen~, Herond. v, 84

(i.e. at the end of the month: festival of the dead at the

~triaka/des~, see above, chap. v, n. 88. ~hême/ras lêgou/sês kai\

mêno\s phthi/nontos eiô/thasin enagi/zein hoi polloi/~, Plu., _Q.

Rom._ 34, p. 272 D). Offerings to the dead at the grave: see besides

Luc., _Charon_, 22.]

[18\15: Epikteta: see above, chap. v, n. 126. Traces of a similar

foundation on an inscr. from Thera ap. Ross, _Inscr. Gr._ 198 (ii,

p. 81).--Otherwise the son will perhaps offer to his father ~tê\n

taphê\n kai\ _to\n enagismo/n_~ (_CIG._ 1976, Thessalonike; 3645

Lampsakos)--~to\ hêrô=|on kateskeu/asen eis aiô/nion mnê/mên kai\

tê=| meta\ tha/naton aphôsiôme/nê| thrêskei/a|~ (_CIG._ 4224d, iii,

p. 1119 Lykia). A dead man has left the council of a city a sum of

money for a ~stephanôtiko/n~ (_CIG._ 3912, 3916 Hierapolis in

Phrygia); i.e. in order that his grave may be crowned every year from

the interest of the money: 3919. Another man leaves money to a

society to celebrate his memory yearly by holding a ~euôchi/a~ with

~oinoposi/a~ illumination and crowns: 3028 Ephesos. An annual feast

in honour of a dead man's memory on his ~gene/thlios hême/ra~: 3417

Philadelphia in Lydia (this is the proper day for a feast of the

dead: see above, chap. v, n. 89). Annual memorial in the month

~Huaki/nthios~ for a dead ~archieranistê/s~ in Rhodos,

~anago/reusis~ of his crowns of honour and crowning of his

~mnêmei=on~, regular ~anago/reusis ta=n tima=n en tai=s suno/dois~

(of the ~e/ranos~) ~kai\ tai=s _epichu/sesin_~ (second century

B.C.), _IGM. Aeg._ i, 155, l. 53 ff., 67 ff. Another foundation, in

Elatea (_BCH._ x, 382), seems to have been much more elaborate in

intention and to have included the sacrifice of a bull, as well as

~euôchi/a~ and an ~agô/n~.] {555}

[19\15: ~ta/phos, deuo/menos gera/ôn~, inscr. from Athens (second

century A.D.): _Ath. Mitt._ 1892, p. 272, l. 6. ~the/lgein psuchê\n

tethnêko/tos andro/s~ by libations at the grave: _Epigr. Gr._ 120,

9-10.]

[20\15: The ~_apo/taphoi_~: this is the name given to those

~apesterême/noi tô=n progonikô=n ta/phôn~, _EM._ 131, 44. They even

had a burial place of their own: ~apota/phôn ta/phôn~ on a marble

vase from Rhodos, _IGM. Aeg._ i, 656.]

[21\15: This ~chai=re~ repeats the last farewell which accompanied

the removal of the body from the house (Eur., _Alc._ 626 f.). Cf.

~chai=re/ moi ô= Pa/trokle kai\ ein Aï/dao do/moisin~, the words

with which Achilles (~Ps~ 179) addresses his dead friend lying upon

the funeral pyre. So too on tombstones ~chai=re~ must be intended to

suggest the continued sympathy of the survivors and the appreciation

by the dead of that sympathy. Does it also imply veneration of the

departed as ~krei/ttôn~? Gods and Heroes were also addressed with

this word: cf. ~chai=r' a/nax Hêra/klees~, etc.--The passer-by calls

out ~chai=re~: ~chai/rete hê/rôes. ho para/gôn se aspa/zetai~, _Ath.

Mitt._ ix, 263; and cf. _Epigr. Gr._ 218, 17-18; 237, 7-8; cf. Loch,

op. cit., 278 f.]

[22\15: ~chai/rete~ is said by the dead man to the living; Böckh on

_CIG._ 3775 (ii, p. 968); cf. ~chaire/tô ho anagnou/s~, _IG. Sic. et

It._ [_IG._ xiv] 350.]

[23\15: ~chai/rete hê/rôes. chai=re kai\ su\ kai\ euo/dei~, _CIG._

1956 (more given by Böckh, ii, p. 50; see also on 3278); _Inscr.

Cos_, 343; _IG. Sic. et It._ 60, 319; _BCH._ 1893-4, 242 (5), 249

(22), 528 (24), 533 (36); specially noteworthy is p. 529 (28),

~Leu/kie Liki/nie chai=re. ke\ su/ ge ô= parodei=ta "chai/rois ho/ti

tou=to to\ semno\n | ei=pas emoi\ chai/rein hei/neken eusebi/ês"~.

To call upon the dead is an act of ~euse/beia~.]

[24\15: At the burial of a woman who is being given a public funeral

~epebo/ase ho da=mos tri\s to\ o/noma auta=s~, _GDI._ 3504 (Knidos;

in the time of Trajan). In the same way the name of the ~hê/rôs~ was

called out three times at a sacrifice in his honour: see above,

chap. iv, n. 62.]

[25\15: Tombstone of Q. Marcius Strato (circ. second century A.D.),

_Ath. Mitt._ 1892, p. 272, l. 5 ff. ~toi/gar ho/soi Bromi/ô|

Paphi/ê| te ne/oi meme/lêsthe, deuo/menon gera/ôn mê\ maranei=sthe

ta/phon; alla\ parastei/chontes ê\ ou/noma kleino\n homartê=|

bôstre/et' ê\ rhadina\s sumpatagei=te che/ras~. Those who are thus

charged answer, ~prosenne/pô Stra/tôna kai\ timô= kro/tô|~.]

[26\15: Often represented on Attic _lekythoi_: Pottier, _Les

lécythes blancs_, p. 57.]

[27\15: The gods and their statues are honoured in this way: Sittl,

_Gebärden_, p. 182.]

[28\15: ~belti/ones kai\ krei/ttones~, Arist., _Eudem. fr._ 37

[44].]

[29\15: ~chrêstou\s _poiei=n_~ euphemism for ~apoktinnu/nai~ in a

treaty between Tegea and Sparta: Arist., _fr._ 542 [592]. They

_become_ ~chrêstoi/~ only after death. This ancient and evidently

popular expression gives far stronger grounds for believing that

~chrêsto/s~ applied to the dead than does the passage from Thphr.,

_Ch. _x, 16 (xiii, 3), for the opposite view (the ~peri/ergos~

writes on a tombstone that a dead woman and her family ~chrêstoi\

ê=san~, which Loch concludes that the word really "denotes a quality

of the living and not of the dead", op. cit., 281). It is possible

at the same time that those who used such words did not mean

anything special by their ~chrêste\ chai=re~, and at any rate only

thought of it as a vague adjective of praise. But that was not its

real meaning.]

[30\15: ~chrêste\ chai=re~ and the like, with or without ~hê/rôs~,

are very commonly met with on epitaphs from Thessaly, Boeotia, the

countries of Asia Minor (and Cyprus as well: cf. _BCH._ 1896, pp.

343-6; 353-6). On {556} Attic graves the use of the title

~chrêsto/s~ seems to be confined to foreigners and those mostly

slaves (see Keil, _Jahrb. Phil._ suppl. iv, 628; Gutscher, _Att.

Grabinschr._ i, p. 24; ii, p. 13).]

[31\15: With Gutscher, op. cit., i, 24; ii, 39.--From the fact that

in Attica this word does not seem to be given to natives no

conclusion is to be drawn as to the opinions held by the Athenians

about their dead (as though they thought of them with less respect).

The word was simply not traditional in this sense in Attica. On the

other hand, the word ~makari/tês~ was specifically Attic as applied

to the dead (see above, ch. vii, n. 10), and this provides

unmistakable evidence that the conception of the dead as "blessed"

was current also in Attica.]

[32\15: ~chrêstô=n _theô=n_~, Hdt. viii, 111.--~ho hê/rôs~

(Protesilaos), ~chrêsto\s ô/n, xugchôrei=~ that people should sit

down in his ~te/menos~: Philostr., _Her._ p. 134, 4 Ks.--Other modes

of address intended to mollify the dead are ~a/lupe, chrêste\ kai\

a/lupe, a/riste, a/mempte~, etc. ~chai=re~ (cf. _Inscr. Cos_, 165,

263, 279, and Loch, op. cit., 281).]

[33\15: Paus. 4, 27, 6.]

[34\15: Paus. 4, 32, 4.]

[35\12: Paus. 9, 13, 5-6. Sacrifice (~ente/mnein~) of a white mare

to the Heroines: Plu., _Pelop._ 20-2. The same thing is briefly

referred to in Xen., _HG._ 6, 4, 7; see also D.S. xv, 54. Detailed

account of the fate of the maidens ap. Plu., _Narr. Amor._ 3;

Jerome, _a. Jovin._ i, 41 (ii, 1, 308 D Vall.).--~hai Leu/ktron

thugate/res~, Plu., _Herod. Mal._ ii, p. 856 F.]

[36\15: ~Leôni/deia~ in Sparta (_CIG._ 1421) at which there were

"speeches" about Leonidas (even in Sparta not a surprising

circumstance at this late period), and an ~agô/n~ in which only

Spartiates might take part: Paus. 3, 14, 1.--~agônisa/menoi to\n

epita/phio[n Leôni/dou] kai\ Pausani/[ou kai\ tô=n loi]pô=n hêrô/ô[n

agô=na]~, _CIG._ 1417.]

[37\15: At Marathon: crowning and ~enagismo/s~ at the

~polua/ndreion~ of the Marathonian Heroes carried out by the

_epheboi_: _CIA._ ii, 471, 26. Cf. more generally Aristid. ii, p.

229 f. Dind. Nocturnal fighting of the ghosts there: Paus. 1, 32, 4

(the oldest prototype of the similar legends told, in connexion with

the story of the battle between the dead Huns and Romans, by

Damasc., _V. Isid._ 63).]

[38\15: ~a/ndras] eth' hê/rôas se/betai patri/s ktl.~, _Inscr. Cos_,

350 (beginning of Empire).]

[39\15: Speaking of the Attic tragedians, D. Chr. thinks (15, p. 237

M. = ii, 235 Arn.) ~hou\s ekei=noi apodeiknu/ousin hê/rôas tou/tois

phai/nontai enagi/zontes (hoi He/llênes) hôs hê/rôsin, kai\ ta\

hêrô=|a ekei/nois ô|kodomême/na idei=n e/stin~. But this is only

true in a very limited and qualified sense.]

[40\15: ~He/ktori e/ti thu/ousin en Ili/ô|~, says Luc. (expressly

speaking of his own times), _D. Conc._ 12. Apparition of Hektor in

Troad: Max. Tyr. 15, 7, p. 283 R. Miracles worked: Philostr., _Her._

pass. Hekt. in Thebes: Lyc. 1204 ff.]

[41\15: In the ~Hêrôiko\s~ Philostratos gives plenty of evidence of

this. Most of what he says about the Heroes of the Trojan war is

entirely without traditional basis, but not all of it: and

especially where he speaks (in the first part of the dialogue) of the

appearances and displays of power attributed in his own day to the

Heroes he is far from inventing. (His powers of invention are

exercised particularly in what he says about the events of their

lives where he is expanding or correcting Homer.) Acc. To Philostr.

(_Her._ 681, p. 149, 32 ff. Kays., 1871) ~horô=ntai~--at least by

the shepherds of the Trojan plain--the figures of the Homeric

champions (gigantic in size, pp. 136-40 [667]; ~phai/nontai~ in full

armour, {557} p. 131, 1). Hektor in particular appears, works

miracles, and his statue ~polla\ erga/zetai chrêsta\ koinê=| te kai\

es he/na~, pp. 151-2. Legend about Antilochos, p. 155, 10 ff.

Palamedes appears, p. 154. On the south coast of the Troad opposite

Lesbos he has an ancient temple in which ~thu/ousin~ to him

~xunio/ntes hoi ta\s aktai/as oikou=ntes po/leis~, p. 184, 21 (see

also _V. Ap._ iv, 13). Sacrifice to Palamedes as a Hero, 153, 29

ff.--_Mantic_ power attributed to the ~hê/rôes~, 135, 21 ff.; 148,

20 ff. (to Odysseus in Ithaca, 195, 5 ff.). Hence Protesilaos in

particular, who appears at Elaious in Thrac. Chers. to the

vineyard-keeper into whose mouth Philostr. puts his story, has so

much to say even about what he had not himself seen or experienced.

Protes. is still fully alive (~zê=|~, 130, 23); like Achilles (in

Leuke, etc.) he has his ~hieroi\ dro/moi en hoi=s gumna/zetai~ (131,

31). A vision of Protes. appearing to an enemy makes him blind (132,

9). (To meet a Hero often blinds a mortal, cf. Hdt. vi, 117, and the

case of Stesichoros and the Dioskouroi.) He protects his protégé's

fields from snakes, wild beasts, and everything harmful: 132, 15 ff.

He himself is now ~en Ha/idou~ (when he is with Laodameia), now in

Phthia, and now in the Troad (143, 17 ff.). He appears about midday

(143, 21, 32; cf. Append. vi). At his ancient oracle at Elaious

(mentioned already by Hdt. ix, 116, 120; alluded to by Philostr., p.

141, 12) he dispenses oracles more particularly to the champions of

the great games, the heroes of the age (p. 146, 13 ff., 24 ff., 147,

8 ff., 15 ff.; famous contemporaries are mentioned: Eudaimon of

Alexandria, victor at Olympia in Ol. 237, and Helix well-known from

the ~Gumnastiko/s~). He heals diseases, esp. consumption, dropsy,

ophthalmia, and ague, and he helps people in the pains of love (p.

147, 30 ff.). Prot. also gives oracles in his Phthiotic home Phylake

(where he pays frequent visits), 148, 24 ff.--It is the regular

series of miraculous performances normally attributed to the

~hê/rôes~ of older legends, that Protesilaos carries out here.--On

Mt. Ismaros in Thrace Maron (~Euanthe/os huio/s~, _Od._ ~i~ 197)

appears and ~hora=tai toi=s geôrgoi=s~ to whom he sends rain (149, 3

ff.). Mt. Rhodope in Thrace is haunted (~oikei=~) by Rhesos, who

lives there a life of chivalry, breeding horses, practising his

weapons, and hunting; the woodland animals offer themselves

willingly as sacrifices at his altar; the _heros_ keeps the plague

away from the surrounding ~kô=mai~ (149, 7-19).--The legendary

details from Philostratos here selected for mention may be taken as

really derived from popular tradition (cf. also W. Schmid, _D.

Atticismus_, iv, 572 ff.).]

[42\15: Again in 375 A.D. Achilles preserved Attica from an

earthquake (Zosim. iv, 18); in 396 he kept Alaric away from Athens;

ib., v, 6.]

[43\15: Plu., _Lucull._ 23; App., _Mithr._ 83. Lucullus was Roman

enough to carry off from the inhabitants of Sinope their

much-honoured statue of Autolykos, to which the elaborate cult was

principally attached: ~eti/môn~ Autol. ~hôs theo/n. ê=n de\ kai\

_mantei=on_ autou=~, _Str._ 546.]

[44\15: See above, chap. iv, nn. 119-20.--_Heroon_ of Kyniska

(sister of Agesilaos) in Sparta as victor at Olympos: Paus. 3, 15,

1.]

[45\15: Hero-physicians: see above, chap. iv, § 10. Our knowledge of

the cult and activity of these Heroes is chiefly derived from

evidence from later times.--An evidently late creation is the Hero

Neryllinos in the Troad, of whose worship, healing, and prophetic

powers Athenag., _Apol._ 26, has something to say (Lob. _Agl._

1171). ~ho xe/nos iatro/s~, Toxaris, in Athens: Luc., _Scyth._ 1; 2.

(The special name of the ~xe/nos iatro/s~ may be Lucian's invention,

but not what he tells us of his cult.) There was a permanent cult of

Hippokrates in Kos in the time of Soranos: the Koans offered

sacrifice to him (~enagi/zein~) annually on his birthday {558} (see

above, chap. v, n. 89): Soran. ap. Anon., _V. Hipp._ 450, 13 West.

(miracle at the tomb of Hipp. in Larisa: ib., 451, 55 ff.). The

doctor in Luc., _Philops._ 21, makes an elaborate sacrifice

(something more than ~enagi/zein~) annually to his bronze statue of

Hipp.--A good story thoroughly in the manner of popular folk-lore is

that told of Pellichos the Corinthian general who was also

worshipped as giving help in sickness and the magic tricks that he

(simply as ~hê/rôs~) was able to play on the Libyan slave who had

stolen the gold pieces which used to be offered to him: Luc.,

_Philops._ 18-20.]

[46\15: _Anth. Pal._ vii, 694 (~Addai/ou~, probably the

Macedonian).]

[47\15: _CIG._ 4838b (see above, chap. iv, n. 60). The name

expresses the idea: ~euo/dei~ was the greeting which the dead man

returned to the traveller, _CIG._ 1956.]

[48\15: Another example: bulls are still sacrificed in Megara in the

fourth century A.D. officially by the city to the Heroes who had

fallen in the Persian wars, _IG. Sept._ i, 53.]

[49\15: At the monument of Philopoimen, Plu., _Philop._ 21.]

[50\15: ~en toi=s Hêrôïkoi=s kai\ en tai=s a/llais heortai=s~--in

Priansos and Hierapytna in Crete (third century B.C.), _CIG._ 2556,

37. Annual festival of the ~Hêrô=|a~, in which were held

~eucharistê/rioi agô=nes~ for Asklepiades and those who had fought

with him in one of the city's wars. A decree honouring the grandsons

of this Asklep. has been found at Eski-Manyas near Kyzikos: _Ath.

Mitt._ 1884, p. 33.]

[51\15: In taking an oath they swore by the gods ~kai\ hê/rôas kai\

hêrôa/ssas~ (Dreros in Crete): Cauer, _Delect._^1 38 A, 31 (third

century B.C.). Treaty between Rhodos and Hierapytna (second century

B.C.), Cauer, 44, 3: ~eu/xasthai tô=| Hali/ô| kai\ ta=| Rho/dô| kai\

toi=s a/llois theoi=s pa=si kai\ pa/sais kai\ toi=s archage/tais

kai\ toi=s hê/rôsi, ho/soi e/chonti ta\n po/lin kai\ ta\n chô/ran

ta\n Rhodi/ôn . . .~ Oath of citizenship from Chersonnesos (third

century), _Sitzb. Berl. Akad._ 1892, p. 480: ~omnu/ô . . . hê/rôas

ho/soi po/lin kai\ chô/ran kai\ teu/chê e/chonti ta\

Chersonasita=n~.--Similar exx. from earlier times: see above, chap.

iv, n. 4 (and cf. Din., _Dem._ 64: ~martu/romai . . . kai\ tou\s

hê/rôas tou\s egchôri/ous ktl.~).]

[52\15: e.g. inscr. from Astypalaia _BCH._ 1891, p. 632 (n. 4):

Damatrios son of Hippias dedicates a fountain and trees ~theoi=s

hê/rôsi/ te . . . athlopho/rou te/chnas antididou\s cha/rita~.--A

grave is dedicated ~theoi=s hê/rôsi~, _CIG._ 3272 (Smyrna), i.e.

probably ~th. kai\ hê/rôsi~ (cf. ~theoi=s dai/mosi~, 5827. etc.).]

[53\15: Collegia of ~hêrôistai/~: Foucart. _Assoc. relig._ 230 (49),

233 (56). _CIA._ ii, 630. In Boeotia, _Ath. Mitt._ 3, 299 = _IG.

Sept._ i, 2725.]

[54\15: e g. inscr. on one of the seats in the theatre at Athens:

~hiere/ôs Ana/koin kai\ hê/rôos epitegi/ou~, _CIA._ iii, 290.]

[55\15: ~diame/nousi de\ kai\ es to/de tô=| Ai/anti par' Athênai/ois

timai/, autô=| te kai\ Eurusa/kei~, Paus. 1, 35, 3 (~Aia/nteia~ in

Salamis in first century B.C., _CIA._ ii, 467-71). ~enagi/zousi de\

kai\ es hêma=s e/ti tô=| Phorônei=~ (in Argos), 2, 20, 3. ~kai/ hoi~

(Theras) ~kai\ nu=n e/ti hoi Thêrai=oi kat' e/tos enagi/zousin hôs

oikistê=|~, 3, 1, 8. He also bears witness to the still surviving

cult of Pandion as Hero in Megara, 1, 41, 6; Tereus in Megara, 1, 41,

9; Melampous in Aigosthena, 1, 44, 5; Aristomenes in Messenia, 4,

14, 7; Aitolos in Elis (~enagi/zei ho _gumnasi/archos_ e/ti kai\ es

eme\ kath' he/kaston e/tos tô=| Aitôlô=|~, 5, 4, 4; cf. the

~gumnasi/archos~ who looks after the ~ekkomidai/~: above, this

chap., n. 4); Sostratos the ~erô/menos~ of Herakles in Dyme, 7, 17,

8; Iphikles in Phenea, 8, 14, 9; the boys slain at Kaphyai, 8, 23,

6-7; the four lawgivers of Tegea, 8, 48, 1; the ~Eusebei=s~ in

Katana, 10, 28, 4-5.--Of course, it does not follow that when Paus.

mentions other very numerous Heroes without so {559} expressly

saying that their cult still survived, he means that those cults had

died out.]

[56\15: Plu., _Aristid._ 21.]

[57\15: Aratos received from the Achaeans after his death ~thusi/an

kai\ tima\s hêrôika/s~ in which he may take pleasure himself ~ei/per

kai\ peri\ tou\s apoichome/nous e/sti tis ai/sthêsis~, Polyb. 8, 14,

8. He was buried at Sikyon, as ~oikistê\s kai\ sôtê\r tê=s po/leôs~,

in a ~to/pos peri/optos~ called the ~Ara/teion~ (cf. Paus. 2, 8, 1;

9, 4). Sacrifice was made to him twice a year, on the day when he

had freed Sikyon, 5th Daisios, the ~Sôtê/ria~, and on his birthday;

the former was carried out by the priest of Zeus Soter, the latter

by the priest of Aratos. They included: Hymn by the Dionysiac

~techni=tai~, procession of ~pai=des~ and ~e/phêboi~ in which the

_gymnasiarchoi_, the _boule_ wearing crowns, and the citizens took

part. Of all this only ~dei/gmata mikra/~ still survived in

Plutarch's time, ~hai de\ plei=stai tô=n timô=n hupo\ chro/nou kai\

pragma/tô=n a/llôn ekleloi/pasin~, Plu., _Arat._ 53 (~sôtê/r~: cf.

epigram in c. 14).]

[58\15: ~pa/ntes hê/rôas nomi/zousi tou\s spho/dra palaiou\s

a/ndras, kai\ ea\n mêde\n exai/reton e/chôsi, di' auto\n oi=mai to\n

chro/non~. But only a few of them have regular ~teleta\s hêrô/ôn~:

D. Chr. 31, p. 335 M. [i, 243 Arn.]. omnes qui patriam conservarint,

adiuverint, auxerint become immortal: Cic., _Som. Sci._ 3, which

also goes too far.]

[59\15: Pelopidas, Timoleon, Leosthenes, Aratos become Heroes: see

Keil, _Anal. epigr. et onom._ 50-4. Kleomenes Plu., _Cleom._ 39.

Philopoimen, _Philop._ 21. ~iso/theoi timai/~ annual sacrifice of a

bull and hymns of praise to Philop. sung by the ~neoi/~: D.S. 29,

18; Liv. 39, 50, 9; _SIG._ 289. See Keil, op. cit., 9 ff.]

[60\15: In Sikyon Aratos is held to be the son of Asklepios who had

visited his mother in the form of a snake: Paus. 2, 10, 3; 4, 14,

7-8 (favourite form of stories of divine parentage: see Marx,

_Märchen v. dankb. Thieren_, 122, 2).]

[61\15: The very charming and characteristic story of Drimakos, the

leader and law-giver of the ~drape/tai~ in Chios, is told by

Nymphodoros (ap. Ath. vi, c. 88-90), as having happened ~mikro\n

pro\ hêmô=n~. He had a ~hêrô=|on~ in which he was honoured under the

name of ~hê/rôs eumenê/s~ (by the ~drape/tai~ with the firstfruits

of their plunder). He frequently appeared to masters to whom he

revealed the ~oiketô=n epiboula/s~.]

[62\15: Hsch. ~Gathia/das; hê/rôos o/noma, ho\s kai\ tou\s

katapheu/gontas eis auto\n rhu/etai [kai\] thana/tou~.]

[63\15: Pixodaros, a shepherd of Ephesos, discovered in a strange

fashion a very excellent kind of marble, a discovery which he

communicated to the authorities (for use in temple-building). He was

made a Hero and renamed ~hê/rôs eua/ggelos~: sacrifice was made to

him officially every month, _hodieque_, Vitruv. x, 2.]

[64\15: Luc., Macrob. 21 (for Athenod. see _FHG._ iii, 485 f.).--In

Kos an _exedra_ in the theatre was dedicated to C. Stertinius

Xenophon (court-physician to the Emp. Claudius) ~hê/rôi~, _Inscr.

Cos_, 93.--In Mitylene there was even an apotheosis of the historian

Theophanes (the friend of Pompeius: cf. ~Gn. Pompê/ios Hieroi/ta

huio\s Theopha/nês~ with full name, _Ath. Mitt._ ix, 87): Tac., _A._

vi, 18. ~Theopha/nês theo\s~ on coins of the city, and cf. ~Se/xston

hê/rôa, Lesbô=nax hê/rôs ne/os~, etc., on the same city's coins

(Head, _Hist. Num._ 488).]

[65\15: On a _stele_ in Messene there was a portrait of a certain

Aithidas of the beginning of the third century B.C.; instead of whom

a descendant of the same name is worshipped: Paus. 4, 32, 2. In the

market place of Mantinea stood a _heroon_ of Podares who had {560}

distinguished himself in the battle of Mant. (362). Three

generations before Paus. visited the place the Mantineans had

altered the inscription on the _heroon_ and dedicated it to a later

Podares, a descendant of the original one, who lived in the Roman

period: Paus. 8, 9, 9.]

[66\15: Cf. Keil, _Anal. Epigr._ 62.]

[67\15: Cult paid to king Lysimachos in his lifetime in Samothrake,

_SIG._ 190 (_Archäol. Unters. auf. Samoth._ ii, 85, n. 2).

"Heroizing" of Diogenes _phrourarchos_ of Demetrios; in 229 B.C. he

was bribed by Aratos to lead the Macedonian garrison out of Attica:

see Köhler, _Hermes_, vii, 1 ff.--~hupe\r ta=s Niki/a tou= da/mou

huiou=, philopa/tridos, _hê/rôos_, euerge/ta de\ ta=s po/lios,

sôtêri/as~ a dedication ~theoi=s patrô=|ois~, _Inscr. Cos_, 76. This

is a decree made in the lifetime of the _heros_ (or why

~sôtêri/as~?), who is probably identical, as the editors suggest,

with Nikias, tyrant of Kos in the Strabo's time: _Str._ 658;

Perizonius on Ael., _VH._ i, 29.]

[68\15: ~hê/rôs~ applied to a living person occasionally on inss. of

the Imperial age, _CIG._ 2583, Lyttos, Crete; 3665 ~hêrôi/s~,

living, Kyzikos second century; _Ath. Mitt._ vi, 121 (Kyzikos again)

~hipparchou=ntos Kleome/nous hê/rôos~ also certainly living.]

[69\15: When Demetrios Poliorketes conquered and rebuilt Sikyon in

303 the inhabitants of the city which is now called "Demetrias"

offer to him while still alive, sacrifice, festival, and annual

~agô=nes~ as ~kti/stê| (alla\ tau=ta me\n ho chro/nos êku/rôsen~):

D.S. 20, 102, 3. Later this frequently occurred: Marcellea,

Lucullea, etc., are well known. But the matter did not stop there.

The inhabitants of Lete in Macedonia in the year 117 B.C. decree to

a prominent Roman, besides other honours, ~ti/thesthai autô=| agô=na

hippiko\n kat' he/tos en tô=| Daisi/ô| mêni/, ho/tan kai\ toi=s

a/llois euerge/tais hoi agô=nes epitelô=ntai~ (_Arch. des miss.

scientif._ 3e série, iii, p. 278, n. 127). This implies that all

~euerge/tai~ were by custom offered such games at this time.]

[70\15: D.S. 17, 115. Alexander after inquiry at the oracle of Ammon

commanded that he should be worshipped as ~hê/rôs~ (the oracle

having granted in his case ~enagi/zein hôs hê/rôi~, but not ~hôs

theô=| thu/ein~): Arrian, _An._ 7, 14, 7; 23, 6; Plu., _Alex._ 72

(an ~hêrô=|on~ was immediately set up to him in Alexandria Aeg.:

Arr. 7, 23, 7). This did not prevent the superstition and servility

which flourished together in Alexander's empire from occasionally

worshipping Heph. as ~Hêphaisti/ôn theo\s pa/redros~.--D.S. probably

only exaggerates the truth: 17, 115, 6; cf. Luc., _Calumn._ 17-18.

(The new _heros_ or god immediately gave proof of his power by

appearances, visions sent in dreams, ~ia/mata, mantei=ai~, ib.

17.)--Elaborate pomp at the funeral of Dem. Poliork.: Plu.,

_Demetr._ 53.]

[71\15: Cf. the Testament of Epikteta and other foundations

mentioned above, this chap., n. 18, and chap. v, n. 126. Or cf. the

elaborate arrangements which Herodes Atticus made for the funeral,

etc., of Regilla and Polydeukes (but ~_hê/rôs_ Poludeuki/ôn~ is only

said in the weakened sense in which ~hê/rôs~ had been current for a

long time): collected by Keil in Pauly-Wiss. i, 2101 ff. The

extravagant manifestations of grief that Cicero offered to the

memory of his daughter were modelled on Greek originals (and upon

the certainly Greek auctores qui dicant fieri id oportere: _Att._

12, 81, 1). In _Att._ 12 he gives an account of their architectural

side: he frequently calls the object that he meditates an

~apothe/ôsis~; cf. _consecrabo te_ (_Consol. fr._ 5 Or.).--Cf. the

Temple-tomb of Pomptilla, who like another Alkestis died instead of

her husband, whom she followed into exile as far as Sardinia: her

death was caused by breathing in the breath of the sick man. Her

{561} temple is at Cagliari in Sardinia, and is adorned with many

inss. in Latin and Greek: _IG. Sic. et It._ 607, p. 144 ff. (first

century A.D.).]

[72\15: ~ho da=mos~ (occasionally also ~ha boula\ kai\ ho da=mos)

aphêrô/ïxe~--Thera, _CIG._ 2467; Ross, _Inscr. Gr. Ined._ 203 ff.

(and sometimes outside Thera: Loch, _Zu d. gr. Grabschr._ 282, 1)

~ho da=mos eti/mase (to\n dei=na) . . . hê/rôa~. Cf. also (Thera)

_Ath. Mitt._ xvi, 166; _Epigr. Gr._ 191-2.]

[73\15: ~phronti/sai de\ tou\s orgeô=nas~ (the members of a

_collegium_ of Dionysiasts) ~ho/pôs aphêrôisthei= Dionu/sios kai\

anatethei= en tô=| hierô=| para\ to\n theo/n, ho/pou kai\ ho patê\r

autou=, hi/na hupa/rchei ka/lliston hupo/mnêma autou= eis to\n

ha/panta chro/non~, inscr. of Peiraeus, second century B.C.; _CIA._

iv, 2, n. 623e, 45 ff. In Argos a guild, apparently of tanners, puts

up an inscr. ~tô=| dei=ni, kti/sta| hê/rôi~, _CIG._ 1134.]

[74\15: Like that Naulochos whom Philios of Salamis saw three times

in a dream appearing in company with Demeter and Kore. The city of

Priene thereupon ordered that he should be worshipped (~hê/rôa

se/bein~, _Epigr. Gr._ 774).]

[75\15: ~Ka/rpos ta\n idi/an gunai=ka aphêrô/ïxe~ (Thera) _CIG._

2471. From the same place come many more exx. of ~aphêrôi/zein~ by

members of a family: 2472b-d, 2473; cf. ~Androsthe/nên Phi/lônos

ne/on hê/rôa . . . hê mê/têr~ (Macedonia) _Arch. miss. scient._ iii,

1876, 295, n. 130.--This is probably how we should understand the

matter when in sepulchral epigrams one member of the family

addresses or refers to another as ~hê/rôs~: _Epigr. Gr._ 483, 510,

552, 674.--But ~hê/rôs suggenei/as~, _CIA._ iii, 1460, must have a

fuller sense than the otherwise usual ~hê/rôs~. It distinguishes a

true ~archêge/tês~. Prob. this is also the meaning of ~Charmu/lou

hê/rôos tô=n Charmulei/ôn~, _GDI._ 3701 (Kos). Something more than

simple ~hê/rôs~ is also probably intended by the language of the

Pergamene inscr. (specially distorted to suit the ~isopsêphi/a~)

_Inscr. Perg._ ii, 587, ~I. Niko/dêmos, ho kai\ Ni/kôn (a|phig)

agatho\s ei=en a\n hê/rôs (a|phig)~.]

[76\15: It is true that it is difficult to find certain exx. of the

identification of a dead man with an already existing and honoured

_heros_ of another name. Of the various examples generally quoted

for this perhaps the only relevant is the Spartan inscr.

~Aristoklê=s ho kai\ Zê=thos~, _Ath. Mitt._ iv, _tab._ 8, 2.

Identification with a god is of frequent occurrence: cf. imagines

defuncti, quas ad habitum dei Liberi formaverat (uxor), divinis

percolens honoribus: Apul., _M._ viii, 7. (Cf. Lob., _Agl._ 1002,

who also thinks of the example given in the ~Prôtesi/laos~ of Eur.;

but the resemblance is only a distant one.) The dead man as

~Ba/kchos~, _Epigr. Gr._ 821; ~Dionu/sou a/galma~, ib. 705; cf. the

dead man of _CIG._ 6731, ~a/galma eimi Hêli/ou~. Many similar exx.

of the representation of the dead in accordance with the types of

Dionysos, Asklepios, Hermes are given by Ross, _Archäol. Aufs._ i,

51; Deneken in Roscher, _Lex._ i, 2588.]

[77\15: See above, chap. iv, p. 128 ff.]

[78\15: See Keil, _Syll. Inscr. Boeot._, p. 153.]

[79\15: In Thespiai the inss. do not show the addition of ~hê/rôs~

to the name of the dead until Imperial times: see Dittenberger on

_IG. Sept._ i, 2110, p. 367.]

[80\15: Many exx. of ~hê/rôs, hê/rôs chrêste\ chai=re~, etc., are

collected and arranged by Deneken in Roscher's _Lex._ s. _Heros_, i,

2549 ff. See also Loch, _Gr. Grabschr._, p. 282 ff.]

[81\15: As Keil has already observed, loc. cit. [n. 78].--At any

rate ~hêrôi/nê~ still preserves its full sense when the council and

people of Athens, in the first century A.D., so describe a woman of

position after her death, _CIA._ iii, 889. Or again, when the

Athenian as well as the {562} Spartan decree calls P. Statilius

Lamprias expressly ~hê/rôs~ (see above, n. 6)--_Fouilles d'Epid._ i,

n. 205-9.]

[82\15: It is curious how, much later, in Christian times, ~ho

hê/rôs~ is applied to one who has recently died (exactly synonymous

with ~ho makari/tês~): cf. ~ho hê/rôs Eudo/xios, ho hê/rôs

Patri/kios, Ia/mblichos~ in _Schol. Basilic._]

[83\15: ~hu/pnos e/chei se ma/kar . . . , kai\ zê=|s hôs hê/rôs kai\

ne/kus ouk ege/nou~, _Epigr. Gr._ 433; where it is evident that the

~hê/rôs~ is something more living than the mere ~ne/kus. aspa/zesth'

hê/rôa, to\n ouk edama/ssato lu/pê~ (i.e. who has not been made

nothing by death), ib., 296. The husband ~timai=s iso/moiron e/thêke

ta\n homo/lektron hê/rôsin~, 189, 3. The title ~hê/rôs~ still has a

stronger and deeper sense in inss. such as _CIG._ 1627 (referring to

a descendent of Plutarch's) and 4058 (~. . . a/ndra philo/logon kai\

pa/sê| aretê=| kekosmême/non eudai/mona hê/rôa~). Cf. Orig., _Cels._

3, 80, p. 359 Lom.: ~hoi biou=ntes hô=sth' hê/rôes gene/sthai kai\

meta\ theô=n he/xein ta\s diatriba/s~. In 3, 22, p. 276, he

distinguishes between ~theoi/, hê/rôes, hapaxaplô=s psuchai/~ (the

soul can divina _fieri_ et a legibus mortalitatis educi, Arnob. ii,

62; cf. Corn. Labeo ap. Serv., _Aen._ iii, 168).]

[84\15: ~a/ôroi, biotha/natoi, a/taphoi~ see Append.

vii.--~tha/ptein kai\ hosiou=n tê=| Gê=|~, significantly, Philostr.,

_Her._ 714, p. 182, 9 f. K.]

[85\15: Plu., _Dio_, 2: some say that only children and women and

foolish men see ghosts, ~dai/mona ponêro\n en autoi=s

deisidaimoni/an e/chontes~. Plu. on the other hand thinks that he

can confound the unbelieving by pointing to the fact that even Dio

and Brutus had seen ~pha/smata~ shortly before their death.]

[86\15: Cf. the story of Philinnion and Machates in Amphipolis:

Phleg., _Mirab._ 1. Procl. _in Rp._, p. 64 Sch. [ii, p. 116 Kr.; see

Rohde in _Rh. Mus._ 32, 329 ff.]. The Erinyes in Aesch. are

conceived as vampire-like: _Eum._ 264 f.: see above, chap. v, n.

161.--Souls of the dead as nightmare, ~ephia/ltês~, _incubo_

oppressing a man's enemy: Soran. ap. Tert., _An._ 44; Cael. Aurel.,

_Morb. Chron._ 1, 3, 55 (_Rh. Mus._ 37, 467, 1).]

[87\15: The ~_Philopseudê/s_~ is a genuine treasure-house of typical

narratives of apparitions and sorceries of every kind. ~dai/monas

ana/gein kai\ nekrou\s heô/lous anakalei=n~ is a mere bagatelle,

according to these sage doctors, to the magician: c. 13. An example

is given of this conjuration of the dead (the seven-months dead

father of Glaukias): 14. Appearance of the dead wife of Eukrates

whose golden sandals they had forgotten to burn with her: 27 (see

above, chap. i, n. 51). As a rule the only haunting ghosts are ~hai

tô=n biai/ôs apothano/ntôn psuchai/~ not those of the ~kata\ moi=ran

apothano/ntôn~ as the learned Pythagorean instructs us, c. 29. Then

follows the story of the ghost of Corinth (30-1), which must be

taken from a widely known ghost-story, as it agrees completely in

its circumstances with the story told with such simple candour by

Pliny (_Ep._ vii, 27). ~dai/mona/s tinas ei=nai kai\ pha/smata kai\

nekrô=n _psucha\s_ peripolei=n hupe\r gê=s kai\ phai/nesthai hoi=s

a\n ethe/lôsin~ (29) is the fixed conviction of these philosophers.

The living too can sometimes catch a glimpse of the underworld:

22-4. A man's soul can be detached from his body and go down to

Hades, and afterwards, again reunited to his body, relate its

adventures. Thus the soul of Kleodemos, while his body lay in fever,

is taken down to the lower world by a messenger but then sent back

again since he had been taken by mistake for his neighbour, the

smith Demylos: 25. This edifying narrative is certainly intended as

a parody of the similar story told in good faith by Plu. _de An.

fr._ 1, preserved {563} ap. Eus., _PE._ 11, 36, p. 563. It is

certain that Plu. did not simply invent such a story; he may perhaps

have found it in some older collection of miraculous ~anabiô/seis~

such as, for example, Chrysippos did not disdain to make. The

probability that Plu. got this story of mistaken identity from a

collection of folk-tales is made all the likelier since the same

story occurs again in a popular guise. Of a similar character is

what Augustine has to say on the authority of Corn. Labeo: _Civ.

Dei_ 22, 28 (p. 622, 1-5 Domb.). Augustine himself, _Cur. pro Mort._

15, tells a story exactly like that of Plu. (about Curma the

_curialis_ and Curma the _faber ferrarius_), which, of course, is

supposed to happen a little before his time in Africa; and once more

at the end of the sixth century Gregory the Great introduces a

vision of Hell by the same formula: _Dial._ 4, 36, p. 384 AB Migne.

The inventive powers of ghoststory-tellers is very limited: they

keep on repeating the same few old and tried motifs.]

[88\15: Plu., _Dio_, 2, 55: _Cimon_, 1; _Brut._ 36 f., 48.]

[89\15: Cf. above, chap. v, n. 23; chap. ix, nn. 105 ff.]

[90\15: ~psucha\s hêrô/ôn anakalei=n~ among the regular arts of the

magician, Cels. ap. Orig., _Cels._ 1, 68, p. 127 Lomm.]

[91\15: See Append. xii.]

[92\15: And in consequence we sometimes have the most surprising

confusion of the two states of being. Lucian, e.g. (in _D. Mort._

frequently, cf. 18, 1, 20, 2, and _Necyom._ 15, 17; _Char._ 24)

speaks of the dead in _Hades_ as skeletons lying one upon another,

Aiakos allowing them each one foot of earth, etc. (The Romans have

the same confusion of ideas: nemo tam puer est, says Sen., _Ep._ 24,

18, ut Cerberum timeat et tenebras et larvalem habitum nudis ossibus

cohaerentium. Cf. Prop. iv, 5, 3, Cerberus . . . ieiuno terreat ossa

sono, etc.) There is also a confusion between the grave and Hades in

such expressions as ~met' eusebe/essi _kei=sthai_~: _Epigr. Gr._

259, 1; ~skê=nos nu=n kei=mai Ploute/os emmela/throis~, 226, 4; cf.

above, chap. xii, n. 95. Such a mixture of ideas was all the more

natural seeing that ~Ha/idês~ also occurs as a metaphor for

~tu/mbos~ (see below, n. 135).]

[93\15: ~ho polu\s ho/milos hou=s idiô/tas hoi sophoi\ kalou=sin,

Homê/rô| kai\ Hêsio/dô| kai\ toi=s a/llois muthopoioi=s peri\

tou/tôn peitho/menoi, to/pon tina\ hupo\ tê\n gê=n bathu\n Ha/idên

hupeilê/phasi ktl.~, Luc., _Luct._ 2 (continued to c. 9). Plu.,

_Suav. Viv._ 27, 1105 AB, thinks that ~ou pa/nu polloi/~ are afraid

of Kerberos, having to fill broken pitchers and the other terrors of

Hades, as being ~mête/rôn kai\ titthô=n do/gmata kai\ lo/gous

muthô/deis~. And yet as protection against these things people are

always seeking ~teleta\s kai\ katharmou/s~.]

[94\15: See _Griech. Roman_, 261, Ettig _Acheruntica_ (_Leipz.

Stud._ 13, 251 ff.).]

[95\15: Man hopes that after death he will see ~tou\s nu=n

hubri/zontas hupo\ plou/tou kai\ duna/meôs ktl. axi/an di/kên

ti/nontas~, Plu., _Suav. V._ 28, 2, 1105 C. Reversal of earthly

situation in Hades: ~ta\ pra/gmata es tou/mpalin anestramme/na;

hêmei=s me\n ga\r hoi pe/nêtes gelô=men, aniô=ntai de\ kai\

oimô/zousin hoi plou/sioi~, Luc., _Catapl._ 15; cf. _DM._ 15, 2; 25,

2: ~isotimi/a, isêgori/a~ in Hades and ~ho/moioi pa/ntes~. aequat

omnes cinis; impares nascimur, pares morimur, Sen., _Ep._ 91, 16--a

favourite commonplace: see Gataker on M. Ant. vi, 24, p. 235 f.]

[96\15: How far indeed this really happened is of course not to be

answered decisively. The Celsus against whom Origen wrote his

polemical treatise looks at the matter from the popular point of

view on the whole. (He is no Epicurean as Orig. supposes; but

neither in fact is he a professional philosopher of any kind, but

rather {564} an ~idiô/tês~ with inclinations to philosophy of all

sorts and esp. to the semi-Platonism current at the time.) He

distinctly says ~mê/te tou/tois~ (the Christians) ~ei/ê mê/t' emoi\

mê/t' a/llô| tini\ anthrô/pôn apothe/sthai to\ peri\ tou=

kolasthê/sesthai tou\s adi/kous kai\ gerô=n axiôthê/sesthai tou\s

dikai/ous do/gma~ (ap. Orig., _Cels._ 3, 16, p. 270 Lomm.).--On the

other hand, it is significant of the temper of the very "secular"

Graeco-Roman society which was at the head of affairs at the end of

the last century B.C., that Cicero at the end of his work, _de Nat.

Deor._ (iii, 81 ff.), in discussing the various means of obtaining a

balance between desert and punishment, virtue and reward, in the

circumstances of human life, never even mentions the belief in a

final balance and recompense after death. (He only mentions among

other things the visiting of the sins of the father upon his

**descendants on earth--90 ff.--that old Greek belief [see above,

chap. xii, n. 65] which really excludes the idea of an after life.)

Between the days of Cic. and those of Celsus ideas had changed. We

know this from innumerable indications; even the next world was

looked at in quite a different light in the second century A.D. from

what it had been two centuries earlier.]

[97\15: ~timôri/ai aiônioi hupo\ gê=n kai\ kolasmoi\ phrikô/deis~

are expected after death by many (while others regard death as

merely an ~agathô=n ste/rêsis~): Plu., _Virt. Moral._ 10, 450 A.

Horrible tortures in the ~kolastê/rion~ in Hades, fire, scourging,

etc.: Luc., _Necyom._ 14 (carried still further in Plu.'s pictures

of Hades, _Gen. Soc._ and _Ser. NV._). Fire, pitch, and sulphur

belong to the regular apparatus of this place of torment; already in

_Axioch._ 372 A, sinners are scorched by burning torches ~aïdi/ois

timôri/ais~ (cf. Lehrs, _Popl. Aufs._ 308 ff.). How far such horrors

really represented popular belief it is difficult to say for certain

(they became quite familiar to Christian writers on Hell from

classical tradition: cf. Maury, _Magie et l'astrol. dans l'antiq._

166 ff.). But Celsus, for example, though he himself believes in the

punishments of Hell (Orig., _Cels._ 8, 49, p. 180) only appeals in

confirmation of his belief to the teaching of ~exêgêtai\ telestai/

te kai\ mustagôgoi/~ of certain (not precisely defined) ~hiera/~: 8,

48, p. 178; cf. above, chap. vii, § 2; chap. x, n. 62.]

[98\15: See above, chap. ii, § 1.]

[99\15: Peleus, Kadmos, Achilles in the Islands of the Blest: Pi.,

_O._ ii, 86 ff. (Peleus and Kadmos the supreme examples of

~eudaimoni/a~: _P._ iii, 86 ff.). In Eur., _Andr._ 1254 ff. Thetis

promises to Peleus immortal life ~Nêre/ôs en do/mois~. An ancient

poem must have spoken to this effect of Kadmos (and of Harmonia his

wife); both are transported ~maka/rôn es ai=an~ Eur., _Ba._ 1338 f.;

~poiêtai/~ and ~muthogra/phoi~ ap. Sch. Pi., _P._ iii, 153 (this

would be after their "death" in Illyria where their graves were

shown, and the snakes of stone into which they had been changed: see

Müller on Scylax, 24, p. 31). Achilles and Diomedes are ~nê/sois en

maka/rôn~ acc. to the _skolion_ on Harmodios: _Carm. pop. fr._ 10

Bgk. (Thus we often hear that Achilles is in the Is. of the Blest or

in the ~Êlu/sion pedi/on~ which was regularly identified with

them--cf. ~Êlu/sios leimô/n~ in the ~maka/rôn nê=sos~: Luc., _Jup.

Conf._ 17; _VH._ ii, 14--e.g. Pla. _Smp._ 199 E; A.R. iv, 811;

[Apollod.] _Epit._ v, 5. His special place of abode on the island of

Leuke is also a ~maka/rôn nê=sos~ and an older invention than the

common Is. of the Blest of which we first hear in Hes., _Op._ 159

ff. Diomedes in the same way after his ~_aphanismo/s_~ enjoyed

immortal life in the island named after him in the Adriatic: Ibyc.

ap. Sch. Pi., _N._ x, 12; _Str._ 283-4, etc.; but the _skolion_

transferred him to the common dwelling-place of the blessed Heroes.)

Achilles, sometimes in Leuke, sometimes on the Is. {565} of the

Blest, is accompanied by his wife Medea (in Elys.: Ibyc. Simon. Sch.

A.R. iv, 814; A.R. iv, 811 ff.) or Iphigeneia who had once been

betrothed to him (in Leuke: Ant. Lib. 27 after Nikand.; different

version by Lycophr. 183 ff.) or Helen (Paus. 3, 19, 11-13; Conon,

18; Sch. Pl., _Phdr._ 243 A; Philostr., _Her._ 211 ff.

Kays.).--Alkmene after her _body_ had vanished from the sight of

those who were bearing the coffin (cf. Plu., _Rom._ 28) was

translated to the ~maka/rôn nê=soi~: Ant. Lib 33 after

Pherecyd.--Neoptolemos is transported ~es êlu/sion pedi/on maka/rôn

epi\ gai=an~, Q.S. iii, 761 ff.--Among the other Heroes there

Agamemnon is also implied: Artemid. v, 16.--In all these fabulous

accounts the Is. of the Blest (Elysion) remain invariably the abode

of special and chosen Heroes (Harmodios' translation there in the

_skolion_ is no exception; nor is Lucian's jesting reference, _VH._

ii, 17). It was only later imagination that, under the influence of

theology, made this kingdom of bliss the common dwelling-place of

almost all the ~eusebei=s~.]

[100\15: Fortunatorum memorant insulas quo cuncti qui aetatem

egerint caste suam conveniant, Plaut., _Trin._ 549 f. Menand. Rh.,

_Encom._ 414, 16 ff. Sp., recommends the use in a ~paramuthêtiko\s

lo/gos~ of the words: ~pei/thomai to\n metasta/nta to\ êlu/sion

pedi/on oikei=n~ (--and even ~kai\ ta/cha pou ma=llon meta\ tô=n

theô=n diaita=tai nu=n~); cf. p. 421, 16-17 Sp. And much later,

~cha/rin amei/psasthai auto\n eu/chomai tou\s theou/s, en maka/rôn

nêsois ê/dê suzê=n êxiô/menon~, Suid. ~Antô/nios Alexandreu/s~ (410

B Gaisf.) from Damascius.]

[101\15: Sertorius: Plu., _Sert._ 8-9; Sall., _H._ 1, _fr._ 61, 62;

Flor. 2, 10 (Hor., _Epod._ 16, 39 ff.). Some even thought that they

had found (cf. Phoen. legends: _Gr. Roman_ 215) the ~mak. nê=s.~ off

the west coast of Africa: Str. i, p. 3; iii, 150; Mela, iii, 10;

Plin., _NH._ vi, 202 ff.; Marcellus, ~Aithiop.~ ap. Procl., _in

Tim._, p. 54 F, 55 A, 56 B, etc. Islands inhabited by spirits in the

north: Plu., _Def. Or._ 18, p. 419 F; _fr._ vol. v, 764 ff. Wytt.

Procop., _Goth._ iv, 20 (the ~maka/rôn nê=soi~ are in the middle of

the African continent acc. to Hdt. iii, 26; in Boeot. Thebes, Lyc.

1204 with Sch.). Ps. Callisth. makes Alex. the Great reach the land

of the Blest, ii, 39 ff. There may have been many such fables which

have been parodied by Lucian in _VH._ ii, 6 ff., where he and his

company ~e/ti zô=ntes hierou= chôri/ou epibai/nousin~ (ii, 10). It

was always natural to hope that at the _Antipodes_ (cf. Serv., _A._

vi, 532) such a land of the Souls and the Blest might some day be

discovered--as indeed many have thought they _had_ discovered it in

the progressive geographical discovery of the Middle Ages and modern

times.]

[102\15: Leuke, to which already in the _Aithiopis_ Achilles had

been translated, was originally a purely mythical place (see above,

p. 65), the island of the pallid shades (like the ~Leuka\s pe/trê~

of _Od._ ~ô~ 11, at the entrance of Hades; cf. ~k~ 515. It is the

same rock of Hades from which unhappy lovers cast themselves down to

death, ~arthei\s dêu=t' apo\ Leuka/dos pe/três ktl.~ Anacr. 17, etc.

[cf. Dieterich, _Nek._ 27 f.]. ~leu/kê~, the white poplar, as the

tree of Hades, was used to make the garlands of the Mystai at

Eleusis; cf. ~leukê\ kupa/rissos~ at the entrance of Hades, _Epigr.

Gr._ 1037, 2).--It was probably Milesian sailors who localized this

island of Achilles in the Black Sea (there was a cult of Ach. in

Olbia and in Miletos itself). Alc. already knows of the champion as

ruling over the country of the Scythians: _fr._ 48b, ~en Euxei/nô|

pela/gei phaenna\n Achileu\s na=son (e/chei)~, Pi. _N._ iv, 49. Then

Eur., _Andr._ 1259 ff.; _IT._ 436 ff.; finally Q.S. iii, 770 ff.

Leuke was particularly identified with an uninhabited islet rising

with its white limestone cliffs out of the sea at the mouth of the

Danube: {566} ~Ke/ltou pro\s ekbolai=si~, Lyc. 189 (probably the

Istros is meant but the latest editor simply substitutes ~I/strou

pro\s ek.--a far too facile conjecture).--It stood, more exactly,

before the ~psilo\n sto/ma~, i.e. the most northerly mouth of

the river (the Kilia mouth): Arrian, _Peripl._ 20, 3 H.: [Scylax]

_Peripl._ 68 prob. means the same island; cf. Leuke, ~euthu\

I/strou~, Max. Tyr. 15, 7. It has been proposed to identify it with

the "snake island" which lies more or less in the same

neighbourhood: see H. Koehler, _Mém. sur les îles et la course cons.

à Achille_, etc., Mém. acad. S. Petersb. 1826, iv, p. 599 ff. It was

only by a confusion that the long sandy beach at the mouth of the

Borysthenes, called ~Achille/ôs dro/mos~, was identified with Leuke

(e.g. by Mela, ii, 98; Plin., _NH._ iv, 93; D.P. 541 ff.); legends

of Achilles' epiphanies may have been current there too (as in other

islands of the same name: Dionys. of Olbia ap. Sch. A.R. ii, 658);

the Olbiopolitai offer a cult to ~Achilleu\s Ponta/rchês~ there:

_CIG._ 2076-7, 2080, 2096b-f (_IPE._ i, 77-83). But as a settled

abode of Achilles only Leuke was generally recognized (there was a

~dro/mos Achille/ôs~ there as well: Eur., _IT._ 437; Hesych.

~Achill. pla/ka~; Arr. 21--hence the confusion mentioned above).

Strabo's remarks on the subject are peculiar (vii, 306 f.). He

distinguishes the ~Ach. dro/mos~ (which had already been mentioned

by Hdt. iv, 55) from Leuke altogether; and he places that island not

at the mouth of the Istros but 500 stades away at the mouth of the

Tyras (Dniester). But the place where sacrifice and worship was made

to Achilles, as the abode of his spirit, was definitely fixed; and

this was, in fact, the island at the mouth of the Danube (~kata\

tou= I/strou ta\s ekbola/s~, Paus. 3, 19, 11), of which Arr. 23, 3,

gives an account based partially on the evidence of eye-witnesses

(p. 399, 12 Müll.). It was an uninhabited, thickly wooded island

only occupied by numerous birds; there was a temple and a statue of

Ach. on it, and also an oracle (Arr. 22, 3), which must have been an

oracle taken by casting or drawing lots (for there were no human

intermediaries) which those who landed on the island could make use

of for themselves. The birds--which were perhaps regarded as

incarnations of the Heroes, or as handmaidens of the "divinity of

light" which Achilles was, acc. to R. Holland, _Heroenvögel in d.

gr. Myth._ 7 ff., 1896--the birds purify the temple every morning

with their wings, which they have dipped in the water: Arr., p. 398,

18 ff. Philostr., _Her._ 746, p. 212, 24 Kays. (Cf. the comrades of

Diomedes changed into birds on his magic island: Iuba ap. Plin.,

_NH._ x, 127--another bird miracle: ib., x, 78). No human beings

dared to live on the island, though sailors often landed there; they

had to leave before nightfall (when spirits are abroad): Amm. Marc.

22, 8, 35; Philostr., _Her._ 747, p. 212, 30-213, 6. The temple

possessed many votive offerings and Greek and Latin inss. (_IPE._ i,

171-2). Those who landed there sacrificed the goats which had been

placed on the island and ran wild. Sometimes Ach. appeared to

visitors; at other times they heard him singing the Paian. In dreams

too he sometimes appeared (i.e. if a person happened to sleep--there

was no Dream-oracle there). To sailors he gave directions and

sometimes appeared like the Dioskouroi (as a flame?) on the top of

the ship's mast (see Arr., _Peripl._ 21-3; Scymn. 790-6; from both

these is derived Anon., _P. Pont. Eux._ 64-6; Max. Tyr. 15, 7, p.

281 f. R.; Paus. 3, 19, 11; Amm. Marc. 22, 8, 35). (The account in

Philostr., _Her._ 745, p. 211, 17-219, 6 Kays., is fantastic but

uses good material and is throughout quite in keeping with the true

legendary spirit--esp. in the story also of the girl torn to pieces

by ghosts: 215, 6-30. Nor is it likely that {567} Phil. himself

invented the marvellous tale laid precisely in the year 163-4 B.C.).

Achilles is not regarded as living quite alone here: Patroklos is

with him (Arr. 32, 34; Max. Tyr. 15, 7), and Helen or Iphigeneia is

given him as his wife (see above, n. 99). Leonymos of Kroton, sixth

century B.C., meets the two Aiantes and Antilochos there: Paus. 3,

19, 13; Conon 18; D.P. (time of Hadrian) says (545): ~kei=thi d'

Achillê=os kai\ hêrô/ôn pha/tis a/llôn psucha\s heili/ssesthai

erêmai/as ana\ bê/ssas~ (which Avien., _Des. Orb._, misunderstands

and improves on: 722 ff.). Thus the island, though in a limited

sense, became a true ~maka/rôn nê=sos~--insula Achillea eadem Leuce

et Macaron appelata, Plin., _NH._ iv, 93.]

[103\15: Cic., speaking of the "translations" of Herakles and

Romulus, says non corpora in caelum elata, non enim natura pateretur

. . . (ap. Aug., _CD._ 22, 4); only their animi remanserunt et

aeternitate fruuntur, _ND._ ii, 62; cf. iii, 12. Plu., _Rom._ 28,

speaks in the same way of the old translation stories (those of

Aristeas, Kleomedes, Alkmene, and finally Romulus)--it was not their

bodies which had disappeared together with their souls, for it would

be ~para\ to\ eiko/s, entheia/zein to\ thnêto\n tê=s phu/seôs hama\

toi=s thei/ois~ (cf. _Pelop._ 16 fin.); cf. also the Hymn

(represented as ancient) of Philostr. dealing with the translated

Achilles: _Her._ 741, p. 208, 24 ff. K.]

[104\15: Celsus and Plutarch both know and describe the ancient cult

and oracular power of Amphiaraos (only at Oropos now) as still in

existence; the same applies to that of Trophonios (like that of

Amphilochos also in Cilicia. An inscr. from Lebadeia (first half

third century A.D.) mentions a priestess ~tê=s Homonoi/as tô=n

Hellê/nôn para\ tô=| Trophôni/ô|~, _IG. Sept._ i, 3426.]

[105\15: ~Astaki/dên to\n Krê=ta, to\n aipo/lon, _hê/rpase_ nu/mphê

ex ore/ôn kai\ nu=n _hiero\s_ Astaki/dês~ (he has become divine,

i.e. immortal): Call., _Ep._ 24. Of a similar character is the

legend of Hylas: ~aphanê\s ege/neto~, Ant. Lib. 26; and of Bormos

among the Maryandynoi (~numpho/lêptos~ Hesych. ~Bô=rmon,

aphanisthê=nai~ Nymphis, _fr._ 9). The Daphnis legend is another

example, and even the story of Odysseus and Kalypso, who detains him

in her cave and would like to make him immortal and ageless for

ever, is in reality based on such legends of the Nymphs. (Even the

name of the Nymph in this case indicates her power: to ~kalu/ptein~

her mortal lover, i.e. ~aphanê= poiei=n~.) Only in this case the

spell is broken and the ~apathana/tisis~ of the translated lover is

never carried out. For other exx. of legends of the love of Nymphs

for a youth see _Griech. Roman_, 109, 1; a Homeric ex. in ~Z~ 21 of

the ~nêi\s Abarbare/ê~ and Boukolion the son of Laomedon. The idea

that a person translated by the nymphs did not die but lived on for

ever, remained current: cf. inscr. from Rome, _Epigr. Gr._ 570,

9-10: ~toi=s pa/ros ou=n mu/thois pisteu/sate; pai=da ga\r esthlê\n

hê/rpasen hôs terpnê\n Naï/des, ou tha/natos~. And again, n. 571:

~Nu/mphai krênai=ai/ me sunê/rpasan ek bio/toio, kai\ ta/cha pou

_timê=s_ hei/neka tou=t' e/pathon~.]

[106\15: In the extravagant and fanatical worship of Dionysos that

was transplanted from Greece to Italy and Rome in the year 186 B.C.

the miracle of translation was carried out in a very practical

fashion (belief in its possibility was evidently firmly

established). Machines were prepared upon which those whose

disappearance was to be effected were bound; they were then

transferred by the machine _in abditos specus_; whereupon the

miracle was announced: _raptos a dis homines istos_: Liv. 39, 13.

This only becomes intelligible in the light of such legends of the

translation of mortals, body and soul, to immortality, of which we

have been speaking.] {568}

[107\15: Plainly so in the case of Berenike the consort of Ptolemy

Soter: Theoc. 17, 46. Theocritus addresses Aphrodite: ~se/then d'

he/neken Bereni/ka eueidê\s Ache/ronta polu/stonon ouk epe/rasen,

alla/ min _harpa/xasa_ pa/roith' epi\ nê=a katelthei=n kuane/an kai\

stugno\n aei\ porthmê=a kamo/ntôn, es nao\n kate/thêkas, hea=s d'

apeda/ssao tima=s~ (as ~thea\ pa/redoros~ or ~su/nnaos~: cf. _Inscr.

Perg._ i, 246, 8). Cf. also Theoc. 15, 106 ff. As a rule, however,

this idea is not so definitely expressed (though it is plainly

implied that translation is the normal way in which deified princes

depart this life, in the story indignantly rejected by Arrian,

_Anab._ 7, 27, 3, that Alexander the Great wanted to throw himself

into the Euphrates ~hôs _aphanê\s_ ex anthrô/pôn geno/menos

pistote/ran tê\n do/xan para\ toi=s e/peita egkatalei/poi ho/ti ek

theou= te autô=| hê ge/nesis sune/bê kai\ _para\ theou\s hê

apochô/rêsis_~--which is the regular and ancient idea of

translation, exhibited e.g. in the story of Empedokles' end; see

above, chap. xi, n. 61: and Christian pamphleteers transferred the

fable to Julian and his end). The Roman Emperors also allowed such

conventional miracles to be told of themselves, in which at least

they were imitating the practice of the Hellenistic monarchs and the

"consecration" fables usual at their death (they do not die but

~methi/stantai ex anthrô/pôn, meth. eis theou/s~, _SIG_^1. 246, 16;

_Inscr. Perg._ i, 249, 4; inscr. from Hierapolis given by Fränkel,

ib. i, p. 39a). That the god is _translated_, his whole personality

_in caelum redit_, is implied as occurring at the death of an

Emperor on the coins of consecration, in which the translated is

represented as being carried up to heaven by a _Genius_ or a bird

(e.g. the eagle which was set free at the _rogus_ of the emperor:

D.C. 56, 42, 3; 74, 5, 5; Hdn. 4, 2 fin.): see Marquardt, _Röm.

Staatsverw._ 3, 447, 3. Nor were there lacking people who maintained

on oath that they had actually witnessed the translation of the

emperor body and soul to heaven, as had once happened to Julius

Proculus and Romulus. Thus at the end of Augustus' life: D.C. 56,

46, 2. and that of Drusilla: 59, 11, 4. Sen., _Apocol._ 1. It was

the official and only recognised manner in which a god can leave

this life.]

[108\15: _Phdr._ 246 CD. ~pla/ttomen . . . theo\n, atha/nato/n ti

zô=|on, e/chon me\n psuchê/n, e/chon de\ sô=ma, to\n aei\ de\

chro/non tau=ta xumpephuko/ta~. In acc. with the will of the

~dêmiourgo/s~ body and soul in the gods remain joined together

(though in itself ~to\ dethe\n pa=n luto/n~. It is to this that

Klearch. alludes ap. Ath. 15, 670 B, ~_ho/ti luto\n_ [lu/etai~ the

MSS.] ~me\n pa=n to\ dedeme/non~): hence they are ~atha/natoi~,

_Tim._ 41 AB.]

[109\15: Hasisatra, Enoch: see above, chap. ii, n. 18. Moses, too,

was translated acc. to later legend, and Elijah (cf. after the

battle of Panormos Hamilcar disappears and for that reason is

worshipped with sacrifice: Hdt. vii, 166-7). In Egypt too: D.S. 1,

25, 7, speaks of the ~ex anthrô/pôn meta/stasis~, i.e. translation,

of Osiris (for the expression cf. ~Ka/stôr kai\ Poludeu/kês ex

anthrô/pôn êphani/sthêsan~, Isoc., _Archid._ (6), 18, etc.,

frequently).]

[110\15: Stories of the disappearance (non comparuit, nusquam

apparuit = ~êphani/sthê~) of Aeneas and Turnus, King Latinus,

Romulus and others: Preller, _Röm. Myth._^2, pp. 84-5; 683, 2; 704.

Anchises: Procop., _Goth._ iv, 22 fin.]

[111\15: So too Caesar in deorum numerum relatus est non ore modo

decernentium sed et persuasione volgi, Suet., _Jul._ 88.]

[112\15: D.C. 79, 18.--It is natural to suppose that some prophecy

of the return of the great Macedonian was current and encouraged the

attempt to turn the prophecy into a reality and predisposed people

to believe in it. This at least is what happened in the case of Nero

{569} and the false Fredericks of the middle ages. This seems to

have been at the back of the superstitious cult of Alexander

particularly flourishing just at that time (cf. the story told of

the family of the Macriani by Treb. Poll. _xxx Tyr._ 14, 4-6).

Caracalla (Aur. Vict., _Epit._ 21; cf. Hdn. 4, 8; D.C. 77, 7-8) and

Alexander Severus actually regarded themselves as Avatars of

Alexander reborn and incarnated in themselves (the latter was first

called Alexander at his elevation to the principate, certainly

_ominis causa_, and was supposed to have been born, on the

anniversary of Alexander's death, in A.'s temple: Lamprid., _Al.

Sev._ 5, 1; 13, 1, 3, 4. He paid special honour to Alex., and as we

are expressly told by Lamp. 64, 3, se magnum Alexandrum videri

volebat).]

[113\15: The Christian anticipation of the return of Nero (as

Antichrist) is well known: he was supposed to have disappeared and

not to have died. They based their expectation, however, on a

widespread belief of the populace which the various ~Pseudone/rônes~

who actually appeared turned to their advantage (Suet., _Ner._ 57;

Tac., _H._ i, 2; ii, 8: Luc., _Indoct._ 20).]

[114\15: This was the idea lying behind the deification of Antinous

commanded by the Emperor; as may be seen from the connexion in which

Celsus speaks of the matter (ap. Orig., _Cels._ 3, 36, p. 296

Lomm.): he mentions the disappearance of Ant. in the same context as

the translation of Kleomedes, Amphiaraos, Amphilochos, etc. (c.

33-4).--The language in which the deification of Ant. is spoken of

on the obelisk at Rome gives no precise idea of what happened: see

Erman, _Mit. arch. Inst. röm. Abt._ 1896, p. 113 ff.--In this case,

then, we have a translation effected by a river-god: cf. the

water-nymphs mentioned above, n. 105. In the same way Aeneas

disappeared into the river Numicius: Serv., _Aen._ xii, 794; Sch.

Veron., _Aen._ i, 259; D.H. i, 64, 4; Arnob. i, 36; Ov., _M._ xiv,

598 ff.; Liv. i, 2, 6. cf. the fable of Alex. the Great's

translation into a river: n. 107. Euthymos in the same way vanished

into the river Kaikinos (supposed to be his real father: Paus. 6, 6,

4); see above, chap. iv, n. 116.]

[115\15: Philostr., _V. Ap._ viii, 29-30 (not indeed from Damis as

Ph. himself definitely asserts; but certainly from sincere accounts

derived from the various adherents of Apoll.--none of the facts in

the biography are Phil.'s own invention). Apoll. either died in

Ephesos or disappeared (~aphanisthê=nai~) in the temple of Athene at

Lindos or disappeared in the temple of Diktynna in Crete and

ascended to heaven ~autô=| sô/mati~ (as Eus. _adv. Hierocl._ 44,

408, 5 Ks. rightly understands it). This was the legend generally

preferred. His ~aphanismo/s~ was confirmed by the fact that no grave

or cenotaph of Apoll. was to be found: Philostr. viii, 31 fin. The

imitation of the legends about the disappearance of Empedokles is

obvious.]

[116\15: ~tou= Apollôni/ou ex **anthrô/pôn êdê o/ntos,

**thaumazome/nou de\ epi\ tê=| metabolê=| kai\ mêd' antile/xai

tharrou=ntos mêde/nos hôs ouk a tha/natos eiê~, Philostr. viii, 31.

Then follows a miracle vouchsafed to an unbelieving Thomas to whom

Apoll. himself appears.]

[117\15: Pre-existence of the soul, return of the souls of the good

to their home with God, punishment of the wicked, complete

~athanasi/a~ of all souls as such--all this belongs to the wisdom of

Solomon. The Essene doctrine of the soul as described by Jos., _BJ._

2, 8, 11, is also thoroughly Greek; it belongs to the

Stoico-Platonic teaching (i.e. the Neopythagorean variety); see

Schwally, _Leben n. Todt n. Vorst. alt. Israël_, p. 151 ff., 179 ff.

[1892]. The _carmen Phocylideum_ is the work of some Jewish author

who obscurely mixes up {570} Platonic ideas with those of Greek

theologians (cf. 104 where Bgk., _PLG._ ii, p. 95, rightly defends

the MSS. ~theoi/~ against Bernays), and of the Stoics (108)--adding

also ideas derived from the Jewish doctrine of the resurrection (115

at least is completely Greek: ~psuchê\ d' atha/natos kai\ agê/rôs

zê=| dia\ panto/s~). In Philo's doctrine of the soul everything

comes from Platonic or Stoic sources.]

[118\15: e.g. in Sikyon as it appears: Paus. 2, 7, 2.]

[119\15: Perhaps in _Epigr. Gr._ ed. Kaibel (which will be referred

to in this section as _Ep._), 35a, p. 517; but this belongs to the

fourth century B.C. A late example (in prose, _IG. Sic. et It._

1702.]

[120\15: ~gai=an e/chois elaphra/n~, _Ep._ 195, 4; cf. 103, 9; 538,

7; 551, 4; 559, 3; _IG. Sic. et It._ 229; Rhodian inscr., _IGM.

Aeg._ i, 151, 3-4 (first-second century A.D.); ~alla\ su/, dai=mon,

tê=| phthime/nê| kou/phên gai=an hu/perthen e/chois~.--Eur. already

has something similar: _Alc._ 463: see above, chap. xii, n. 121.]

[121\15: The confusion of ideas is evident, e.g. in _Ep._ 700,

~kou=phon e/chois gai/ês ba/ros eusebi/ês eni\ chô/rô|~, cf. 222b,

11-12.--The real meaning of such wishes is indicated by Luc.,

_Luct._ 18; the dead son says to his mourning father, ~de/dias mê/

soi apopnigô= katakleisthei\s en tô=| mnê/mati~.]

[122\15: ~Phersepho/nês tha/lamos, tha/lamoi~, _Ep._ 35, 4; 50, 2;

201, 4; 231, 2; _Anth. Pal._ vii, 507-8 "Simonides". ~phthime/nois

ae/naos tha/lamos~, _Ep._ 143, 2. ~do/mos Nukto/s~, _AP._ vii, 232.

(We need not hesitate to use the grave-epigrams in the _Anthology_

side by side with the actual sepulchral inss. The former are

sometimes the models of the latter, sometimes modelled upon actual

epitaphic inscriptions, but always closely related to the more

literary epitaphs.)]

[123\15: ~Lê/thês pausi/ponon po/ma~, _Ep._ 244, 10. ~ê\n katabê=|s

es pô=ma Lê/thês~, 261, 20. (~Nu/x, lê/thês dô=ra phe/rous' ep'

emoi/~, 312.) ~Moi=rai kai\ Lê/thê me katê/gagon eis Ai/dao~, 521.

(Cf. _AP._ vii, ~Lê/thês do/moi~, 25, 6; ~Lê/thês limê/n~, 498;

~Lê/thês pe/lagos~, 711, 716.) ~La/thas ê/luthon eis lime/as~,

Mysian inscr. _BCH._ xvii (1894), p. 532, n. 34.]

[124\15: ~hoi plei/ous~ = the dead (like the Latin _plures_: Plaut.,

_Trin._ 291, Petron. 42): ~es pleo/nôn~ in Hades, _Ep._ 373, 4;

_AP._ vii, 731, 6; xi, 42. Already in Ar., _Eccl._ 1073: ~grau=s

anastêkui=a para\ tô=n pleio/nôn~. Call., _Epigr._ 5 (cf. Boisson.

on Eunap., p. 309). Ancient oracle ap. Polyb. 8, 30, 7: ~meta\ tô=n

pleo/nôn = tô=n metêllacho/tôn (Tarentum). Even in the present day:

~'stou\s pollou\s~, Schmidt, _Volksl. d. Neugr._ i, 235.]

[125\15: _Ep._ 266, ~mê\ mu/rou, phi/l' a/ner, me; kai\ auto\s ekei=

ga\r hodeu/sas heurê/seis tê\n sê\n su/ggamon Eutuchi/ên~. Cf. 558,

5 ff.; 397, 5. Phrygian inscr., _Papers American School_, iii, 305

(n. 427): a father addressing his dead son ~kai\ polu\ tersane/ô

to/te da/kruon hê/nika sei=o psuchê\n athrê/sô gê=n

hupodusa/menos~.]

[126\15: ~ei de/ tis en phthime/nois kri/sis, hôs lo/gos amphi\

thano/ntôn~, _Ep._ 215, 5. A mother boasts of the piety of her son

to Rhadamanthys: 514, 5 (cf. 559, 3 f.). So too, in _AP._ vii there

is little mention of a judgment (596 Agathias).]

[127\15: The division of the dead into two classes is implied where

the pious departed is said to be about to dwell ~en maka/ressin~,

etc. But the distinct separation of the dead into two or three

classes [see above, chap. xii, n. 62] is rare in the sepulchral

inscr.: _Ep._ 650, 9 ff., is an exception (but there one company is

~epichthoni/ê~, the other in the _aither_--a Stoic idea.--A peculiar

arrangement, implying the three classes, is given in [Socr.]

_Epist._ 27, 1 (they are in the ~to/pos eus.~ and ~asebô=n~ in

Hades, and in the _aither_): ~tou= ei=te kata\ gê=n en eusebô=n

chô/rô| o/ntos {571} ei/te kat' a/stra (ho/per kai\ ma/la pei/thomai)

Sôkra/tous~.--The same again in _AP._ vii, 370 (Diodor.) ~en Dio\s~

(i.e. in Heaven) ~ê\ maka/rôn~.]

[128\15: There is perhaps no reference in the grave-inss. to the

punishment of the ~asebei=s~, and scarcely any in _AP._ vii (but cf.

377, 7 f. Erykios).]

[129\15: ~psuchê\ d' es to\ di/kaion e/bê~, _Ep._ 502, 13; i.e. to

the place to which it justly belongs.]

[130\15: ~nai/eis _maka/rôn nê/sous_ thali/ê| eni\ pollê=|~, _Ep._

649, 2; 366, 6; 648, 9. ~nê=son e/cheis maka/rôn~, 473, 2; 107, 2;

_AP._ vii, 690, 4. ~maka/rôn pedi/on~, _Ep._ 516, 1-2. ~_Êlu/sion_

pedi/on~ 414, 8; 150, 6. ~pedi/a Êlu/sia~, 338, 2; 649, 3. ~chô=ros

êlu/sios~ 618a, 8. ~met' eusebe/ôn esme\n en Êlusi/ô|~, 554,

4.--~nai/ô d' _hêrô/ôn_ hiero\n do/mon, ouk Ache/rontes; toi=on ga\r

bio/tou te/rma sophoi=sin e/ni~, _Ep._ 228, 7-8. ~hêrô/ôn chô=ron

e/chois phthi/menos~, 539, 4. ~Lêtogene/s, su\ de\ pai=das en

hêrô/essi phula/ssois, eusebe/ôn aei\ chô=ron epercho/menos~, 228b,

7 (p. 520). ~ô/|chet' es _hêmithe/ous_~, 699 (~soi\ me\n he/drê

thei/oisi par' andra/si~, _AP._ vii, 659, 3).]

[131\15: Description of the charms of the ~maka/rôn nê=soi~ and the

Elysian fields where ~oude\ potheino\s anthrô/pôn e/ti bi/otos~,

_Ep._ 649. More elaborate in the poem of Marcellus on Regilla the

wife of Herodes Att.: _Ep._ 1046 (she is ~meth' hêrô/|nêsin en

maka/rôn nê/soisin, hi/na Kro/nos embasileu/ei~, 8-9; Zeus had

dispatched her thither with soft breezes, ~es ôkeano/n~, 21 ff. Now

she is ~ou thnêtê/, ata\r oude\ the/aina~ but a Heroine, 42 ff. In

the ~choro\s protera/ôn hêmithea/ôn~ she serves as an ~opa/ôn

nu/mphê~ of Persephone, 51 ff.).]

[132\15: Clearly e.g. the place where Rhadamanthys holds sway in

Hades, _Ep._ 452, 18-19.]

[133\15: The ~chô=ros eusebe/ôn~ clearly indicates Hades: ~Ai/deô

nuchi/oio me/las hupede/xato ko/lpos, eusebe/ôn th' hosi/ên eu/nasen

es klisi/ên~, _Ep._ 27, 3-4; cf. inscr. from Rhodes, _IGM. Aeg._ i,

141, of an old schoolmaster--~eusebô=n chô=ros [sph' e/chei];

Plou/tôn ga\r auto\n kai\ Korê katô/|kisan, Hermê=s te kai\

da|dou=chos Heka/tê, prosph[ilê=] ha/pasin ei=nai, mustikô=n t'

epista/tên e/taxan auto\n pi/steôs pa/sês cha/rin~.--Not

infrequently Elysion and the place of the ~eusebe/es~ are

identified: e.g. _Ep._ 338, ~eusebe/es de\ psuchê\n~ (sc. ~e/chousi)

kai\ pedi/ôn te/rmones Êlusi/ôn. tou=to saophrosu/nês e/lachon

ge/ras, ambrosi/ên de\~ (the immortality of her soul) ~sô/matos

hubristê\s ouk epa/têse chro/nos. alla\ ne/ê nu/mphê|si~ (thus the

stone: _Ath. Mitt._ iv, 17) ~met' eusebe/essi kathê=tai~.--If there

is a judgment in Hades ~oikê/seis eis do/mon eusebe/ôn~, _Ep._ 215,

5-6. Kore conducts the dead ~chô=ron ep' eusebe/ôn~, 218, 15-16.

~ka/stin en eusebe/ôn hê\n dia\ sôphrosu/nên~, 569, 12. ~eusebe/ôn

chô=ros~, 296. ~eus. do/mos~, 222, 7-8. ~eusebe/ôn nai/ois hiero\n

do/mon~, _IPE._ ii, 298, 11. ~psuchê\ d' eusebe/ôn oi/chetai eis

tha/lamon~, _Ep._ 90 (_CIA._ ii, 3004). ~eus. eis hierou\s

thala/mous~, 222b, 12. ~eus. en skieroi=s thala/mois~, 253, 6.

~esthla\ de\ nai/ô dô/mata Phersepho/nas chô/rô| en eusebe/ôn~, 189,

5-6. ~met' eusebe/essi kei=sthai, ant' aretê=s~, 259. ~thê=k' Ai/dês

es mucho\n eusebe/ôn~, 241a, 18. ~eusebi/ês d' hei/neken eusebe/ôn

chô=ron e/bê phthi/menos~, _Ath. Mitt._ xi, 427 (Kolophon). Late

Roman inscr., _IG. Sic. et It._ 1660: a wife says of her dead

husband ~peri\ hou= de/omai tou\s katachthoni/ous theou/s, tê\n

psuchê\n eis tou\s eusebei=s katata/xai~.]

[134\15: The ~chô=ros maka/rôn~ in the sky: ~psuchê\ d' athana/tôn

boulai=s epidê/mio/s estin a/strois kai\ hiero\n chô=ron e/chei

maka/rôn~, _Ep._ 324, 3-4. ~kai\ nai/eis maka/rôn nê/sous . . .

augai=s en katharai=sin, Olumpou plêsi/on o/ntôs~, 649, 2, 8. The

~êlu/sion pedi/on~ outside the ~phthime/nôn do/moi~, 414, 8, 6.

Sometimes both the heavenly abode of the blessed and the Islands of

the Blest occur together: [Luc.] _Dem. Enc._ 50. {572} Demosth. is

after his death either in the ~maka/rôn nê/sois~ with the Heroes,

or else in the ~ourano/s~ as an attendant daimon on ~Zeu\s

Eleuthe/rios~.]

[135\15: ~psuchê\ pro\s _O/lumpon_ anê/llato~, _Ep._ 646a, 3.

~psuchê\ d' en Olu/mpô|~, 159, 261, 11. ~ê=lthen d' eis Aidao

de/mas, psuchê\ d' es O/lumpon~, _AP._ vii, 362, 3. (~Ai/dês~ here =

the grave as often; so too in _Ep._ 288, 4-5, ~psuchê\ . . . es

aithe/ra . . . oste/a eis Ai/dên a/tropos ei=le no/mos.) meta\

po/tmon horô= pha/os Oulu/mpoio~, _AP._ vii, 678, 5.--~psuchê\n d'

ek mele/ôn _ourano\s_ euru\s e/chei~, _Ep._ 104b, 4. ~ê=tor d'

ouranô=| meta/rsion~, 462, 6. ~psuchê\ moi nai/ei dô/mat'

epoura/nia~, 261, 10 (and frequently in this poem in various forms).

~es ourani/as atarpou\s psuchê\ paptai/nei sô=m' apodusame/nê~,

_AP._ vii, 337, 7; cf. also 363, 3; 587, 2; 672, 1 and ix, 207-8.

~_aithê\r_ me\n psucha\s hupede/xato~, _Ep._ 21 (fifth century B.C.,

see above, chap. xii, n. 149). ~Euruma/chou psuchê\n kai\

huperphia/lous dianoi/as aithê\r hugro\s e/chei~, 41 (fourth century

B.C. but the ~aithê/r~ is not "moist"--~aithê\r lampro\s e/chei~ is

the more primitive version of the phrase given in the corresponding

epigr. of the ~Pe/plos.~ The ~aê/r~ would be ~hugro/s~: ~tên

psuchê\n ape/dôken es ae/ra~, _Ep._ 642, 7). ~psuchê\n me\n es

aithe/ra kai\ Dio\s aula/s~, 288, 4. ~psuchê\ d' aithe/rion

kate/chei po/lon~, 225, 3. ~es ai/thrên psuchê\ e/bê eme/then~, 325,

5.--~psuchê\ d' athana/tôn boulai=s epidê/mio/s estin _a/strois_~,

Ep. 324, 3. From Thyatira, _BCH._ 1887, p. 461: ~tha/psen d'

adelpho\s Arche/laos sô=m' emo/n, psucha\ de/ meu pro\s a/stra kai\

theou\s ESI~ (read ~e/bê~). One company of the souls ~tei/ressi su\n

aitheri/oisi choreu/ei; hê=s stratiê=s hei=s eimi~, _Ep._ 650, 11-12

(Diogenes) ~nu=n de thanô\n aste/ras oi=kon e/chei~, _AP._ vii, 64,

4.]

[136\15: ~psuchê\ d' ek rhethe/ôn ptame/nê meta\ dai/monas a/llous

ê/luthe sê/, nai/es d' en maka/rôn dape/dô|~, _Ep._ 243, 5-6. ~kai/

me theô=n maka/rôn kate/chei do/mos a=sson io/nta, ourani/ois te

do/moisi ble/pô pha/os Êrigenei/ês~, 312, 6.--~tê\n su/neton

psuchê\n maka/rôn eis ae/ra dou=sa, pro/sthen me\n thnêtê/, nu=n de\

theô= me/tochos~, 654, 4-5.--~alla\ nu=n eis tou\s theou/s~ _IG.

Sic. et It._ 1420. ~hôs de\ phu/sis me\n e/lusen apo\ chthono/s,

atha/natoi me\n auto\n e/chousi theoi\ sô=ma de\ sêko\s ho/de~,

_AP._ vii, 570; 61, 2; 573, 3-4.]

[137\15: See above, chap. xii, p. 436 ff.]

[138\15: See above, p. 500 f. ~pneu=ma~, _Ep._ 250, 6; 613, 6;

~pneu=ma labô\n da/nos ourano/then tele/sas chro/non antape/dôka~

(cf. ~pneu=ma ga/r esti theou= chrê=sis thnêtoi=si~, _Carm. Phoc._

106). 156, 2: ~pnoiê\n aithê\r e/laben pa/lin, ho/sper e/dôken~

(third century B.C.; see Köhler on _CIA._ ii, 4135).--This

conception having become popular frequently occurs in the

theological poetry of later times: e.g. ~chrêsmo/s~ ap. Stob.,

_Ecl._ 1, 49, 46, i, p. 414 W.: ~to\ me\n (to\ sô=ma) luthe/n esti

ko/nis, psuchê\ de\ pro\s ai/thrên ski/dnatai, hoppo/then ê=lthe,

metê/oros eis aithe/r' haplou=n~ (read ~aithe/r' es _hagno/_~).

Oracle of Apoll. Tyan. ap. Philostr., _VA._ viii, 31: ~atha/natos

psuchê\ . . . meta\ sô=ma maranthe\n . . . rhêidi/ôs prothorou=sa

kera/nnutai êe/ri kou/phô|~.]

[139\15: ~psuchê\n d' _atha/naton_ koino\s e/chei tha/natos~, _Ep._

35, 6 (_CIA._ ii, 3620, fourth century B.C.). _IG. Sic. et It._ 940,

3-4: ~athana/tê psuchê\ me\n es aithe/ri kai\ Dio\s augai=s

pôta=tai~. ib. 942: ~. . . entha/de kei=mai, _ouchi\ thanô/n_;

thnê/skein mê\ le/ge tou\s agathou/s~ (from Call., _Epigr._ 11,

~ta=|de Sa/ôn . . . hiero\n hu/pnon koima=tai. thna/skein mê\ le/ge

tou\s agathou/s).--_ouk e/thanes_, Prô/tê, mete/bês d' es amei/nona

chô=ron~ _Ep._ 649.]

[140\15: This retains its full and original meaning (as in Call.,

Epigr. 11); cf. _Ep._ 559, 7, ~le/ge Popili/ên heu/dein a/ner; ou

themito\n thnê/skein tou\s agathou/s, all' hu/pnon hêdu\n e/chein~.

More often as a mere conventional phrase: 433; 101, 4; 202, 1; 204,

7; ~s' ekoi/misen hu/pnos ho lê/thês~, 223, 3; 502, 2; _AP._ vii,

29, 1; 30, 2, 260.]

[141\15: _Ep._ 651: ~thnêto\n sô=ma . . . to\ d' atha/naton es

maka/rôn ano/rouse {573} ke/ar; psuchê\ ga\r aei/zôs hê\ to\ zê=n

pare/chei kai\ theo/phin kate/bê . . . sô=ma chitô\n psuchê=s~ (cf.

Emp. 414 M. = _fr._ 126 D., ~sarkô=n periste/llousa chitô=ni~ sc.

~tê\n psuchê/n); to\n de\ theo\n se/be mou~ (the god in me, my

~psuchê/~). 261, 6, ~tê\n psuchê\n d' athana/tên e/lachon; en gai/ê|

me\n sô=ma to\ suggene/s oura/nios de\ ê/luthen hê psuchê\ dô=ma

kat' ou phthi/menon ktl.~; cf. 320, 6 ff.--594 (late epitaph of a

doctor with philosophic leanings; found in Rome, 7 ff.: ~oud' a/ra

thnêto\s e/ên, hup' ana/gkês hupsime/dontos tu/mbô| einale/ô|

pepedême/nos ê/nusen oi=mon. ek rhethe/ôn d' a/ma steichôn semno\n

e/bê Dio\s oi=kon~. No sense can be made of the passage if ~tu/mbô|~

is understood as the real grave and this has led to altering or

straining the sense of ~einale/ô|~ (~einali/ô|~ Franz, ~sigale/ô|~

Jacobs). But the poet means: the dead man was (in his real nature,

his soul) immortal, only the will of the gods had caused him (his

soul) to be bound to the body and to complete his course of life in

the body, after the end of which he will rise immediately (and

return) to the realm of the gods. Read therefore ~tu/mbô| _ein

alaô=|_ pepedême/nos~, fettered in the "dark grave" of the body:

~sô=ma = sê=ma~. (Exactly as in Verg., _A._ vi, 734, the animae:

clausae tenebris et carcere caeco.)--603: he who lies buried here

~thnêtoi=s psuchê\n pei/sas epi\ sô/masin elthei=n tê\n hautou=,

me/leos, ouk ane/peise me/nein~. That is: he has persuaded his

(previously living and bodiless) soul to enter into the realm of

mortal bodies (to occupy a body), but could not persuade it to

remain there long--in this earthly life.]

[142\15: Once at the most: ~_ei_ pa/lin e/sti gene/sthai . . . _ei_

d' ouk e/stin pa/lin elthei=n~--_Ep._ 304 (cf. above, chap. xii, n.

138).]

[143\15: The epitaphs quoted in n. 141 have a theological meaning

but do not allude to any specifically Platonic opinion or doctrines.

There is no need to see Platonic influence (as Lehrs would: _Pop.

Aufs._^2, p. 339 f.) in the numerous epitaphs that speak of the

ascent of the soul into the _aither_, the stars, etc. (notes 135,

136). It is true that Alexis 158 K. inquires whether the view that

the body decays after death--~to\ d' atha/naton exê=re pro\s to\n

ae/ra~--is not Platonic doctrine (~tau=t' ou scholê\ Pla/tônos~).

But he has no real knowledge of Platonic teaching and calls Platonic

that idea of the ascent of the souls of the dead into the upper

regions which had long been popular in Athens--even before Plato's

time. In fact Plato's doctrine has only the most distant resemblance

to the popular one, and the latter originated and persisted without

being influenced at all by Plato or his school.]

[144\15: _Ep._ 650, 12. I belong to the company of the blessed which

~tei/ressi su\n aitheri/oisi choreu/ei, lachô\n theo\n hêgemonê=a~.

These last words must refer to a special relation of a pious kind to

some god. We may note the conclusion of the _Caesares_ of Julian

(336 C): Hermes addresses the Emperor: follow the ~entolai/~ of

~patê\r Mi/thras~ in life, ~kai\ hêni/ka a\n enthe/nde apie/nai

de/ê|, meta\ tê=s agathê=s elpi/dos _hêgemo/na theo\n eumenê=_

kathista\s seautô=|~. Cf. also the promise made in an Egyptian magic

papyrus ed, Parthey, _Abh. Berl. Ak._ 1865, p. 125, l. 178 ff.: the

ghost thus conjured up will after your death ~sou= to\ pneu=ma

basta/xas eis ae/ra a/xei su\n hautô=|, eis ga\r a/|dên ou chôrê/sei

ae/rion pneu=ma _sustathe\n_~ (i.e. commended) ~_krataiô=|

pare/drô|_~. Cf. Pl., _Phd._ 107 D ff.: the souls of the dead are

conducted each by the ~dai/môn ho/sper zô=nta eilê/chei~ to the

judgment place: thence they go ~eis ha=|dou meta\ hêgemo/nos

ekei/nou hou= dê\ proste/taktai tou\s enthe/nde ekei=se poreu=sai~.

Afterwards yet another, ~a/llos hêgemô/n~ as it appears, leads them

back again. A blessed abode hereafter is found by ~hê katharô=s te

kai\ metri/ôs to\n bi/on diexelthou=sa kai\ xunempo/rôn kai\

_hêgemo/nôn theô=n tuchou=sa_~, 108 C. The same idea occurs on the

monument of Vibia (in the Catacombs of Praetextatus in Rome):

_Mercurius nuntius_ {574} conducts her (and Alcestis) before

Dispater and Aeracura to be tried: after that a special _bonus

angelus_ leads her to the banquet of the blessed (_CIL._ vi, 142).

There is nothing Christian in this, any more than in the whole

monument or its inscriptions. (The "angel" as an intermediate being

between gods and men had long been taken from Jewish religion by

heathen belief and philosophy: they were sometimes identified with

the Platonic ~dai/mones~: see R. Heinze, _Xenokrat._ 112 f. These

intermediate natures, the ~a/ggeloi~, have nothing to do with the

old Greek conception of certain gods as "Messengers" or of the Hero

~Eua/ggelos~, etc. [cf. Usener, _Götternamen_, 268 ff.].) With the

fanciful picture of Vibia we may compare (besides the Platonic

passages mentioned above) what Luc., _Philops._ 25, has to say of the

~neani/as pa/gkalos~ who leads the souls into the underworld (~hoi

agago/ntes auto/n~ less precisely in the parallel narrative of

Plutarch, _de An. fr._ 1, ap. Eus., _PE._ 11, 36, p. 563 D).]

[145\15: Hermes the conductor of the souls as ~a/ggelos

Phersepho/nês~ _Ep._ 575, 1. Hermes brings the souls to Eubouleus

and Persephone, _Ep._ 272, 9.--He leads the souls to the ~maka/rôn

êlu/sion pedi/on~, 414, 9; 411; to the Islands of the Blest, 107, 2.

He leads them by the hand to heaven, to the blessed gods, 312, 8

ff.]

[146\15: _Ep._ 218, 15, ~alla\ su/, pambasi/leia thea/, poluô/nume

koura/, tê/nd' a/g' ep' eusebe/ôn chô=ron, e/chousa chero/s~. 452,

17 ff. Of the souls of the dead man, his wife and children it is

said: ~de/cheo es Ha/idou~ (Hades does not admit everyone: cf. the

dead man who prays ~hoi\ stu/gion chô=ron huponai/ete dai/mones

esthloi/, de/xasth' eis Aï/dên kame\ to\n oiktro/taton~, 624),

~po/tnia nu/mphê, ki\ psucha\s prou/pempe, hi/na xantho\s

Rhada/manthus~. To be thus received and conducted by a god or

goddess is evidently regarded as a special favour. The abode of the

~eusebei=s~ is reached by those who have honoured Persephone before

all other deities: _IG. Sic. et It._ 1561. Zeus too conducts the

souls, _Ep._ 511, 1: ~anti/ se kudali/mas areta=s, poluê/rate

kou=re, hê=xen es Êlu/sion auto\s a/nax Kroni/dês (theo/s~, 516,

1-2). Speaking of a Ptolemy who has died young, Antipater Sid. says

(_AP._ vii, 241, 11 ff.) ~ou de/ se nu\x ek nukto\s ede/xato; dê\

ga\r a/naktas toi/ous ouk Aï/das, Zeu\s d' es o/lumpon a/gei~.

Apollo also: Parmenis buried by her parents says ~[nu=n mega/l]ou~

(to be restored in some such fashion) ~de/ m' e/chei te/menos Dio/s,

ho/rra/ t' _Apo/llôn_ [loig]ou=~ (doubtful completion) ~a/meipsen,

_helô\n ek puro\s_ atha/naton~, _IGM. Aeg._ i, 142

(Rhodos).--Tibull. is clearly imitating Greek poetry when he says

(1, 3, 57) sed me quod facilis tenero sum semper Amori ipsa Venus

campos ducet ad Elysios (the poet himself explains why it should be

Venus: he has specially honoured her. There is no need to imagine a

Venus Libitina). Phleg., _Mirab._ 3, p. 130, 16 ff. West. [73, 1

Kell.]: ~Phoi=bos Apo/llôn Pu/thios . . . moi heo\n kratero\n

thera/pont'~ (the daimonic wolf) ~epipe/mpsas ê/gagen eis maka/rôn

te do/mous kai\ Persephonei/ês~.]

[147\15: Isidote, hierophantis in Eleusis (grand-daughter of the

famous sophist Isaios) is called by her epitaph (~Eph. Arch.~ 1885,

p. 149, l. 8 ff.) ~e/xochon e/n t' aretai=s e/n te saophrosu/nais;

hê\n kai\ ameibome/nê Dêô\ maka/rôn epi\ nê/ssous ê/gage, pantoi/ês

ekto\s epôduni/ês~. (l. 20 ~hê=n kai\ Dêmê/têr ô/pasen

athana/tois~.)]

[148\15: By their noble death the gods show ~hôs a/meinon ei/ê

anthrô/pô| tethna/nai ma=llon ê\ zô/ein~, Hdt. i, 31; cf. [Pl.]

_Axioch._ 367 C; Cic., _TD._ i, 113; Plu., _Cons. ad Apoll._ 13, 108

E; cf. Amm. Marc. 25, 3, 15.--The epitaph of Isidote alludes to the

legend, l. 11: ~dô=ke~ (Demeter) ~de/ hoi tha/naton glukerô/teron

hêde/os hu/pnou pa/gchu kai\ Argei/ôn phe/rteron êïthe/ôn.~] {575}

[149\15: ~Gêrale/ên psuchê\n ep' akmai/ô| sô/mati Glau=kos kai\

ka/llei kera/sas krei/ttona sôphrosu/nên, o/rgia pa=sin e/phaine

brotoi=s phaesi/mbrota Dêou=s einaete/s, deka/tô| d' ê=lthe par'

athana/tous. ê= kalo\n ek maka/rôn mustê/rion, ou mo/non ei=nai to\n

tha/naton thnêtoi=s ou kako/n, all' agatho\n~, ~Eph. Arch.~ 1883,

pp. 81-2 (third century A.D.). Below the statue of a daughter of

this Glaukos, at Eleusis, there is an inscr., ~Glau/kou de\ gnôtê\

theoeide/os, ho/s te kai\ auto\s _hierophantê/sas ô/|chet' es

athana/tous_~, ~Eph. Arch.~ 1894, p. 205, n. 26, l. 11 ff.]

[150\15: As a conventional formula; [D.H.] _Rhet._ 6, 5: ~epi\

te/lei~ (of the funeral oration) ~peri\ psuchê=s anagkai=on eipei=n,

ho/ti atha/natos, kai\ ho/ti tou\s toiou/tous, en theoi=s o/ntas,

amei=non i/sôs apalla/ttein~.]

[151\15: ~--to\n atha/natoi phile/eskon; tou/neka kai\ pêgai=s

lou=san en athana/tois~ (we are reminded of the ~atha/natos pêgê/~

out of which Glaukos drew ~athanasi/a~: Sch. Pl., _Rp._ 611 C),

~kai\ maka/rôn nê/sous ba/llon es athana/tôn~, _Ep._ 366, 4 ff.

There are two fountains in Hades, that (to the left) of Lethe, and

(to the right) of Mnemosyne, from which cold water flows (l. 5):

from the latter the guardians will give the suppliant soul water to

drink ~kai\ to/t' e/peit' a/lloisi meth' hêrô/essin ana/xei~:

sepulchral tablet from Petelia (about third century B.C.), _IG. Sic.

et It._ 638 (_Ep._ 1037; Harrison, _Proleg._ 661 ff.). Mutilated

copies of the same original have been found at Eleuthernai in Crete,

_BCH._ 1893-4, p. 126, 629; cf. above, chap. xii, n. 62.--This, in

fact, is the "water of life" so often mentioned in the folk-lore of

many countries; cf. Grimm, _D. Märchen_, n. 97, with _Notes_ iii, p.

178, 328; Dieterich, _Abraxas_, 97 f.; _Nekyia_, 94, 99. This is the

fountain from which Psyche also has to bring water to Venus (Apul.,

_M._ vi, 13-14); and it is certain that in the original Psyche-story

it was not the water of the Styx that was intended (as Apul.

supposes, but of what use would that be?), but the water of the

fountain of life in Hades. It is a _speaking_ fountain, _vocales

aquae_ (Apul. vi, 14), and, in fact, precisely the same as that

mentioned in a unique legend of Herakles given in [Justin.] ~pro\s

He/llênas~ 3 (p. 636, 7, ed. Harnack, _Ber. Berl. Ak._ 1896);

Herakles is called ~ho o/rê pêdê/sas~ (? ~_pidu/sas_~, "making it

gush forth," would be more acceptable) ~hi/na la/bê| hu/dôr

_e/narthron phônê\n apodido/n_~. Herakles makes the mountain gush

forth by striking the speaking water out of the rock. This is

exactly paralleled in the modern Greek stories given by Hahn, _Gr.

u. alb. Märchen_, ii, p. 234; the Lamia who guards the water of life

(~to\ atha/nato nero/~, the phrase often appears in these stories;

cf. also Schmidt, _Griech. Märchen_, p. 233) "strikes with a hammer

on the rock till it opens and she can draw the water of life". This

is the same ancient fairy tale motif. The proper home of this water

of life is probably the lower world, the world of either death or

immortality, though this is not expressly stated in the Herakles

legend nor in the fairy tale of Glaukos who discovered the

~atha/natos pêgê/~ (but probably also in the magic country of the

West. Thus Alexander the Great finds the ~atha/natos pêgê/~ at the

entrance to the ~maka/rôn chô/ra~ acc. to Ps.-Callisth. ii, 39 ff.;

his story shows clear reminiscences of the Glaukos tale, its

prototype, in c. 39 fin., 41, 2).--The Orphic (and Pythagorean)

mythology of Hades (see above: chap. xi, n. 96; chap. xii, nn. 37-8;

chap. vii, n. 21) then proceeded to make use of the folk-tale for

their own purposes. In _Ep._ 658 the prayer also refers to the

Orphic fable (_CIG._ 5772) ~psuchro\n hu/dôr doi/ê soi a/nax

ene/rôn Aïdôneu/s~, and 719, 11, ~psuchê=| dipsô/sê| psuchro\n

hu/dôr metado/s~. They mean: may you live on in complete

consciousness. (The same thing in the negative: the dead man dwells

~ha/ma paisi\ theô=n kai\ lê/thês ouk e/pien liba/da~, 414, 10:

{576} ~ouk e/pion Lê/thês Aïdôni/dos e/schaton hu/dôr~, so that I

can perceive the mourning of the living for my loss, 204, 11. ~kai\

thnê/skôn ga\r e/chô no/on ou/tina baio/n~, 334, 5.--Poetical

allusion in _AP._ vii, 346: ~su\ d' ei the/mis, en phthime/noisi

tou= Lê/thês ep' emoi\ mê/ ti pi/ê|s hu/datos~.--Perhaps something

of the sort already occurs in Pindar; see above, chap. xii, n. 37.)]

[152\15: ~eupsu/chei kuri/a kai\ doi/ê soi ho O/siris to\ psuchro\n

hu/dôr~, _IG. Sic. et It._ 1488; 1705; 1782; _Rev. Arch._ 1887, p.

201. (And once the line ~soi\ de\ Osei/ridos hagno\n hu/dôr Ei=sis

chari/saito~, inscr. from Alexandria: _Rev. Arch._ 1887, p. 199.)

~eupsu/chei meta\ tou= Osei/ridos~, _I. Sic. et It._ 2098. The dead

man is with Osiris, _Ep._ 414, 5. Osiris as lord in the world of the

blessed: _defixio_ from Rome, _I. Sic. et It._ 1047; ~ho me/gas

O/seiris ho e/chôn tê\n katexousi/an kai\ to\ basi/leion tô=n

nerte/rôn theô=n~.--It appears that the legend of the fountain of

Mnemosyne and its cold water was independently developed by the

Greeks and then associated subsequently with the analogous Egyptian

idea or brought into harmony with it (certainly not as e.g.

Böttiger, _Kl. Schr._, thinks, originally belonging to the Egyptians

alone and thence imported into Greece from Egypt). Egyptian Books of

the dead often speak of the cool water that the dead enjoy (cf.

Maspero, _Ét. de mythol. et d'arch. égypt._ 1893, 1, 366 f.), as

well as of the water drawn from the Nile and preserving the youth of

the dead man: Maspero, _Notices et Extraits_, 24, 1883, pp. 99-100.

The formula, "may Osiris give you the cold water" (everlasting life),

does not seem to occur on original Egyptian monuments. It is prob.

therefore modelled by Egyptian Greeks on their own ancient Greek

formula.--On Christian inss. we often have the formula: _spiritum

tuum dominus_ (or _deus Christus_, or a holy martyr) _refrigeret_:

see Kraus, _Realencykl. d. christl. Alterth._ s.v. _refrigerium_.

This is probably, as has been frequently suggested, an imitation of

the heathen formula, like so many features of early Christian burial

usage.]

[153\15: On sarcophagi in Isauria the lion is sometimes represented

on the lid with the inscr. describing the contents: ~ho dei=na zô=n

kai\ phronô=n ane/thêken _heauto\n le/onta_ kai\ tê\n gunai=ka

autou= prote/ran~, etc. On another sarcophagus: ~Lou/kios ane/stêse~

(three names) ~kai\ _heauto\n aeto\n_ kai\ A/mmoukin Babo/ou to\n

pate/ra _aeto\n_ teimê=s cha/rin~, _American School at Athens_, iii,

p. 26, 91-2. These expressions must refer to something quite

different from the otherwise not uncommon practice of representing

lions or eagles on graves. I can only explain them on the

supposition that the dead persons represent themselves and the

relatives named in the forms which had belonged to them in the

mysteries of Mithras, in which lions and lionesses formed the fourth

grade, and eagles, ~aetoi/~ (or ~hie/rakes~) the seventh (cf.

Porph., _Abst._ iv, 16); these are elsewhere called ~pate/res~.]