beginning of November and was made by the 151st Infantry Brigade. On
the right the attack did not succeed; but on the left the troops
reached the Butte and took or killed many Germans. Unfortunately the
machine-guns behind the Butte prevented the Brigade from
consolidating the ground won, and the troops eventually retired to
their original line. During this operation the men of the 149th
Infantry Brigade were employed in carrying up stores and as stretcher
parties. Eventually, about November 12, the Brigade took over the
front line, with a view to renewing the attack whenever the weather
should permit. Our H.Q. were established at Seven Elms, about a mile
from the front line, with rear H.Q. at the sugar factory. At dawn on
November 14 the Brigade attacked the Hook Sap and Gird Line, the 5th
N.F. on the right, the 7th N.F. on the left opposite the sap. At the
same time an Australian Corps attacked farther to the right, but no
attack was made on the Butte itself. An officer, who was in the
trenches south-west of the Butte and saw the Northumberlands go
forward, told me that he had never seen such a strange sight. The men
staggered forward a few yards, tumbled into shell-holes or stopped to
pull out less fortunate comrades, forward a few more yards, and the
same again and again. All the while the machine-guns from the German
trenches poured a pitiless hail into the slowly advancing line; and
the German guns opened out a heavy barrage on the trenches and on the
ground outside. In spite of mud, in spite of heavy casualties, the
survivors of two companies of the 7th N.F. struggled across that
spongy swamp and gained the German line. What happened after that can
only be conjectured, for they never kept touch with the 5th N.F., who
reached and took the Gird Line. But it is known that the 7th N.F. got
a footing both in Hook Sap and in the Gird Line behind. The Germans
barraged the captured trenches twice or three times during the day,
and are thought to have attacked them in force with fresh reserves
each time. Owing to the heavy and continuous barrage across No Man's
Land no news could be got back and no supports could be sent forward.
Finally, at night, the remnants of the shattered brigade were
collected, and another attempt made to reach the trenches; but the
Germans had evidently now got back to their old position and in the
mud and darkness the fresh attack had little chance of success.
Nothing more has been seen or heard of the two companies that reached
Hook Sap. It is believed that they perished to the last man,
overwhelmed by successive German counter-attacks. Second-Lieut. E.G.
Lawson fell at Hook Sap, also 2nd-Lieut. R.H.F. Woods, both Bombing
Officers of the 7th N.F.; also Bombing Sergts. J.R. Richardson and J.
Piercy.
The 5th N.F. did well indeed, for they succeeded in holding their
ground in the Gird Line and handed it over next day to the troops that
relieved them. But that also had to be abandoned at last, owing to its
isolated position.
The only consolation that can be drawn from this heroic but tragic
affair is that it may have created a diversion to our successful
operations at Beaucourt. As an isolated operation it was doomed from
the start owing to the state of the ground and the exhaustion of the
men who took part in it.
My own part in the sufferings of the Brigade at this time was so
insignificant that it is not worth giving many details of my
experiences. I found walking over the muddy ground most terribly
exhausting, especially in a trench coat dripping with rain and mud.
And it was a long way, over three miles, from rear H.Q. to the dump at
Hexham Road. One morning I went with Major Anderson to the ruins of
Eaucourt L'Abbaye on a visit of inspection. For months this was a
terribly shelled place, and it was now nothing but a pile of broken
sticks and brickdust. We were lucky to get clear of it before the
morning hate began. There were still large numbers of British and
German dead lying in heaps round the Flers Line; and two broken down
tanks completed the picture of muddy desolation. On November 14, the
day of the battle, I went up to advanced B.H.Q. at Seven Elms, where
quarters were very crowded. I remember being so tired out that night
that I fell asleep standing in one of the passages, propped against
one of the walls. Next day I returned to the sugar factory. And on
November 17 B.H.Q. moved back to a billet in Albert. Here, on November
19, I attended the Battalion Church Parade in a barn. A mere handful
of men, gaunt, hollow-cheeked, and exhausted, their faces dead white
and their clothes almost in rags, it was one of the saddest parades I
can remember.
During this visit to the line I first had the services of Pte.
Fairclough of the 5th N.F. as my Brigade Bombing Orderly, and he
remained with me in that capacity till I left the Brigade in 1918. I
found him a most useful, willing man, and he soon gained his lance
stripe. On November 19, owing to the kindness of Major Anderson, I was
granted leave to England for ten days. He told the General that I was
looking rather war-worn and that I should be needed for further
grenade training on my return.
It was during this visit to Bazentin-le-Grand that I first started
studying Intelligence work. The Brigade-Major asked me to spend my
spare time in assisting him with some aeroplane photographs. I had to
go over the daily series that came in from the Corps, and note
anything new on our own part of the front. Major Anderson was an
expert reader of these photographs, and he taught me all I know about
the subject. I found it an interesting subject, and it was to have a
great influence over my future career.
XVIII
SECOND LEAVE--BRESLE
My journey from Albert to England was remarkable for the hardships
that occurred. It should be remembered that every one was desperately
tired and worn out already. We were told to appear at Albert station
at midnight. When we got there we were told to expect the train at
2.15 A.M. This meant walking about the platform to keep warm, for
there was no shelter for officers at the station. Capt. J.O. Aglionby,
C.F., our padre, and Capt. Lidderdale, R.A.M.C, our battalion doctor,
were both going by the same train, so I was not without company. When
2.15 A.M. came there was no train, and we kept walking about till dawn
broke, but still no train. The R.T.O. then told us that there had been
a breakdown and that the train could not be expected for a long time.
So we decided to go and get breakfast at our billets and then to go to
Amiens by motor-lorry, and catch the train there. At least there would
be less chance of being shelled there, and some food and shelter.
So we set off about 10 o'clock and eventually got to Amiens, where we
had a decent lunch. We had to keep hanging about the station,
however, inquiring for the train. It arrived about 9 P.M., about
eighteen hours late, and we were glad enough to get on board. It is
difficult enough to sleep sitting in a train, but I think I managed a
few hours of troubled sleep. And next morning we arrived in Le Havre.
The first thing there was to march the men down to a rest camp a long
way from the town, and a good way from the docks. We were told to
report back at the same place at 2.30 P.M. So we trudged back to Le
Havre and got shaved and fed. On returning to the Rest Camp we were
told that the boat would leave in twenty minutes and that, as it was a
good thirty minutes walk, we had better be quick. Fortunately we got
hold of a motor-car and got a lift part of the way and hurried along
after that as fast as we could. When we reached the dock we found the
boat would not leave for another two hours. The organisation here was
rotten just at this time, but it improved later. _The Viper_, a fast
packet-boat, took us across to Southampton. And next morning I
proceeded to Weston-super-Mare, having taken nearly three days on the
journey. Most of that leave I spent in bed in the hands of the doctor.
I was utterly worn out, not only with exhaustion, but with the
depression naturally caused by losing so many friends and comrades in
a manner apparently so fruitless.
The company of recruits I had at Alnwick, was practically wiped out, I
found about two of them with the battalion when I returned. Only
eleven were left of the battalion bombers, my good comrades of the
Salient. The Bombing Officers of the four battalions were all
casualties, four of them killed. There were few trained bombers left
in the whole brigade. I went back to France on December 2 in anything
but buoyant spirits.
On returning to Albert I found that the Brigade were billeted at the
small village of Bresle. And I got there without much difficulty. The
weather was wet and cold, as it generally is in December; but active
preparations were soon started for getting the Bombing School open. We
found a fairly good bombing-pit for the Brigade School, but we had to
make one for the battalions. I was now without trained instructors and
I had no Brigade Bombing Sergeant, but I was lent Corp. Munro, a
bomber from the 6th N.F., and I made what use I could of Pte.
Fairclough, my orderly. The result was that I had not only to attend
to all the live firing, but I had to do the sergeants' work as well.
Afterwards there were the grenades to be sorted out for next day and a
friendly hand given to the Bombing Officers of the battalions, most of
whom were new to their work.
During our stay at Bresle 477 fresh men went through the recruits'
bombing course. And on December 26 and 27 the tests were carried out
with the battalion bombers, for the purpose of granting the Bombers'
Badge. These tests were now made much more difficult to pass, and only
seven men passed the throwing and firing tests. After this period I
never carried out any further instruction in the hand-grenade. The
drafts later on came out more fully trained and the Battalion Bombing
Officers carried on any further instruction that was required. During
and in preparation for the operations on the Somme 16 officers and
2106 men went through the course; and at least 5000 live grenades were
thrown. I was lucky to have no accident with the Mills grenade, and no
fatal ones even with the rifle-grenade.
General Ovens went on leave at Bresle, and Lieut.-Col. G. Scott
Jackson, O.C. 7th N.F., came as Brigade Commander to our H.Q. We had
him several times again in that capacity, and he was always a
favourite in our mess. His fine record and services are well known; a
D.S.O. and Bar, he probably commanded a fighting battalion as long as
any officer in France. From the time when the battalion landed in
France in April 1915 till he left the battalion for the R.A.M.C. at
the latter end of 1917, he was only off duty for about three days, in
a quiet part of the line. He always looked a picture of robust
strength, never missed his cold bath even with the temperature near
zero, and was one of the most optimistic men in the whole Brigade. He
was a most pleasant kindly Brigade Commander, with the supreme virtue
of leaving the specialists to do their work in their own way.
Before we left Bresle I got a Brigade Bombing Sergeant--Sergeant T.
Matthewson of the 5th N.F., who had had long experience as Battalion
Bombing Sergeant, and was a thoroughly trained and reliable man. I
found him most useful in his new office and I am glad to know that he
got safely through the war. Amongst other accomplishments he was a
good wicket-keeper, as I found later on.
On Christmas Day I went to dinner with the 7th N.F. at their H.Q., and
was very hospitably entertained. The Brigade moved from Bresle to a
camp at Bécourt on November 28, and stayed there two days; and then
took over from a Brigade of the 1st Division at Bazentin-le-Petit.
XIX
BUTTE OF WARLENCOURT--TRENCH WARFARE
On December 30, 1916, the Brigade was in the reserve area about
Bazentin-le-Petit, and ready to take over the line of trenches running
eastwards from a point south of the Butte of Warlencourt. No material
change had taken place on this part of the front since the fruitless
attack of November 11. The 1st Division, however, had done a good deal
of work in the back areas, and had laid duck-board tracks from High
Wood to the front line, and increased the number of light railways.
B.H.Q. were at some dugouts at the 'Cough Drop,' a place about a mile
north of High Wood. The 149th Infantry Brigade had now decided to make
use of a party of 'Observers,' and Major Anderson asked me to take
charge of them. I was a little diffident about this as I had never had
any experience as a Battalion Intelligence Officer and really knew
nothing at all about observation. But I was glad to take on the job,
and I soon got to like it. On December 30, therefore, two trained
observers from each of the four battalions of the Brigade reported to
me. And I had two N.C.Os. with this party--a corporal of the 4th N.F.,
who soon left to take a commission, and L.-C. Amos of the 7th N.F.,
who afterwards became N.C.O. in charge. On the same day I met the
Intelligence Officer of the 1st Brigade who took me over the line and
showed me the two O.P.s. I was lucky to meet at the start an officer
who understood the business so well. He gave me many useful hints, and
handed over an excellent panoramic sketch map of the view from one
O.P., as well as the Log Book. The latter was a notebook containing
reports of every movement of the enemy seen from the O.P.s. On
December 31 I took the party of observers up to the Cough Drop where
they had a shelter near B.H.Q. I had also supervision of the two
Brigade dumps, one at Hexham Road and the other at the Flers Line
about half a mile north of B.H.Q. Both places came in for heavy
shelling at intervals all day and night, for both were situated about
the end of a trench tramway, an obvious place for dumping stores.
However I had the latter dump moved to a better place, some distance
from the tramway, where there was less scrap iron lying about. During
this tour in the line which lasted eight days, I was employed in
looking after the observers and the two Brigade bomb stores. Towards
the close of our stay I started to make a new bomb store in Hexham
Road. Capt. H. Liddell gave me the general design of it and told me
what materials I should require. But I had no more time than to get
the emplacement dug out and the wooden framework erected.[13] I
remember that we struck two buried Germans in excavating the
emplacement and had to treat them with some very powerful corrosive
before the work could be continued.
Also it was rather a warm corner in Hexham Road, and I caught a shell
splinter on the leg; this, however, struck the steel buckle on my
trench boot and only raised a bruise. The weather became very cold
towards the end of our stay, with snow and frost. The Germans opposite
our trenches were not disposed to be unfriendly about the New Year. On
the left near the Butte they signalled to our men in the trenches
before a trench-mortar bombardment started, as if to warn them to take
cover. On the right they were still more inclined to fraternise. Here
both sides were holding trenches that would have become impossible if
any sniping had been done. So both our men and the Germans worked away
at deepening their own trenches without molesting their opponents;
although sometimes a crowd of men were exposed from the waist upwards
at a range of about 200 yards.
It was one of those curious understandings which arise when no violent
operations are in progress. However, on New Year's Day it went even
further. A soldier of the 5th N.F., after signals from the Germans,
went out into No Man's Land and had a drink with a party of them.
After this a small party of the enemy approached our trenches without
arms and with evidently friendly intentions. But they were warned off
and not allowed to enter our trenches. This little affair, I believe,
led to the soldier being court-martialled for holding intercourse with
the enemy. After eight days in the line the Brigade returned to a camp
at the north end of Mametz Wood. B.H.Q. were close to a battery of
9-inch howitzers, and when these heavy guns fired a salvo, which they
did occasionally both day and night, it fairly lifted the things off
the table. We got shelled here one night, but beyond getting a shower
or two of splinters and stones on to the huts no damage was done. I
had now time to ramble round, and examine various things of interest.
I found a regular dump of German bombs at Bazentin-le-Grand, and some
of these were collected for training purposes.
There were some Divisional baths at Bazentin-le-Petit, and I remember
having a most cold and miserable bath there one night; but it was
better than none at all. It was surprising how quickly the heavy
railway had been brought along. It now reached High Wood, but of
course did not cross the ridge, which would have been in view of the
enemy. About January 15 we went back to the line in very cold weather,
and B.H.Q. stayed at the Cough Drop again for eight days. During this
time I set to work completing the bomb store at Hexham Road, and
filling it with grenades. Each morning I got a party of about sixteen
men, and we collected a lot of filled sandbags to pack round the
framework and shed which were soon finished. The Brigade observers
held a post in the old Flers Line, from which good observation was
obtained on the ground between Loupart Wood and Grevillers. It was not
difficult to get the heavy gunners to fire on German working-parties
that were spotted by the observers; and several parties were duly
dispersed by our shells. Before we left the line this time, the
Brigade bomb store at Hexham Road was completed and filled. And when I
visited the district again in June 1917 it was still standing. I also
began now to write out the Brigade Intelligence Reports which were
sent in each day, and contained a summary of the events that had
happened or had been observed on our front. On January 23 we went back
to the camp north of Mametz Wood.
After a few days we moved off to Albert, and stayed two or three days
in a house near the railway line. The town got both bombed and shelled
at times, though not very severely. After this we moved off to the
village of Dernancourt for a short rest.
Major C.G. Johnson, M.C., who was adjutant of the 7th N.F. when I
joined the battalion, was now attached to B.H.Q. as
Assistant-Staff-Captain. He was an exceedingly able man, and had a good
knowledge of military law. We all liked him well as adjutant of the
battalion, and our relations at B.H.Q. were always friendly. He left us
eventually to become D.A.Q.M.G. in a higher Staff formation.
FOOTNOTES:
[13] Pte. Slack (7th N.F.), a Brigade pioneer, helped me greatly with
the carpenter's work.
XX
FRANCE AND THE FRENCH
The war has done at least one thing for me. It has opened my eyes and
changed my views with regard to the French. I confess that once I had
no liking for them and a certain measure of contempt. I suppose the
average Englishman has started with views like these. There has been
bad blood between the two races, and that at no very distant date.
Indeed the Alliance or Entente started much like a marriage of
convenience. The two partners were joined in interest together against
a common foe and a common danger.
Personally, I do not think there was much love lost between the two
nations for some time after the war started. The bond of mutual
admiration and respect, and I hope of affection, was forged in the
Battle of the Somme and in the heroic defence of Verdun. This bond has
been strengthened since on many a stricken field. The clouds of mutual
mistrust and jealousy have been largely dispelled. We have learnt much
about the French since the early days of the war, and they much about
us; otherwise it would have been impossible for a French General to
be in supreme command of the campaign.
I have often come in contact with the French civilian in town and
country, but only rarely with French troops. Also I have come to know
and like a series of French interpreters attached to battalions or
brigade. The deeds of the French Army speak for themselves, and their
Staff work has been often beyond praise. When we remember the cruel
fate that befell the north-eastern corner of France and its unhappy
citizens, we may sympathise with the fury of the French nation against
their old oppressors. No one living in England can realise the hideous
wounds inflicted on this fair country-side. It may explain to some
extent at least the heroic resistance of the French for over four
years--a resistance that could scarcely have been predicted before the
war.
In considering our relations with the French at different times, it is
well to have a deep sympathy for the cruel wrongs she has suffered.
Thus they must have regarded with very mixed feelings their harbours,
railways, and towns being taken over by an alien though friendly
people.
All things considered the Frenchman may well have said at the first,
'These English, they are everywhere!' At least, this I noticed when I
arrived in Le Havre in January 1916, there was no enthusiasm for us
there. There was no rudeness, it is true, but the atmosphere of the
place was rather chilly and aloof. The country folk about Meteren
seemed pleased to see us; I think they had got used to the ways of
the British soldier and found him not such a bad fellow after all. It
was pleasant to see the country folks round here after our stay in
Flanders, comely and straight, members of a thoroughbred race. The
contrast was rather forcible perhaps.
The Brigade Interpreter in 1916, Monsieur Bunge, a native of Le Havre,
was a pleasant, lively sort of person, always ready for a joke and an
admirer of the British. With him I got on very well; and I learnt one
or two things of the French from him. One of them was how sensitive
they are in small matters of conversation. If in your heavy English
way you did not respond at once with animation to his remarks, M.
Bunge thought he had offended you.
They are a very sensitive race, especially in matters of courtesy. The
colder manner and bearing of the British must have been a sore trial
to them till they got to understand them--especially if they were
laying themselves out to be friendly. It is worth while to let
yourself go a bit in the matter of speech and bearing when talking to
them. And, above all things, if you want to please them, try to talk
to them in French, however badly, for they all take it as a great
compliment. Another thing I discovered was the unwillingness of the
French officers to take the initiative in saluting; yet they would
never fail to return such a courtesy. Perhaps their earlier
experiences in this little matter had been discouraging. It is much
the same with the poilus and farmer folk. If you wish them 'Bonjour'
they would invariably respond and also salute.
Later on I had a day or two in Amiens which provided some impressions
of the French soldiers. The officers there contrasted rather forcibly
with our own, I remember. They were very smartly dressed in
home-parade uniforms, wore their medals, and carried themselves with
an admirable pride and spirit. Our officers, on the other hand,
dressed in the homely khaki, often the worse for wear, had generally
an air of war-weariness. No doubt most of our men had come almost
straight from the battle-field and were enjoying only a few hours'
relaxation in this fine city. Still it made one reflect that the
French are indeed a nation of soldiers which we are not. We obviously
have not the same pride in the paraphernalia of war, and that shows
which way the wind blows. I also saw a number of poilus going on leave
and returning to the line. They looked very quiet and patient, but
without a great deal of enthusiasm showing on the surface. Later on I
saw French soldiers on the march several times. They get over the
ground very fast; but it is more go as you please with them than with
us. I have often noticed how grave these poilus look, even after the
war was over. Nothing of the reckless fun and explosive good humour of
the British soldier. If the latter is not having a rotten time he is
wonderfully cheerful and often light-hearted.
I have also seen the French soldiers holding the line in a quiet part;
and indeed we 'took over' from them there. They do not expose
themselves nearly so much as we do near the trenches. Everything
seemed to be done with scientific method and every one seemed to know
exactly what to do on all occasions. They hold their front line
thinly, trusting in case of accidents to recover it by a
counter-attack. And if the French are not fighting a battle they
generally keep their front as quiet as they can. This of course is all
very different from our own system. If we had a quiet part of the
line, it was generally because we had silenced the enemy's guns and
trench-mortars by fighting.
I had one great chance of studying the French officer at home in these
trenches. Shortly before taking over the French Regimental Commander
in the line asked our Brigadier, Brigade-Major, and 'one other
officer' to visit the trenches, but to be sure and call in at
Regimental H.Q. before proceeding up the line. This was really an
invitation of goodwill and ceremony rather than an invitation to
examine the line. But as this was not quite understood at the time I
was included in the party as Brigade Bombing Officer, rather than the
Staff-Captain or Machine-Gun Officer, either of whom should have gone
in my place. So on a terribly cold day at the end of January 1917 we
set off, and after a long ride from Dernancourt to Fontaine-les-Cappy
in a motor-car, we arrived near Regimental H.Q. and proceeded there on
foot. The Brigadier was a fair French linguist, I had about two words
of French, and the Brigade-Major had none. So it was just as well that
the junior État-Major happened to be a fluent English speaker.
Indeed, he had spent a good time in Newcastle and knew not only
England but the north. We were welcomed by the French Brigadier with
every mark of courtesy and goodwill. It is the custom for a French
officer to salute his superior and then to shake hands with him. The
salute is given even if you do not happen to be wearing a cap.