Has any proportion of the value of daily labour been made up to the

labourers out of the poor's rates?--Yes, it has; the weekly income of

every family is made up to the gallon loaf and three-pence per head.

Supposing the father to earn 9_s_. one of the children 3_s_. another

2_s_. and another 1_s. od_. the magistrate conceiving they are able to

earn that, or the overseer being willing to give them the money for

their labour, whatever the deficiency is, is made up to the amount I

have stated. I must explain, that I give this evidence as a magistrate

more than as a farmer; for I act for a very large district, and am in

the habit of making this order. The gallon loaf per head per week is

what we suppose sufficient for the maintenance of every person in the

family for the week; and the 3_d_. is for clothes; and if the parish

think proper to find clothes, the 3_d_. is deducted. This practice goes

through all the western parts of Wiltshire, and I believe throughout the

county.

Have you, from your situation as a Magistrate, any connexion and

knowledge of the condition of the lower class of manufacturers?--I have;

I live within nine miles of a great number of them, and act for several

manufacturing parishes as a Magistrate.

Can you state the average consumption of a family?--The manufacturers

live better than the farming labourers, but they need not live better;

when they come to the parishes they have only the same allowance from us

as paupers of every class.

Do you expect the labouring manufacturers will consume a greater

proportion of farm produce than they have hitherto done?--I conceive

greater waste will be made of farm produce when it is at a low price

than when it is at a high price, and, in fact, they must consume

more: _they live upon wheat instead of barley; they lived upon barley

formerly, and now they live upon wheat, and eat fewer potatoes

probably_.

Do you think it would be possible for landlords to reduce their rents so

as to enable the tenant to make a fair profit, according to the present

price of corn?--No; I do not think it is in the power of landlords, it

must depend upon the riches of the landlord; but if he reduces the whole

rent upon some farms, it would not be sufficient according to the

present price of corn; taking the present price of wheat at eight

shillings a bushel, and all other grain following the same scale.

The price is high abroad at present?--It is.

The case of a peace with America, and of our receiving corn from

thence, do not you conceive, in case of a great influx of corn from the

continent, the price must fall considerably?--Certainly, as the price

falls upon the continent, it will fall here, if free importation is

permitted; but I would wish to be understood here as to the price of

corn, it must very much depend upon the crop of the year, because I do

not believe it possible to import sufficient to feed the people of Great

Britain, and very much must depend upon the quantity of corn grown; and

my own belief is, that the price of corn will be very high indeed in

three years, higher than it has probably been known for the last ten

years. I think the importation is an uncertain sort of supply; there may

be a bad crop upon the continent, or a thousand interruptions may stop

the importation.

On what is your opinion founded, that it will be at a high

price?--_Because a great deal less wheat will be sown in consequence of

the low prices; I believe the defalcation in the number of acres sown

will be very great indeed_.

Do you think that the present rents are the cause of the tenants not

being able to obtain a fair profit, corn being at eight shillings a

bushel; or does it arise from the price of labour, the amount of poors'

rates, taxes, and other expenses?--_I do not myself think the rents are

too high, taking them at a general average; in fact, I do not think the

gentlemen of landed property can now live at the present rents with the

same comforts their forefathers have done on the same estates; that if

the rents are to be lowered, the gentlemen of landed property must be

sunk in their scale in society_.

Do you conceive that the existing rents bear a greater proportion to the

produce than formerly?--No; not so great by a great deal; I conceive

that rents have not risen in the same proportion that all the articles

of life, which we are compelled to have as country gentlemen, have

risen.

The following requisition was published in the Salisbury and Winchester

Journal, on the 2d of January, 1815, calling a public meeting of

the landholders and farmers of the county of Wilts, to be held at

Warminster, on the 6th day of January following:--

WE, the undersigned Land-Owners and Occupiers of Land, in the county of

Wilts, conceiving it to be impossible that the British farmers should

ever contend on fair or equal terms with foreign growers of corn, even

in British markets, as long as the former shall have to bear such heavy

charges of rates, taxes, assessments, and other expenses attendant

on their cultivation, of which the latter know nothing: Being also

convinced that the farmers of this kingdom have already suffered

severely, even to the ruin of many of those who have had small capitals;

and also that the evil is fast approaching to the land-owners; and must

(if no relief be given to the agriculturists) evidently fall on the

country at large: Feeling it also to be a duty incumbent on as many

of us as are landlords, to exert ourselves for the protection of our

tenants, and on us all jointly to exert ourselves, for our mutual

protection:--Do hereby give Notice, That we intend to meet at the Lord's

Arms Inn, at Warminster, in the county of Wilts, on Friday the 6th day

of January next, at 12 o'clock at noon, for the purpose of considering

of the propriety of preparing Petitions to the two Houses of Parliament,

on behalf of ourselves and others; and we invite all Land-Owners, and

Occupiers of Land, in the county of Wilts, who may wish to unite with us

in forwarding this our object, to meet us on that day, and to co-operate

with us, in adopting such measures as may then and there be thought

necessary, for our mutual relief and preservation.

_Dated this 30th of December, 1814._ (Signed.)

Thomas Grove. John Benett. James Everard Arundel.

George South. J.H. Penruddocke. Alexander Powell.

H. Linton. T. Davis, Jun. S. Card.

John Davis. J.E. Strickland. G.J. Kneller.

John Gordon. H. Biggs. J. Slade.

William Smith. Robert Smith. Richard Rickword.

Henry Hubbard. Robert Candy. John Neat.

John Pearce. George Young. James Burges.

Richard Pocock. James Pearce. William Glass.

Robert Payne. J. Howel. John Folliott.

William Marsh. Thomas Chandler. Thomas Burfitt.

John Barter. John Phillips. Henry Phillips.

Thomas Burge. John Mitchell. J.C. Burbidge.

John Willis. Robert Rumsey. James Chaiman.

E.F. Seagram. James Goddard. John Goddard.

This was short notice, as many people of the county of Wilts did not get

the Salisbury paper till the 3d or 4th of January. In fact, I myself, who

was living in Hampshire, did not get it till the 4th in the evening, nor

should I have seen it at all, if a friend had not sent it to me. As

I had a small freehold in the county of Wilts, and also occupied a

considerable farm at Upavon, in that county, I made up my mind, within

five minutes after I saw the above advertisement, that, although I was

living at a distance of nearly forty miles from the scene of action, I

would make one at this intended snug meeting. I mounted my gig the next

day (the 5th), and drove as far as Deptford Inn. I had heard of a

Mr. Gourley, who lived at Deptford, upon an estate of the Duke of

Somerset's; and, as he had acquired the character of being at least an

eccentric, if not an independent man, I called at his house with the

intent to have some conversation with him upon the proposed meeting.

Fortunately, however, he was from home, or I might have been hampered

with a very troublesome and a very disagreeable companion; for I

afterwards found that Mr. Gourley, though perhaps a very well-meaning

person, was so flighty, so confused, and so opinionated in his wild and

visionary notions, that he was a very dangerous man to have any thing to

do with; at any rate, he was a person that it was impossible to go hand

in hand with. I slept at Deptford Inn, and proceeded through Heytesbury

to Warminster in the morning, calling upon my old friend Cousens in my

way thither; I knew that he was staunch to the back-bone, and that,

in case he was at home, I should be sure of his support to second any

amendment that I might find it necessary to propose. When I drove up to

his door at Heytesbury, I was surprised to find all the window-shutters

closed, although it was nearly ten o'clock. Upon hailing him, he popped

his head out of the chamber window with a night-cap on, in one of the

severest hoar frosty mornings I ever beheld. I told him where I was

going, and he promised to follow me instantly, without fail; and he kept

his word, for he overtook me upon his grey poney before I reached the

town.

When I drove into Warminster, the town was as still and as quiet as

possible, without any of those bustling indications which I had been

accustomed to witness at a public meeting. While I was taking my

breakfast at the Lord's Arms Inn, some of the requisitionists made

their appearance, and they were soon followed by the remainder, and a

considerable number of the landholders of the county, amongst whom, as I

sat at an up-stair window, I recognised Mr. Wyndham, of Dinton, the High

Sheriff; Paul Methuen, Esq. one of the Members for the county; and the

said John Benett, surrounded by a few of the requisitionists. I sat

very quiet while my friend Cousens reconnoitred their forces, and

communicated their arrival. At length we saw them all proceed to the

Town-hall, perhaps twenty-five or thirty of them at the outside--as

pretty a little snug cabal as ever was mustered upon any occasion. They

passed my window and went smirking along, little dreaming that they

should meet with the slightest interruption or opposition to their

measures, which were all ready cut and dry, and safely deposited in the

pocket of the celebrated attorney, Mr. Charles Bowles, of Shaftesbury.

As the train passed up the street, the town's-people took little other

notice of them than by now and then _eyeing them askance_ with a jealous

look. I had remained the whole time snug in my room, without one soul of

them knowing or suspecting that I was in Warminster; but, as soon as I

saw them all safely housed, out I bolted into the street, and made my

way after them. As we walked up the street, my friend Cousens intimated

to two or three of the shopkeepers who I was, and the news flew like

wildfire round the town, that Mr. Hunt was arrived, and gone up to the

Hall. As, therefore, something like fair discussion was likely to take

place, the said meeting, which, ten minutes before, excited no interest

whatever amongst the town's-people, was, in a very short space of time,

crowded by the shopkeepers, and attended by almost every respectable man

in the town. When I entered the Hall it was very evident that I was not

a very welcome guest, and that I had not been expected by any one. As,

however, I was a landholder of the county, and one of those who were

invited, it was impossible to make any objection, as I was as much

entitled to be present as any man in the room. Mr. Grove, whose name

stood at the head of the requisition, was called to the chair. This

gentleman, who is descended from one of the most ancient families in

the county, having shortly stated the object of the meeting, Mr. Benett

arose, and, after some wriggling and twisting, addressed them. As the

following report, which was published in Keene's Bath Journal, on the

Sunday following, contains a brief outline and an impartial account of

the proceedings, I will insert it verbatim, as it was afterwards copied

into almost every newspaper in the kingdom:

On the 6th of January a Meeting of "Landholders and

Occupiers of Land," was held at the Town-Hall, Warminster,

convened by public advertisement, signed by

John Benett, Esq. of Pyt-House, (the gentleman who

gave such long and strong evidence before the Committees

of both Houses of Parliament in favour of the Corn Bill),

and several other respectable land-owners and farmers of

the county of Wilts, to take into consideration the propriety

of presenting Petitions to both Houses of Parliament,

on behalf of the proprietors and occupiers of land.

Thomas Grove, Esq. of Fern, one of the gentlemen who

called the meeting, having taken the chair, Mr. Benett addressed

them at a very considerable length in favour of a

petition that he submitted for their adoption, expressive of

the serious injury already sustained by the farmer, and the

probable result likely to fall on the landholder, arising

from the reduced and low price of corn, owing particularly

to the importations from France, &c. The Petition further

stated, that as the agricultural interest was blended

with that of the tradesman and mechanic, the latter were invited

to join in its support, and add their signatures thereto.

Mr. Benett insisted that, as the evidence given before the

Corn Committees had never been contradicted, the legislature

were bound to afford the agricultural interest their

protection; and, enforcing the necessity of Parliamentary

interposition in favour of the landed interest, he said, that

unless some measure were devised to enable the farmer

to pay his present rent and taxes, the landholders would

be completely ruined; and he solemnly declared, that,

unless this desirable object was carried into immediate

execution, he for one would be under the absolute necessity,

before that day twelvemonth, of _leaving the country_

with his family, to reside where provisions and all the necessaries

of life were to be obtained at a rate within the

reach of his fortune.

[Footnote: Quere.--If this solemn asseveration of Mr. Benett's be

correct, (who, by the bye, is a Land-owner to the amount of 10,000_l_.

a year,) what will be the fate of those who are left behind, without

the means of flying from the evil?]

The motion was briefly seconded by Mr. BOWLES.--Mr. HUNT began by

stating his objection to the meeting altogether, asserting, that if

the meeting was not illegal, it was highly improper for a few

individuals of a particular class to call a meeting to petition

Parliament in favour of _tradesmen and mechanics_, without giving them

an opportunity of attending to decide upon its propriety. This was a

close meeting of landholders and farmers; many respectable tradesmen,

inhabitants of the town, would have attended, but they were told they

had no business there, not being landholders or farmers. This

meeting, therefore, bore a resemblance to a "Conclave of Cardinals

with closed doors."--Instead of calling a meeting like this, why not

call a public county meeting, and meet the question manfully and

openly? One reason against this was, that at an open county meeting,

even Mr. John Benett would not be so hardy as to bring forward a

petition, the sole object of which was the keeping up the price of

corn, under the cloak of its being a petition in favour of the

tradesman and the mechanic.--

In fact, this was a petition especially to benefit the landholder;

even the farmer was of secondary consideration,

and it was decidedly hostile to the interest of every other

class of society; and if acted upon would prove ruinous to

the little tradesman, the mechanic, and the labourer. The

landlord had met with no reverse since the commencement

of the war; his rents had progressively increased,

in proportion as the rest of the community had suffered

privations; the nearer the mechanic and the labourer

had approached to starvation and beggary, the higher

were the profits and the more efficient the means of the

landholder. This was no theoretical proposition, hastily

introduced, it was a practical truism, the result of careful

and recent inquiry. He would read to the meeting an

account of the population of the parish of Enford, a large

parish in the centre of the county of Wilts, with the comparative

statement of the rise in the price of labour, the

price of bread, and the price of land, within the last 30

years. The number of houses were 143, population 656,

farmers, &c. 250, labourers 406, labourers (not paupers)

201, labourers (paupers) 205. About 30 years back, the

labourers in this parish received 6_s_. per week; at this time

they received 8_s_. per week--30 years back, the quartern

loaf averaged about 5_d_. at this time it is 10-1/2_d_.--30 years

back, the labourer could purchase with his week's pay, 6_s_.

fourteen quartern loaves; now he can only purchase with

his week's pay, 8_s_. nine quartern loaves--about 30 years

back, the principal farm in this parish, then belonging to

the late Mr. Benett, of Pyt-house, in this county, was let

for 400_l_. a-year; at the present time this farm, the property

of Mr. John Benett, of Pyt-house, is let for 1,260_l_. a-year.

Thus it clearly appears in this parish, within the last 30

years, labour has risen from 6_s_. to 8_s_. per week, 33 per

cent., the quartern loaf from 5_d_. to 10-1/2_d_., 105 per cent.,

the rent of land from 400_l_. to 1,260_l_., 212 per cent. This

proves that bread has risen within this period more

than three times as much as labour, and land more than

twice as much as bread, and more than six times as much

as labour. At the present price of land, corn, bread, and

labour, the landlord is benefited three times as much as

the farmer, and six times as much as the labourer.

Mr. Benett said, that he had, since the period mentioned

by Mr. Hunt, purchased the tithes, and added

them to the farm, which was included in the present

rent. Mr. Hunt replied, that he was perfectly aware of

this circumstance, as well as of another circumstance

equally important, which was this, that Mr. Benett bad

taken a considerable portion of the best land from his

farm, and added it to another, which produced a greater

rent than the value of the tithes, therefore the balance

was more in favour of the landlord than be had

stated. He had mentioned this particular farm, as it belonged

to Mr. Benett, the proposer of the present measure;

but from his own knowledge (having an estate

himself in the same parish) he could state, that the land

had risen in the same, and, in some instances, in a higher

proportion. He, therefore, particularly enjoined the

farmers to pause before they gave their sanction to a measure,

which had only for its object the benefit and aggrandizement

of a few rapacious landholders, whilst it

was calculated to shift the odium of a dear loaf off their

own shoulders, and fix it upon the back of the farmer.

Let the odium rest where it was due, upon those who

were the supporters of the war, upon those who have fattened

upon the miseries of the people.--Mr. Bleeck followed

on the same side with Mr. Hunt, exposing the fallacy

of attempting to palm upon the meeting a petition,

professing to have for its object the welfare of the tradesman

and the mechanic, whilst the operation of it would

tend to perpetuate the misery they had so long endured;

he called to the recollection of many of the meeting, the

scenes which they had been in the habit of witnessing in

that hall, the walls of which had so often resounded with

the professions of those gentlemen who were now complaining

of the present times, the effect of that war, to

support which, they had so often solemnly pledged, not

only their last guinea, but their last drop of blood. He

called upon the Chairman not to blink the question, because

the majority of the meeting appeared against the

petition, but let it fairly meet its fate.--Paul Methuen,

Esq., one of the representatives for the county, said, that

seeing a meeting called, signed by a number of respectable

individuals, he felt it his duty to attend it; but if he

had known that it was to have been a close meeting with

closed doors, he certainly would not have come near the

place. If the meeting decided upon petitioning the

House of Commons, whatever that petition may be, he

should feel it his duty to present it; although he would

not pledge himself to support the landed interest, to the

injury of the tradesman and the mechanic. The Chairman

having hinted that it was going a little too far, to say

that this petition was in favour of the tradesman and mechanic,

and as they would not have an opportunity of

voting upon the subject, he thought they had better be

left out of the petition. The whole meeting appeared to

concur in this, and Mr. Benett proposed to draw the pen

through the words "tradesman and mechanic;" which

being done the Chairman desired all those who were for

the petition to hold up their hats. The Chairman declared

a decided majority kept their hats on; which was followed

by a symptom of approbation, whereupon the Chairman

asserted, that the meeting was so _tumultuous_, he would

not take the sense of it against the petition. Upon this,

the Chairman, with Mr. Benett and a few of his friends,

retired to a private room at the inn, but whether to sign

this petition in secret, which they could not carry in

public, or to abandon it altogether, we do not know.--

A statement of the fate of the petition was announced to

the inhabitants of the town by the bellman, amidst the

becoming cheers of the populace.

I have no hesitation to say, that the publication of this report in

_all_ the London newspapers, and in almost every country newspaper in

the three kingdoms, first roused a general feeling aginst the proposed

Corn Bill. Meetings were afterwards called in London and in Westminster,

and petitions were presented against the measure from almost every town

and district throughout the country. Sir Francis Burdett attended the

meeting of his constituents in Palace-yard, where they passed strong

resolutions, and sent a petition to the House against the measure; but

Sir Francis took a different view of the question, and appeared to think

it was necessary that the English farmer should be protected, and I

believe he said that he cared not whether the Bill was passed or not,

and that it would make no difference to him personally whichever way

it was decided. This certainly was not viewing the question with that

liberality and sound judgment with which the Baronet was accustomed

to act. For the moment, his speech threw a considerable damp upon the

ardour of a great many persons, who had before been very sanguine

against the adoption of the said Corn Bill, and so completely were the

affections of the people riveted to the opinions of Sir Francis Burdett,

that his constituents cheered him, and drew him home in his carriage

afterwards, amidst the acclamations of the populace.

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