CONCLUSION.
Whoever will, may find no small part of the ensuing chapter in the
pages of grave historians; but in no sober leaf of history will they
find recorded how it fared with Eadgyth of Norwich and Sir Aimand de
Sourdeval.
Ralph and Emma, like an orthodox hero and heroine, lived happily
together to the end of their days; though they had to fight a good many
more battles. De Guader had made himself a mighty enemy in William the
Conqueror, King of England and Duke of Normandy; one who, in his latter
capacity, had no mind to have Ralph rampant on the borders of his
dukedom. So he invaded Brittany, and strove to run De Guader to earth
in his own country; he invested Dol, but had to raise the siege
somewhat ignominiously, owing to the help rendered to the besieged by
Alan Fergant, son of the reigning Count Howel of Brittany, and Philip
of France, who was always delighted to supply aid against William.
Sweyn Ulfsson, King of Denmark, carried out his promises to Ralph, and
sent his son Cnut with Hakon Jarl to invade England; and they appeared
on the east coast with a fleet of two hundred ships, and actually put
into the Humber, though rather too late to serve the purposes of the
ambitious earl.
William, whether really frightened, or moved by the lust of power which
was rapidly gaining upon him, and which clouded his later years with
hate and misery, made the descent of the Danes a pretext for the worst
crime of his reign--the judicial murder of Waltheof;--for it must be
noted that, with this exception, his conduct to the English princes was
generous and mild.
When the son of Siward had carried to William the news of the plot in
which he had taken part, the Conqueror had received him graciously, and
had pardoned him freely for his own share of the mischief. But he kept
him at his side, although he did not call him a prisoner; and, soon
after landing in England, arrested him on a charge of complicity with
the Danes, who had been his old comrades. William had that excuse for
thinking him dangerous.
Then came Judith's opportunity. She hated the husband she had been
forced to marry for State purposes, and stood forth as his accuser,
pouring her poison into the ears of her royal uncle. Unfortunately
William listened, and cast the son of Siward into prison at Winchester,
where he languished for months, while a mock trial was going on, which
many hungry Normans, who wanted his estates, were determined should end
to their liking. Ivo Taillebois, who had been one of Hereward's most
venomous foes, and whose lands adjoined those of Waltheof, was amongst
the most clamorous for his destruction; and the Primate Lanfranc his
best advocate and almost sole friend, recognising perhaps that it was
by his persuasion that Waltheof had been induced to place himself in
the power of the Conqueror.
Early one morning, while the good folks of Winchester were asleep in
their beds, the Normans led the Saxon chief without the walls of the
town. Waltheof walked to the place of execution clothed in his earl's
apparel, which he distributed among some priests, or gave to some poor
people who had followed him, and whom the Normans permitted to approach
on account of their small numbers and entirely peaceful appearance.
Having reached a hill at a short distance from the walls, the soldiers
halted, and the Saxon, prostrating himself, prayed aloud for a few
moments; but the Normans, fearing that too long a delay would cause a
rumour of the intended execution to be spread in the town, and that the
citizens would rise to save their fellow-countryman, exclaimed with
impatience to Waltheof, 'Arise, that we may fulfil our orders.' He
asked, as a last favour, that they would wait only until he had once
more repeated, for them and for himself, the Lord's Prayer. They
allowed him to do so; and Waltheof, rising from the ground, but
remaining on his knees, began aloud, 'Our Father who art in Heaven;'
but at the verse, 'and lead us not into temptation,' the executioner,
seeing perhaps that daylight was beginning to appear, would wait no
longer, but, suddenly drawing his large sword, struck off the Saxon's
head at one blow. The body was thrown into a hole, dug between two
roads, and hastily covered with earth.[9] But the monks of Crowland, to
whom he had made rich gifts in his lifetime, and who had been staunch
throughout to the English cause, got the body up again a fortnight
later, and averred that it was still unchanged and the blood fresh
(sixteen years later they pronounced that it was still as fresh, and
that the head had grown on to the body again!); and they bore it away
to 'Holland,' to St. Guthlac's in the Fens, and erected a tomb in the
abbey, with William's permission, whereat great miracles took place.
When his traitress wife Judith, the 'foreign woman,' as the chroniclers
style her, went to cover this monument to her husband with a rich pall
of silk, which she had prepared for it, the martyred hero refused her
hypocritical gift, and the offering was snatched away and thrown to a
distance by an invisible hand.
[9] Thierry, _Norman Conquest_, p. 113. Almost literal
translation of Orderic Vitalis.
So the Saxon monks made a holy martyr of the wavering Waltheof, whose
fate, and the fate of England with it, might have been very different
if he had possessed as much moral as physical courage.
The Norman ecclesiastics accused the Saxons as idolaters, and found the
occasion good for deposing and dishonouring Abbot Wulfketel, and
putting Norman Toustain in his stead; which only made the English more
keen to honour their dead hero, and they rushed in crowds to his tomb.
Judith thought herself very lucky to have all the money and lands that
had belonged to Waltheof, and to be free of him, and made up her mind
to have a second husband according to her own taste. But she wished him
alive again when William made a present of her, possessions and all, to
one Simon de Senlis, a brave, but lame and deformed knight.
She refused to carry out the bargain, so William consoled De Senlis
with her daughter instead, together with all the lands and money; and
the Saxon chroniclers gloat over Judith's subsequent poverty and
sorrows. But we, looking back, now the years have rolled away, may pity
her, and see that the crime lay with those who treated a woman as a
chattel, and 'gave' her away to this man and that, without consulting
her welfare or her happiness, rather than with the woman so treated.
And Emma's brother, the son of William's staunchest vassal, how fared
he?
When the Conqueror passed the Straits after his attempt to reduce De
Guader at Dol, he called a great council of Norman barons to pass
judgment on the authors of the recent conspiracy. Ralph de Guader they
dispossessed of all his English property as absent and contumacious;
and Roger of Hereford, being a prisoner, was brought before them, and
condemned to lose all his lands, and to pass the rest of his days in
prison.
But William seems still to have had a soft place in his heart for the
son of his old friend, and sent him one Easter, according to the custom
of the Norman court, a complete suit of precious stuffs, a silk tunic
and mantle, and a close coat trimmed with foreign furs.
But Roger was full of pride and bitterness, and he took the rich
present and threw it on the fire.
When William heard how his gift had been received, he flew into a
mighty rage.
'The man is too proud who does such scorn to me,' he cried. 'He shall
never come out of my prison in my days, _par le splendeur Dex_!'
Nor did he; neither in the days of William Rufus. He died in prison.
But, in the reign of Henry I., his two sons won back a portion of their
father's possessions.
The lesser accomplices of the three great earls fared even worse.
At the council before mentioned, 'Man foredoomed all the Bretons that
were at the bride-ale at Norowic, some were blinded, some were driven
from the land, and some were put to shame. So were the king's traitors
brought low,' say the chronicles.
Truly a disastrous bridal!
Yet the bride and bridegroom, who risked so much for each other and
involved so many in ruin, were the most fortunate of those who attended
it.
Though Ralph lost his English estates, he had broad lands in his
mother's country, and lived with his hard-won consort in his castles of
Guader and Montfort. A son and a daughter were born to them. The son
succeeded to his father's Breton possessions, and the daughter, whom
one chronicler names Amicia, another Itta, married Earl Robert of
Leicester, and became a great English lady.
A little over twenty years had Emma and Ralph lived together, the
stream of their true love having found peaceful channel after the
rapids and whirlpools that followed on the first joining of their
courses twain in one. Grey hairs had begun to muster in Ralph's dark
locks, though his sturdy figure was as strong and active as ever and
his hawk eyes as keen; motherhood had softened the high-spirited Emma,
and had brought soft dimples into her cheeks and a lovelight to her
brow. Happy in her home, she did not give much heed to the signs of the
times, or note the strong new spirit that was stirring in the air.
But one day De Guader came into her bower in full harness, wearing helm
and hauberk, with his great two-handed sword by his side.
He came up to her, and stood before her, and looked in her face, and
took her soft mother's hand between his two big palms.
'See'st thou?' he asked, and he guided her eyes with his own towards
his arm, whereon was bound the cross of the Crusaders.
'Ah, Ralph!' she cried,'not thou!'
[Illustration: De Guader dons the Cross.]
'Sweet,' he said gently, 'When I lay on the field of my greatest fight,
in sore distress and despair, with the choughs and ravens waiting to
feed on mine eyes, and the thought of thee as of one I should never see
again till the sounding of the last trump, I vowed that if life were
spared me, I would one day make pilgrimage to the Holy Sepulchre. Now
the time has come, my lady. Life has given me more than I had dared to
hope for, but it is passing; we are no longer young, you and I, old
wife! Let me join the men who have responded to Pope Urban's call.
Robert Curthose is moving. I will put my hands between his and be his
man, and march under his banner to join Godfrey de Bouillon.'
'Whom all men honour!' said Emma under her breath.
'Wilt thou give me thy blessing and thy leave, my lady?'
'Thou art sudden! Let me be alone and think,' said Emma; and she left
him for a space. When she came back to him, her face was very pale, but
she met his eyes with a steady smile, and, in turn, guided them to
_her_ arm, on which was bound the cross of the Crusaders. 'Wilt thou
give me thy blessing and thy leave, my knight?' she asked.
Then Ralph caught her in his arms and kissed her, as if the fatal
bride-ale had been but the day before.
So it came to pass that Ralph de Guader, with many of his vassals,
joined the standard of the Duke of Normandy, and took his lady with
him. With them went also Eadgyth of Norwich, faithful in all things,
and unmarried still, having met no champion who could compass that in
which her kinsman Leofric Ealdredsson had failed; her fair face still
winsome, with its frame of soft yellow hair, and her blue eyes pathetic
and serious.
In August 1096, De Guader led his knights to swell the great army of
Crusaders then assembling on the banks of the Moselle, with Godfrey de
Bouillon at its head, that 'very parfit gentil knight' and mirror of
chivalry, whom all historians agree to praise, not only for spotless
morals and untarnished honour and the high ideal he upheld before the
face of the world, but for the 'consummate skill and patient
perseverance, self-possession and presence of mind,' by which alone
such a host of turbulent and independent chiefs as that which he
commanded could have been led to victory.
As De Guader and his lady rode into the great camp beside the blue
Moselle, a knight came forward to conduct them to the quarters which
had been assigned to them. He had a worn ascetic face, seamed with
scars and lighted by the large sombre eyes of a dreamer of day-dreams,
his spare figure witnessing to a life of hard service and activity.
He met De Guader's lady with a sweet smile of reverence and
recognition; but when he saw her companion, Eadgyth of Norwich, a flush
passed over his bronzed cheeks and up into his forehead as far as it
could be seen under his helm.
'Sir Aimand de Sourdeval!' cried Emma, with a quick movement of
delight. 'Welcome the sight of thy brave, true face amidst this host of
God.' Then she called back her husband, that he might pardon and be
pardoned for what had happened in the old, sad days, and Ralph did so
with the free, candid generosity of the times, which were saturated
with the spirit we strive to keep alive in our public schools to this
day--free fight and no malice borne.
Sir Aimand was one of Messire Godfrey's most trusted knights, whom the
commander held in close attendance on his person; heart and soul in the
Holy War, full of joy that so great a thing was going forward.
'You leave not wife or child by a lone hearthstone, Sir Knight?' asked
Emma, feeling sure that the answer would be 'Nay.'
And 'Nay' it was. 'The lady of my choice would not have me, noble
dame,' he answered in a low voice, scarcely daring to look at Eadgyth;
'a leal knight loves not twice.'
'But she will have thee now,' said Emma, and, taking Eadgyth's hand,
she laid it in his. Nor did Eadgyth withdraw it.
Before the host of the Crusaders had moved from the Moselle, the Norman
and the Saxon had vowed to be one.
Did they see the Holy City together with the eyes of the flesh? Did De
Guader and his faithful consort see it? History answers not; it tells
us only that Ralph and Emma died together somewhere near Jerusalem.
Whatever their faults, whatever their sins, at least they were true to
each other, and died fulfilling what the judgment of the time esteemed
the holiest of duties.
APPENDIX.
NOTE A. THE MARRIAGE OF RALPH DE GUADER.
The bridal of Ralph de Guader to Emma Fitzosbern is very fully
described by the chroniclers, and I have endeavoured to keep as closely
as possible to history. But though I have searched at least
half-a-score authorities, ancient and modern, every one of whom states
that many abbots and bishops were among the company, in no case is the
name of any ecclesiastic recorded. I have therefore taken a liberty
with the Abbot of St. Albans, of whom Freeman says: 'All that certain
history has to say about Frithric is, that he was Abbot of St. Albans,
and that he died or was deposed some time between 1075 and 1077.' These
dates would make it not impossible that he attended the bridal, and
tradition represents him as a very active worker in the patriotic cause
of the Saxon Church, and the untiring opponent of Lanfranc.
NOTE B. NORWICH CASTLE.
Harrod, _Castles and Convents_, p. 145. Some later archaeologists are of
opinion that the castle built by William the Conqueror was so injured
in the siege that it had to be rebuilt, and the chronicler, Henry de
Knyghton, under date 1100, ascribes its erection to William Rufus. All
agree that a fine Norman castle was built on the old Saxon earthworks
by the Conqueror, though they differ as to whether the existing keep is
the one then erected.
NOTE C. DE GUADER'S DEFEAT.
It is to be remarked that none of the chroniclers, Norman or English,
say anything of this encounter of Odo and Ralph. Nor do they notice
Ralph's wound. What they do say is that De Guader was defeated at a
place called Fagaduna. Lingard suggests that this name is probably a
translation of Beacham, in Norfolk, and the theory is rendered more
probable by the fact that Beachamwell St. Mary was anciently divided
into two parishes, Beacham and Welle. But eight miles from this is the
village of Fouldon, which name, according to Blomefield, is a
corruption of its old Saxon cognomen. 'At the Great Survey, this town
occurs by the name of Fulgaduna, Fulendon and Phuldon, and takes its
name from the plenty of wild fowl which frequented it, it being seated
in the midst of fens and morasses. _Fugol_, in Saxon, signifies wild
fowl, and in some antique writings 'tis wrote Fugeldune.' What a slight
misunderstanding of a strange name, or slip of the pen, might change
this word into Fagaduna!
NOTE D. DE GUADER AND WALTHEOF.
The chroniclers called Ralph's embarkation from Norwich a flight; while
modern historians accuse the stout earl of not _daring_ to stand the
siege in his own person, and of leaving the bride for whom he had
risked so much to sustain dangers he feared to face.
Ralph was unfortunate in offending all parties. Chroniclers of Norman
sympathies hated him for his rebellion against William; Saxons for
fighting against his people at Senlac: neither had any motive to say a
good word for him, while they canonized Waltheof as a saint,--Waltheof,
who surely earned the name of traitor as richly as ever did Ralph,
since he entered in the conspiracy against William, after having
voluntarily accepted the hand of the Conqueror's niece in marriage, and
binding himself under a solemn form of fealty; then, to shield himself,
acted the ever-hateful part of an informer.
Hugh and Roger Bigod, Ralph's successors in the earldom of Norfolk, are
spoken of as worthy bearers of the title. Yet Hugh rebelled, first
against King Stephen, and afterwards against Henry II.; and Roger
wrested a charter from Richard I., in which the inhabitants of Norwich
were first recognised as citizens, and afterwards joined the barons
against King John, being one of the foremost of those who forced him to
sign Magna Charta. It may be said that the treasons of the Bigods were
justified by their ends, to obtain liberty for the people; but it must
not be forgotten that Ralph de Guader alleged as his motive the
intolerable oppression of the Saxons under the _regime_ of William's
subordinates.
Victor Hugo, writing of the good service done to English liberty by the
jealous watch kept by the barons on the crown, and by their determined
resistance of all royal encroachments, says: 'Des 1075 les barons se
font sentir au roi. Et a quel roi! A Guillaume le Conquerant!' The date
thus given is that of the rebellion of De Guader and Hereford.
NOTE E. THE SIEGE OF NORWICH CASTLE.
All that certain history has to tell of this siege of Norwich Castle,
is that De Guader left it in the hands of his countess and knights, the
names of the latter not being given; that they were attacked by the
king's forces under the leaders named in the text, armed with all the
mechanical inventions of the day; that the countess held it for three
months, and gave it up on the terms related through lack of provisions;
and that she rejoined her husband in Brittany. Why he had not appeared
to relieve his castle is not recorded.
These details may be found in Orderic Vitalis, Matthew Paris, Florence
of Worcester, the Chronicles of Worcester and Peterborough, and in all
modern historians who deal with the period, perhaps the best account
being that of Freeman in the fourth volume of his _Norman Conquest_, a
work abounding in interest and spirited description.
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End of Project Gutenberg's The Siege of Norwich Castle, by Matilda Maria Blake