CHAPTER XIII

THE STRUGGLE'S END, AND YET NO END

The preceding autobiographical notes give in broad outline the

experiences and varied fortunes of my career from childhood to old age.

They give, so to speak, the material picture of an unusual life, with

all its varieties of light and shade, the struggles and adventures of

the tailor's apprentice, private tutor, student, servant, Effendi,

Dervish, and international writer. The details of this picture are,

after all, but the outside wrappings, the shell, not the core or inner

substance. They do not depict adequately the mental struggles and

sufferings which have marked all these different phases of my existence,

and which each in their turn have deeply influenced my thoughts and

reflections. The enumeration of certain facts may, to some extent,

gratify one's personal vanity, but since the empty satisfaction of

self-glorification is hardly an adequate return for all the bitter

sufferings of my past life, I must complete my story by giving

expression to my reflections resulting from a careful comparison of

certain institutions, manners, and customs in Asiatic and European

society. These reflections, the chief factors of the transformation of

my mental life, are very possibly shared by many others, and explained

in various ways, but the manner in which I gained my experience was

rather out of the ordinary, for before me no European or Asiatic ever

acted so many different parts on the world's stage in two continents,

and I will therefore endeavour to draw a comparison between some

institutions, manners, and customs of society in Asia and Europe. I will

reveal a picture of my mental condition when, saturated with Asiatic

ways of thinking, I made the acquaintance of various European countries,

and how, when comparing the two worlds, I came to the conclusion that

here, as there, shortsightedness, prejudice, prepossession, and want of

objectiveness prevented the forming of sound and just opinions.

When first I left the West to enter the Asiatic world I had but a vague

theoretical knowledge of the lands and peoples of Europe, gathered from

a study of the literatures of the various Western nations, but I had no

practical acquaintance with any of them. My first experiences of Turkish

society in Stambul--which, in spite of the introduction of many Western

customs, still at bottom bears a decided Asiatic stamp--together with

the charm of novelty and my decided Oriental predilections, were in many

respects of a pleasing nature. The kindly reception and the friendly

treatment extended to the stranger regardless of his antecedents, are

bound to charm and captivate the recipient. One feels at once at home

everywhere, and a cursory comparison of the two kinds of culture is

decidedly in favour of the Old World. Afterwards--that is, when one has

spent some time among the Asiatics, and has obtained an intimate

knowledge of their views of religion, men, and the world in general--a

certain feeling of monotony, indifference, and sleepiness creeps over

us. Our blood becomes sluggish, we yawn and fidget while the Oriental,

always imperturbable, sits unmoved, with evident satisfaction, gazing up

at the sky.

Gradually, the more I became familiar with the inner Asiatic world,

these feelings took possession of me. In Persian society these

thoroughly Asiatic features worried me, but in Central Asia, where the

world is eight hundred years older, I positively shuddered at what I

saw. The very things which, on my first acquaintance with Asiatic life,

had pleased me, I now recognised as the causes of its decay, its

tyranny, and its misery. The Old World, never at any time free from the

defects and vices which now, in its ruined condition, stare us in the

face, became despicably mean in my estimation, and unworthy of men, and

with longing eyes I turned to the West again. I cannot describe the

feeling of delight with which I crossed the Eastern borders of our

modern world; with each day's journey I breathed more freely. I rejoiced

to see the last of the ruins, the misery, the sterility of the older

world, and the pictures which to my heated imagination, partly because

of their novelty, had had so much fascination for me in my younger days,

now made me shudder when I thought of them.

Such was my state of mind on returning from Asia. If before starting on

my Oriental travels I had been in a position to obtain a deeper insight

into the religious, social, and political conditions of Europe than lay

within the reach of the poor, self-taught scholar, my impressions and

estimate of Asia might have been different, and the result of my

comparative study of the two cultures might have been more of an

objective nature. But there, as here, I came as a man, who, under the

magic of the first impression, saw everything in a rosy light, and was

pleased with everything, and only afterwards, when the cold light of

reality and of clearer perception showed me everything in its right

light, I began to look upon Europe with quite different eyes, and my

opinion about the actions of the Western world became considerably

modified. And now, in the evening of my life, roaming the horizon of

rich experience with unprejudiced eyes, and noting the light and shady

sides of both the Old and the New World, of Asiatic and European

culture; now that no personal interests and no prejudices obscure my

vision, now I see and judge quite differently, and I count it my duty to

acquaint the reader with these modified views, the more so as I know by

experience how astonishingly small is the number of critics who, free

from the trammels of religion and nationality, have devoted themselves

to the comparative study of the old and the new culture. The clatter of

the chains can always be heard in the praise or disapproval of our

critics. On this side, as on the other, partiality has blocked the way

to truth; and since the new century has, in many respects, opened the

way to free thought, we can now unreservedly and without fear discuss

the good and the evil, the advantages and disadvantages, of the two

worlds. Those who have read my travels, and realise the miseries,

sufferings, and vicissitudes to which I was exposed through the

barbarism, anarchy, and desolation of the Asiatic world, will be

surprised that I discovered large spots on the highly-praised sun of our

modern culture, and saw caricatures where we expected to find noble

ideals for the benefit of humanity. Considering many of my earlier views

on these matters, I may be accused of precipitancy and inconsistency,

but the judgment of mature age easily redeems the errors of youth, and

improvement and perfecting are generally the outcome of former mistakes

and errors. After these few remarks I will now try to put into words the

impressions made upon me by particular instances of our manners and

customs, our religious, social, and political life, all of which have

given me much food for thought.

1. RELIGION.

Asia is a religious world _par excellence_. Religion animates all phases

and fibres of human existence. It does not confine itself to the

relations between Creator and creature, but it also governs political

and social life; it penetrates everything; it enters into the most

secret thoughts and aspirations of the human mind; it rules the course

of the earthly body; it creates laws and orders daily life; it teaches

us how to dress, feed, and comport ourselves; also in what manner we

must eat, drink, and love--in a word, it is the one all-pervading

instrument to secure happiness and to ennoble life. Coming back to

Europe after a sojourn of many years under these Asiatic influences, one

cannot fail to be struck by the looseness of the religious structure and

by the constant efforts made by the State, the Church, and sometimes

also by society to strengthen and keep upright the frail, shaky building

tottering on its foundation. In Asia this is not necessary. With the

exception of the Motazilites and other freethinkers during the first

centuries of the Hejira, scepticism and free thought have found no

adherents in Islam, and in modern times less than ever. The great masses

of the Mohammedans are strictly religious; all discussion in matters of

religion is prohibited, except perhaps to the Shiite Mollahs, and highly

edifying to me were the hours spent in Ispahan under the plane-trees in

the garden of Medressei Shah, where I could converse freely and openly

with the Persian clerics about the Divine tradition of the Koran, the

immortality of the soul, &c., &c. With Moslems of other nationalities

the principle _noli me tangere_ governs all matters of religion, and

when we leave this stronghold of faith and come to Europe, where the

struggle between faith and knowledge has been going on for hundreds of

years, where Spinoza, Voltaire, Gibbon, Draper, Buckle, and many other

modern thinkers have been successfully employed on the demolition of the

religious structure; where attempts are made to supplant the worship of

God with the worship of humanity; the hypocrisy and dissimulation

prevailing in our world must strike us painfully. What Christianity and

Judaism give us to behold passes all description. In spite of Strauss

and Renan, Büchner and Huxley, millions of Westerners pretend to be

either Christians or Jews without even believing that there is a God.

The majority of Churchmen are so enlightened by modern science that

they, least of all, believe in the doctrines they preach and fight for,

and the traveller from Asia to Europe must, perforce, ask himself the

question, "Why all this hypocrisy, all this dissimulation? Why this

persistent closing of one's eyes against the rays of light which our

culture, after a hard struggle with the prevailing darkness, has at last

revealed?" This incomprehensible love of pretence has in Europe

attained to such a pass that in certain leading circles hypocrisy, the

religious lie and false pretence are held up as a virtue worthy of

imitation, and a meritorious example! This perversity, this vice, I

might say, is as incomprehensible to the thoughtful mind as it is

unworthy of, and humiliating amid, the much vaunted achievements of

Western civilisation. In the circles where these despicable notions are

tolerated and extolled as worthy of imitation we hear most of the mighty

influence exercised by religion upon the social status of humanity,

while it is asserted that the world without this moral police could not

exist, because society, even in its lowest state--the savage

state--could not exist without its fetish and totem.

During my many years' intercourse with people of various religions,

living amongst them in the incognito of Catholic, Protestant, Sunnite,

Shiite, and for a short time also as Parsi, I have come to the

conclusion that religion offers but little security against moral

deterioration, and that it is not seemly for the spirit of the twentieth

century to take example by the customs and doings of savages. Not only

Lombroso, but many other thinkers, have clearly proved that the majority

of criminals are religiously disposed, and that, for instance, the

robber-murderer in Spain, before setting to his work, offers a prayer to

his patron saint, St. James. In Asia I have noticed the same thing. The

most cruel and unprincipled Turkoman robbers were always the first,

before setting out on a marauding expedition, to beg from me, the

supposed Sheikh, or from some other pious man, a Fatiha (blessing). In

the towns of Central Asia, Persia, and Turkey I have found in the

thickly-turbaned men of God some of the most consummate villains and

criminals, while the plain Osbeg and Osmanli, who only knows religion in

its external form, shows himself a man full of generosity and goodness

of heart. In all the Islamic world Mecca and Medina are known as the

most loathsome pools of wickedness and vice. Theft, murder, and

prostitution flourish there most wantonly. I have noticed the same in

the large pilgrim haunts, Meshed and Kum, and it is a well-known saying,

"He who wants to forsake his Christianity should make a pilgrimage to

Jerusalem or Rome."

With us in Europe the relation between morality and religion is a

similar one, and how it is possible that, in the face of the revealed

facts, states and societies give themselves the trouble to discover in

religion a panacea against vice and a standard of morality must remain a

mystery to any thinking man.

Remarkable and inexplicable it certainly remains why in Western lands,

with the prevailing scepticism in the cultured world, far more tolerance

or indifference is shown towards the freethinker than towards people who

hold different religious views from our own. In Asia the hatred of and

fanaticism against those of another creed are the outcome of strong

faith, and since these are fostered and upheld by the Government,

antagonistic feelings, though probably deeper rooted, do not express

themselves so vehemently or so frequently as with us. Our laws and our

notions of decency guard against the outbreak of passion, but they

cannot break the power of prejudice even in the breast of the most

cultured. When we consider the relations of the Christian West towards

the Moslemic East, it will strike us that the sympathies of Europeans,

however unprejudiced they may think themselves, when it comes to the

political questions of the day will always be more on the side of the

Christian than of the Mohammedan subjects of Turkey, although the

Mohammedan subjects of the Porte have to suffer more from the despotism

of the Government than the Christians under the protection of the

Western Powers. The European still looks upon the Mohammedan,

Brahmanist, Buddhist, &c., as an inferior being whose faith he ridicules

and blackens and whom he could not under any circumstances regard as his

equal, and in spite of the protection extended by our laws to those of

another creed, the follower of the doctrines of Mohammed, Buddha, and

Vishnu feels always uncomfortable, strange, and restricted in Western

lands. And the Jews do not fare much better, although they have adopted

the language, manners, and customs of the various lands of Europe.

In the history of the Moslemic East, for instance, persecutions and

violent outbreaks against the Jews are far less frequent than with us in

the West, not merely in the Middle Ages but even in quite modern times.

Enlightened Europe, mocking at the fanaticism of Asia, has of late years

published, under the title of Anti-Semitism, things against the Jews

which defy repetition; they form one of the darkest stains on the

escutcheon of the modern world of culture. Even our most eminent

freethinkers, agnostics, and atheists are not without blame in this

matter; and the absurd excuse that the Jews are hated and persecuted not

on account of their belief, but on account of their exclusiveness and

strongly marked nationality, is ridiculous on the face of it, for all

over Europe the Jew adopts the national proclivities of his native land,

and often, _plus catholique que le pape_, he shows himself more

patriotic than his Christian countryman. In consideration of these facts

it is surprising that the Jew, treated as a stranger everywhere in

Europe, still persists in ingratiating himself into the national bond.

Why does he not accept the fact and simply say, "Since you want none of

me I remain Jew, and you can brand me as a cosmopolitan if you like."

There is no doubt that this innate prejudice of the Christian world

finds its root in those virtues and characteristics which have enabled

the Jews to accomplish so much, and which as the natural result of

oppression may be seen in all oppressed people. "He who violently

throws down the flaming torch to extinguish it will burn his fingers at

the fiercer burning flame," as a German poet pithily remarks. Tyrants

generally harm themselves most by their tyranny, and when the ruling

Christian world considers itself justified in taking up arms against the

professedly more highly gifted, more energetic, and persevering children

of the so-called Semitic race, it is grossly mistaken. The Jew in

Turkey, Persia, and Central Asia is more purely Semitic, more staunchly

religious than his co-religionist in Europe, and yet I do not know any

more miserable, helpless, and pitiful individual on God's earth than the

_Jahudi_ in those countries. Where is the Semitic sharpness, the Semitic

energy and perseverance, which the European puts down and fears as

dangerous racial characteristics? The poor Jew is despised, belaboured

and tortured alike by Moslem, Christian, and Brahmin, he is the poorest

of the poor, and outstripped by Armenians, Greeks and Brahmins, who

everywhere act the same part which in Europe has fallen to the lot of

the Jew for lack of a rival in adversity. I repeat, Anti-Semitism in

Europe is a vile baseness, which cannot be justified by any religious,

ethnical, or social motives, and when the Occident, boasting of its

humaneness and love of justice, always tries to put all that is evil and

despicable on to poor, starved, depraved Asia, one forgets that with us

the sun of a higher civilisation truly has dawned, but is not yet risen

high enough to illumine the many dark points and gloomy corners in this

world of ours.

Why deny it? In my many years' intercourse with the people of both these

worlds, religion has not had a beneficial influence upon me. I have

found in it nothing to ennoble man, not a mainspring of lofty ideals,

and certainly no grounds for classifying and incorporating people

according to their profession of faith or rather according to their

interpretation and understanding of the great vital question as to the

exact manner in which one should grope about in the prevailing darkness.

If the division into many nationalities of people belonging to the same

race and living under the same sky is an absurdity, how much more

foolish is it to be divided on the point of a fanciful interpretation of

the inscrutable mystery, and a fruitless groping into the unfathomable

problem? The question of nationality will be further discussed

presently, and as regards religion I will only add here that the ethical

standard of faith, although much higher in Asia than in Europe, can

after all have but a problematic influence, and only on intellects whose

culture enables them to form high ideals, and to whom, being of a poetic

or sentimental or indolent temperament, a roaming in loftier spheres

seems a necessity. Beyond this, religion in Asia as in Europe reveals

itself in outward show, miracles and mysteries, and where these are

absent there is no true religion. Many of the ceremonies, usages, and

superstitions which as an Orthodox Jew I practised in my youth I have

discovered again one by one in faithful counterfeit amongst Catholic and

Orthodox Christians, Moslems, Fire-worshippers, and Hindus, and nothing

to my mind is more ridiculous than the revilings of one religion against

another about these childish external things. So, for instance, as a

pious Jew, I was always careful on Saturdays not to pass the Ereb,

_i.e._, the line which marks the closer limit of the town, with my

wallet full. Overstepping this cordon might be looked upon as a business

transaction and a violation of the Sabbath; with a handkerchief on my

loins and my eyes fixed on a bit of twine hanging between two sticks, I

ventured, however, to take my walks abroad on the Sabbath day. Many

years later I travelled from Samarkand to Herat in company with some

Hindustani, who, having transacted some financial business in Bokhara,

now with full pouches were returning to their sunny home on the Ganges.

These Vishnu-worshippers, with the yellow caste-sign on their brow, used

at night at the halting-place to separate themselves from the rest of

the caravan. Small sticks about a finger in length were stuck in the

ground to form a circle round them with a thin twine stretched from

point to point, (for, like the Ereb, this line represented the cordon

between them and the world of unbelievers), and behind this imaginary

wall they prepared and ate their food without any fear of its being

defiled by the glances of the heathen. As a child I was taught to look

with disgust upon swine's flesh, and later, as Mohammedan, I had to

feign horror and aversion at the very mention of the word Khinzir

(swine). In my youth the wine prepared by a Christian was Nesekh

(forbidden), as a Shiite, notwithstanding my ravenous hunger, I could

not touch the food which the hand of a Christian had handled. Not only

among Jews and Asiatic religionists, however, but even Christianity,

whether in Europe or in Asia, is full of such flagrant superstitions and

absurdities which are thrown in the teeth of those of another

persuasion. The Abbé Huc tells us in his Book of Travels, that once on

the borders of Tibet he sought a night's quarter and was directed to the

house of a Buddha-maker. This led the French missionary to make some

scoffing remark about the manufacturing of gods in Buddhism. I had a

similar experience at St. Ulrich's in the Grödnerthal, in strictly

Catholic Tyrol, for in my search for a house to put up at in that

charmingly situated Alpine place I was directed successively to a

Mary-maker, a God-maker, and a Christ-maker, for in this district live

the best-known manufacturers of crosses and saints. In the Mohammedan

world, knowing that I was acquainted with Europe, I have often been

asked whether it was really true that the Franks worshipped a god with a

dog's head, practised communism of wives, and such like things. In

Tyrol, on the Achensee, where I lived among the peasants, I was asked

if on my many travels I had ever visited the land of the Liberals, where

the goat does duty as god, as the anti-Liberal minister had given the

simple peasants to understand.

In many other respects the religions of the East and of the West agree

in point of degeneracy, and it is incomprehensible how and with what

right our missionaries manage to convince the Asiatics of the errors of

their faith and to represent Christianity as the only pure and

salvation-bringing religion. If our missionaries could point to our

Western order and freedom as the fruit of Christianity, their insistence

would be somewhat justified, but our modern culture has developed not

_through_ but _in spite of_ Christianity. The fact that Asia in our days

is given up as a prey to the rapacity of Europe is not the fault of

Islam or Buddhism or Brahminism. The principles of these religions

support more than Christianity does the laws of humanity and freedom,

the regulations of State and society, but it is the historical

development and the climate, the conditions of the soil, and, above all,

the tyrannical arbitrariness of their sovereigns which have created the

cliffs against which all the efforts of religion promotors must be

wrecked.

After all this I need not comment any further upon my own confession of

faith, which is contained within the pages of this autobiography. To my

thoroughly practical nature one grain of common sense is of more value

than a bushel of theories; and it has always been trying to me to go

into questions the solution of which I hold _à priori_ to be impossible,

and I have preferably occupied myself with matters of common interest

rather than with the problems of creation, the Deity, &c., which our

human understanding can never grasp or fathom. I have honoured and

respected all religions in so far as they were beneficial and edifying,

_i.e._, in so far as they endeavoured to improve and ennoble mankind;

and when occasion demanded I have always, either out of respect for the

laws of the land, or out of courtesy to the society in which I happened

to be, formally conformed to the prevailing religion of the land, just

as I did in the matter of dress, although it might be irksome at times.

In matters of secondary importance, religious and otherwise, I have

strictly adhered to the principle, "_Si fueris Romæ romano vivito

more_," and to the objections raised by religious moralists to my

vacillating in matters of religion I can but reply: A vacillating

conviction is, generally speaking, no conviction at all, and he who

possesses nothing has nothing to exchange. Nothing to me is more

disgusting than the holy wrath with which hypocrisy in Europe censures

and condemns a change of religion based on want of conviction. Are the

clergy, pastors, and modernised rabbis so fully convinced of the

soundness of the dogmas they hold, and do they really believe that their

distortions of face, their pious pathos and false enthusiasm can

deceive cultured people of the twentieth century? When certain Europeans

in their antiquated conservatism still carry high the banner of

religious hypocrisy, and although possessing a good pair of legs prefer

to go about on the crutches of Holy Scripture, we have no occasion to

envy them their choice. The idea of carrying the lie with me to the

grave seems to me horrible. The intellectual acquisitions of our century

can no longer away with the religion of obscure antiquity; knowledge,

enlightenment, and free inquiry have made little Europe mistress of the

world, and I cannot see what advantage there can be in wilfully denying

this fact, and why, in the education of the young, we do not discard the

stupefying system of religious doctrine and cultivate the clear light of

intellectual culture. Those who have lived among many phases of

religion, and have been on intimate terms with the adherents of Asiatic

and European creeds, are puzzled to see the faint-heartedness and

indecision of the Western world; and if there be anything that has

astonished me in Europe, it is this everlasting groping and fumbling

about in matters of religion and the constant dread lest the truth,

acknowledged by all thinking men, should gain the victory. For governing

and ruling the masses religion may perhaps remain for some time to come

a convenient and useful instrument, but in the face of the progress in

all regions of modern knowledge and thought it becomes ever clearer and

more evident that this game of hide-and-seek cannot go on very much

longer. The spirit of the twentieth century cries, "Let there be light!"

The light must and shall come!

2. NATIONALITY.

Frail and brittle as is the foundation of the partition wall dividing

the religions of Europe, the same may be said of the boundaries of

nationalities which separate people into various corporations. If

nationality were a question of common origin, based on consanguinity,

_i.e._, on natural proclivities, there would be nothing to say against

the idea of unity and cohesiveness. Mankind would be divided into

different families separated by certain conspicuous racial

characteristics; such separation, based on natural causes, would be

quite justifiable. But in the various nationalities, as we now see them

in Europe, there is not a symptom of any such idea; their ethnical

origin lies in obscurity. These nations are an agglomeration of the

greatest possible mixture of kindred and foreign elements, and,

according to the longer or shorter process of development, it is at most

their common language, customs, and history which constitute the

so-called national stamp. If we observe a little more closely the

European nations of our time we shall find that the older the influence

of culture the sooner the national crystallisation of such a country

began, and consequently is still in process in the later-developed

Eastern portion of Europe. The French are a mixture of Iberians,

Ligurians or Gauls, Kelts, and eventually also Phoenicians, and the

German Franks, who found this ethnical conglomeration in ancient Gaul

and gave it the present national name. In the German national

corporation there are many nationalities whose German origin is by no

means proved. A large portion of Eastern Germany was Slavonic; Berlin,

Leipsic, Dresden, Chemnitz, &c., point to a Slavonic origin, and the

oldest inhabitants of Steiermark, Kärnten, and the Eastern Tyrol were

Slavs. In Italy we find a most curious mixture of Etruscans, Latins,

Greeks, Slavs, Arabs, and Germans, which in course of time Church and

State have amalgamated and impressed with the stamp of linguistic unity,

although the typical features of the various fragments are not

obliterated even now. In Hungary Ural-Altaic fragments have mixed with

Slavs and other Aryans, and in spite of numerical minority the Magyar

element, through its warlike propensities, has for centuries maintained

the upper hand and gradually absorbed the foreign elements. The real

ground-element of the Magyar nation, however, it would be almost

impossible to discover.

The strongly mixed character of the English people is universally known,

and when we look a little more closely at the gigantic Russian Empire we

shall find that in the small nucleus of the Slavonic provinces, Tartars,

Bashkirs, Kirghiz, Buriats, Votiaks, Cheremiss, Suryanes, Shuvashes,

Greeks, Ostiaks, Voguls, Caucasians, &c., have been swallowed up. The

growth of the Russian nation is of comparatively modern date and still

in process. At the time of Peter the Great the entire population of

Russia was estimated at thirty millions; _now_ the number of Russians

alone is over eighty millions.

And now I ask, in the face of all the above difficulties, can there be a

question of consanguinity in the various nationalities, and what is

there to insure a feeling of brotherly fellowship? Those who argue in

favour of this point bring forward the national peculiarities, the

outcome of their common language, customs, and historical antecedents,

all of them psychical causes, and nationality is represented as a moral

and not as a material conception. Very well, we will accept this, only

let us remember that language, like all other psychical things, is

subject to changes, and we must not be astonished if Islam, ignoring all

former national restrictions, seeks to classify the human race only

according to profession of faith, and has advanced the thesis, "All true

believers are brothers." In the Mohammedan organisation the various

shades of nationality practically do not exist, in obedience to the

maxim: "_Hubb ul watan min el iman_." Patriotism proceeds from religion;

at any rate they are always of secondary importance. When Islam,

inspired by such lofty ideas, can accomplish this, why cannot we, under

the powerful protection of our modern culture, produce some equivalent

in our Western lands, and, putting aside national restrictions, create a

cultural bond and united corporation, excluding all national hatred and

discord? This indeed would be one of the most ideal forms of national

life, and its realisation in the distant future is not at all an

impossibility. But as yet, alas! we have not reached this exalted

station of peace and happiness. Behold in our cultured West the

uninterrupted struggle of great and mighty nationalities against smaller

and weaker ones--a struggle in which Darwin's theory of the "survival of

the fittest" is fully justified. No one likes to act the part of the

weaker, doomed to destruction; none wants to be absorbed by others, and

the inferior in numbers have to defend their claim for existence as a

political nation upon historical grounds. It is the rapacity and the

tyranny of the great nations which have called forth and justify the

fight for existence in the smaller ones, for why should not all want to

preserve their individuality, all want to be entirely free in promoting

the intellectual and material development of their own commonwealth? And

this being so, there can, for the present, be no question of

cosmopolitan tendencies. This fact becomes more conspicuous where it

concerns a small ethnical island surrounded by the wild waves of a

mighty ethnical sea, which threaten to destroy it, as we see

exemplified in Hungary. Encompassed by German, Slav, and Roman elements,

it has for centuries skilfully and successfully held its own, and the

preservation of its national independence is an absolute necessity, as

otherwise a collision between the three large national bodies just

mentioned would be unavoidable, and the existence of a buffer-state must

therefore be hailed as a fortunate coincidence. All lovers of peace and

of quiet expansion of Western culture in the East must hail with joy the

buffer afforded by the Hungarian State, and all true friends of culture

must heartily desire the growth of Hungary. In this spirit I have always

preserved my Hungarian patriotism, and will do so to the end of my days,

although for many decades of years I have occupied myself with questions

of universal interest, and have kept aloof from home politics. It is not

surprising that the patriotism of a cosmopolitan differs considerably

from that of his stay-at-home compatriots. But the keen interest in the

affairs of the various nations with whom the traveller comes into

contact hardly ever succeeds in suppressing or weakening in him his

warmer feelings for the weal and woe of his native land. The tears I

have shed in my younger days over the cruel sufferings and

mortifications inflicted upon my native land by Austria's absolutism

would have promoted a more luxurious growth of the plant of patriotism,

if I had always remained at home and had had intercourse with

Hungarians only. But even when one's horizon has widened one may still

cling lovingly to one's native sod. One does not so lightly agree with

Tolstoy, who maintains that patriotism is a crime, for although there

are proverbs such as "_Ubi bene ibi patria_," or its English equivalent,

"If you happen to be born in a stable, it does not follow that you are a

horse," the cosmopolitan, be he ever so infatuated, always in the end is

glad to get home again.

If there be anything likely to weaken or shake one's patriotism, it is

the narrow-mindedness and ridiculous prejudice of the Christian West

against its fellow-countrymen of a different creed. I will take my own

case as example. I was all ablaze with enthusiasm when in my childhood I

became acquainted with the life of the national heroes of Hungary. The

heroic epoch of 1848 filled my youthful heart with genuine pride, and

even later in 1861, when I returned from Constantinople by the Danube

boat, on landing at Mohacs I fell on my knees and kissed the ground with

tears of true patriotic devotion in my eyes. I was intensely happy and

in a rapture of delight, but had soon to realise that many, nay most

people questioned the genuineness of my Hungarianism. They criticised

and made fun of me, because, they said, people of Jewish origin cannot

be Hungarians, they can only be Jews and nothing else. I pointed to the

circumstance that in matters of faith, like most cultured people, I was

really an agnostic and had long since left the precincts of Judaism.

I spoke of the dangers I had faced in order to investigate the early

history of Hungary, surely a test of patriotism such as but few would be

able to show. Many other arguments I brought forward, but all in vain;

everywhere and on all occasions an ominous sneer, an insidious shrug of

the shoulders, an icy indifference, or a silence which has a more deadly

effect than any amount of talk. Add to this the deep and painful wound

inflicted by the adverse criticism at home upon me and my travels, and I

would ask the reader, Could I under these conditions persist in my

national enthusiasm, could I stand up to defend Hungarian patriotism

with the same ardent love of youth when as yet I had no anticipation of

what was to happen to me? Even the most furious nationalist could not

easily answer this question in the affirmative. Not his Jewish descent,

but the prejudiced, unreasonable, and illiberal Christian world is to

blame when the man of Jewish origin becomes cosmopolitan; and I am not

sure whether those Jews who, in spite of the blunt refusals they

receive, persist in pushing themselves within the national framework

must be admired as martyrs or despised as intruders. The law, at all

events, makes no difference, but usage and social convenience do not

trouble themselves much about the law; and in this all European

countries are alike, with the exception of England, where liberalism is

not an empty term, where the Jew feels thoroughly English and is looked

upon as such by the true Briton. I frankly admit that the weakening and

ultimate loss of this warm national feeling deprives us of one of the

most noble sentiments of humanity; for, with all its weakness and

prejudices, the bond of national unity possesses always a certain charm

and attraction; and through all the painful experiences of my life, the

thought that the short-sightedness of society could not deprive me of my

national right to the soil of my birth has comforted and cheered me. The

land where I saw the light of day, where my cradle stood, and where I

spent the golden days of childhood, is, and ever remains my Fatherland.

It is my native soil, its weal and woe lie close to my heart, and I have

always been delighted when in some way or other I could help a

Hungarian.

3. SOCIETY.

If my ideas about religion and nationality are at variance with the

prevailing notions in Western lands, this is still more the case with

regard to our social standing. The European who has been in Asia for

some length of time feels freer and less restricted there than in

Europe, in spite of the anarchy, barbarism, and tyranny prevailing in

the East. In the first place, as stranger and guest he has less to

suffer from the despotism of the Government and the oppressive national

customs. He stands under the protection of the dreaded West and is not

subject to the laws of the land. He lives as an outlaw truly, and has

to look after himself, but then he has the advantage of not being bound

by any party spirit; no class prejudice exists here. In the East the

highest in the land has to condescend to his inferiors, even princes are

not exempt from this law, which is in accordance with the patriarchal

spirit of the Government. I have witnessed simple peasants rebuking

their landlord, without the latter daring to say a word of protest. With

us in Europe the tax-paid official behaves not as the servant but the

master of the public, and his arrogance is often very offensive. But

still more objectionable is the conduct of the uneducated born

aristocrats, who, on the strength of the problematic services of their

forefathers, often without the least personal merit, exhibit an amount

of pride as if the course of the universe depended upon them. I have

never quite been able to understand why the born aristocrat should claim

this exceptional position, which nowadays is not so much a matter of

national law as of public opinion. If these privileges are a recognition

and reward for services rendered, and to be continued from generation to

generation, the harm done to society is incalculable, for the offspring

only very seldom possess the intellectual heirloom of their ancestors,

very seldom come up to the position they occupy, and moreover stand in

the way of those better fitted to fill it. Of course in opposition to

these views the succession theory is advanced, and in my discussions on

this point I have often been met with the argument that as in the

vegetable and animal kingdom there are superior species, this natural

law also applies to the human race. The maxim, "_Fortes creatur

fortibus_," is quoted, but one forgets that human strength, thanks to

the advanced spirit of the age, consists now no longer in physical but

in psychical qualities, and that greatness and perfection of

intellectual power can be obtained only by study, zeal, and persevering

intellectual labour--not exactly a favourite pastime of the born

aristocrat, generally speaking. _Vir non nascitur sed fit_, says the old

proverb; and although admitting advantages of birth in horses, dogs and

other quadrupeds, we cannot do the same for the human race of the

twentieth century.

What has been accomplished so far in literature, art, science and

intellectual advancement generally is for the greater part the work of

people not favoured by birth, but who in the hard struggle for existence

have steeled their nerves and sharpened their wits. In the dark ages of

crude thought, when the greatest amount of hereditary physical strength

displayed in plundering, murdering and pillaging bore away the palm,

there was some sense in hereditary aristocracy, but in modern times

privileges of birth are nonsense, and where they do exist they are a

disgrace to humanity, and a melancholy sign of the tardiness of society

in certain countries. Curiously enough, even in our days people try to

justify the existence of hereditary nobility by referring to the

historical development of certain States. For instance, the decay and

retrogression of Asiatic nations is attributed to the lack of an

hereditary aristocracy, and Japan is quoted as an example of the mighty

influence of inherited nobility. But the example is not to the point.

The fact that Japan, in spite of the great natural endowments of its

people, was up to the middle of the nineteenth century closed against

all influences from the West, is due solely and entirely to the strictly

feudal system of the land; and any one studying the struggle between the

Daimos and Mikado-ism will perceive that in this Albion of the Far East

modern civilisation and the elevation of the State have been introduced

against the will and in spite of the nobility. If pedigreed nobility is

really so essential to the well-being of a State, how can we account for

the lamentable decay of Persia, where there has always been such a

strongly pronounced aristocracy?

Holding such views it is only natural that I could never quite fit into

the frame of Hungarian society, where aristocratic predilections

predominate. In the springtime of 1848 the Hungarian Parliament,

infected by the prevailing spirit of the age, did indeed abolish the

rights of hereditary nobility, and, as was supposed, quite voluntarily.

But as the middle class element has always been feebly represented in

Hungary, and consequently public opinion never could exercise much

persuasive force, this law is little more than a show-piece, and has

never been really effective. As in the Middle Ages the tone-giving

elements were looked upon as the real representatives of the Hungarian

race in the motley chaos of nationalities, and therefore _ipso facto_

belonged to the nobility, so it is now the social tendency of the

country to look upon genuine Hungarian descent as an undeniable sign of

nobility, and since the Government takes no measures to put a stop to

the mischief--in fact, is not particularly chary in the grant of letters

of nobility--every one who possibly can do so tries to prove his genuine

unadulterated Hungarian descent by procuring a letter of nobility. This

tendency, far from being a healthy sign, reminds one forcibly of a

return to mediæval ways; it nips in the bud all notions of freedom; it

cannot be to the benefit of our beautiful land and our gifted nation; it

cannot help forward its healthy development, that much at least is clear

as the day. Just as in the natural law a body cannot find a solid basis

on a pointed but only on a flat surface, so also the peace, safety, and

well-being of a State can not be securely founded on the heads of

society but on the broad basis of the people. The present tendency of

Hungarian society is, therefore, not at all to my liking. However, as

autobiographer, I will not enter into any social-political discussions,

but I cannot help saying that I, the self-made man, could not possibly

live in close communion with such a society. He who has fought the hard

fight and, _per aspera ad astra_, has endeavoured to succeed, does not

find satisfaction for his ambition in a closer union with a caste which

has long since lost its original significance. _Altiora peto!_ And this

worthier and higher recognition we are all entitled to claim, when we

are conscious of having rendered ever so slight a service to our

fellowmen and have contributed ever so little to the intellectual or

material well-being of our country or of humanity in general. The chase

after orders and decorations, the natural outcome of this aristocratic

tendency, although quite the fashion not only in Hungary but in other

countries of Europe as well, has never been my ambition either. If

sovereigns were pleased to confer such distinctions upon me I have

respectfully locked them up in my box, because a public refusal of them

seemed to me making a useless parade of democracy, and because no one is

entitled to respond to a courtesy with rudeness. I have never been able

to understand how certain men, grown old in wisdom and experience, can

find pleasure in bedizening themselves from head to toe with decorations

and parading their titles. One calls it apologetically, "The vanity of

scholars." But the learned should not commit themselves to such

childish, ridiculous weakness. Official distinctions are very much like

a command on the part of the State, "Honour this man!" which is quite

superfluous, for he who is really worthy of honour will be honoured

without any such authoritative command. But enough of this; all these

and many other social peculiarities both at home and abroad have never

had any attraction for me. To respect a man according to the length of

his pedigree, or to honour him according to the superiority of his

official dignity, is a thing beyond the capacity of the self-made man.

Only the prerogatives of mind and heart command respect, they only are

genuine, for they are not dependent on the whim or favour of others, but

are based on character or honest labour.

It should also be noted that in Hungary society is far more absorbed in

politics than is generally the case, and that science and intellectual

labour of any kind are of secondary importance. From the point of view

of utility my countrymen are perfectly right, for Hungary, in spite of

its glorious past as an independent State, has a hard battle to fight

with its neighbour, Austria; and since it is necessary for a nation to

establish itself politically before it can take part in the labour of

improving mankind at large, it is very natural that the mind of the

nation should be set on political matters, and politics be looked upon

as an eminently national question. But apart from this I could never get

on with my literary studies at home because my favourite subject, the

practical knowledge of the East, never excited much interest in Hungary.

What does Hungary care about the rivalry between England and Russia in

Central Asia, and what possible benefit can it derive from the literary,

historical, and ethnographical details of inner Asiatic nations?

Whatever my labours have yielded of interest in regard to the primitive

history of Hungary, I have given to the public; but as the greater part

of my literary activity was the result of my practical knowledge of

Asia, the products of my pen have received far more notice outside of

Hungary than at home. I have often been asked why as Hungarian by birth

I did not confine myself exclusively to Hungarian topics, and why I

entered the region of international literature? At home also I have

often been blamed for this, but my critics seemed to forget that my

preparatory and my later studies were international in themselves, and

that with the best will in the world I could not have confined myself to

purely national interests. And so it came about that mentally I remained

a stranger in my native land, and in the isolation of the subject of my

studies I lived for years confined to my own society, without any

intellectual intercourse, without any interchange of ideas, without

recognition! It was not an enviable position. I was a stranger in the

place where I had passed my youth; a stranger in Turkey, Persia and

Central Asia; as a stranger I made my _début_ in England, and a stranger

I remained in my own home; and all this because a singular fate and

certain natural propensities forced me to follow a career which,

because of its uncommonness, put me into an exceptional position. Had I

persevered in the stereotyped paths of Orientalism, _i.e._, had I been

able to give my mind exclusively to the ferreting out of grammatical

niceties, and to inquiring into the speculations of theoretical

explorers, I could have grown my Oriental cabbages in peace in the quiet

rut of my professional predecessors. But how can one expect that a man

who as Dervish, without a farthing in his pocket, has cut his way

through the whole of the Islam world, who on the strength of his

eminently practical nature has accommodated himself to so many different

situations, and at last has been forced by circumstances to take a

sober, matter-of-fact view of life--how can one expect such a man to

bury himself in theoretical ideas, and to give himself up to idealistic

speculations? A bookworm I could never be! When I was young, and fancy

carried me away into higher spheres, I could derive a certain amount of

pleasure from abstract questions, but in after years, when the bitter

gravity of life forced me to take a realistic view of things, I

preferably chose that region of literature where not merely laurels, but

also tangible fruits, were to be found. I took into consideration that

in the face of the expected opening up of Asia, and the animated

interest of our world in the occurrences of the East, the discussion of

the practical questions of the day would be more to the purpose, more

likely to attract attention, and to be appreciated by the world at

large than the theoretical investigation of past events, however

significant in themselves. This is the reason why at an early date,

without giving up my linguistic studies, I devoted myself to Asiatic

politics.

Orthodox and narrow-minded philologists may object to this divergence

from the trodden path, but I say, "_Chacun à son gout_," and every man

has a perfect right to exert himself in the direction best suited to his

tastes and his necessities. To me it was of the greatest moment not only

to gain experience and fame, but above all, independence. I have never

quite understood why the desire to become independent through the

acquisition of earthly goods should be so objectionable in a scholar,

for surely independence is the first requirement of human existence.

Strictly adhering to the principle, "_Nulla dies sine linea_," my pen

has in the end procured me the material means for loosening the bonds in

which the poor writer had languished for so many years. Sixty years had

to pass over my head before I could declare, "Now at last I am free from

all material care, henceforth no Government, no princely favour, no

human whim, can check my thoughts." For the pursuit after filthy lucre,

however humiliating and despicable it may appear, is, and ever has been,

a cruel necessity, indispensable to the attainment of even the loftiest,

noblest ideals. I cannot explain how or why, but in my inmost mind, in

every fibre of my nature, I have always been a passionate, fanatical

supporter of independent ideas. An English writer, Sidney Whitman, says

that this passion is an outcome of my Jewish origin, because the Jews

have always been conspicuous for their notions of independence.

Possibly; but I attribute it in my case rather to the oppression, the

ignominy, the insults to which I was exposed in my youth. Nor did I fare

much better in after years. Everywhere and always I have had much to

suffer from poverty, social prejudice, and the tyranny of Governments;

and when at last, having overcome all, I attained to intellectual and

material independence, I felt supremely happy in the enjoyment of my

dearly bought liberty, and in this enjoyment found the only worthy

reward for the hard struggle of my life. I have made no concealment of

my views as to the prejudices, the weaknesses, the obscurantism, and the

ignorance of society, and I did not care when on account of my views

about religion, nationality, aristocracy, &c., so contrary to the

generally conceived notions, I was looked upon as eccentric,

extravagant, sometimes even as not quite in my right mind. I held, and

ever will hold, to my principles, purified in the hard struggle for

existence. And if the struggle for my material wants is at an end the

mental struggle goes on always, and will probably continue to the last

breath of my life.

"The Struggle's End, and yet no End." Thus I have entitled this last

portion of my autobiography. And I am not sorry that it should be so,

for what would life be worth without struggle, especially for those who

from their earliest youth to their old age have trodden the rough paths

of life, and been accustomed to fight hard for the smallest ray of

sunshine on their work. Yet after all I must honestly confess that there

is more pleasure in the actual strain and effort than in the final

accomplishment. Amid the pangs of hunger and all the sad circumstances

of my adventurous life, work has been my only comfort, hope, and solace;

it always came to my rescue, and I owe to it all that I have

accomplished in this world. In this full assurance I have gladly

sacrificed all pleasures, both private and social, for the sake of work.

In spite of my joviality I was never a society man--I mean, cared for

drawing-room life or for the social evenings of scholars and

writers--because I found that in the former mostly frivolous, useless

matters were discussed, and in the latter with much instructive and

intellectual conversation, spirituous drinks--which I have always

abominated--play an important part. Only very rarely have I visited the

theatre, for when I was young I should have liked to go, but had not the

means, and as I advanced in years the theatre lost its attraction for

me, and being an early riser, I made it a rule to go to bed at nine

o'clock. Generally speaking, I kept the question of utility in the

foreground, and if a thing did not commend itself as particularly

profitable or beneficial, I left it alone. In this manner and with these

views of life I have finished a somewhat fantastic career. I have often

been asked whether from the very first I worked with some particular

purpose in view whether the certain hope of success bore me along, or

whether I was surprised at the final result. To those really interested

in my destiny I reply as follows: At first naturally the instinct of

self-preservation urged me on, for with an empty stomach one may be able

to indulge in dreams, but one cannot work. The world's literatures, read

in their respective languages, were a great delight to me, but with an

empty stomach and teeth chattering with cold the desire for intellectual

food is soon subdued by a longing for physical nourishment and a warm

corner. In course of time all this was changed. As I was able to satisfy

my material wants, in that same measure the desire for knowledge

increased, and ambition grew with it. To outstrip my fellow-labourers

with a higher degree of knowledge, to make myself prominent by certain

intellectual qualities, to pose as an authority, and by some special

accomplishment to excite the admiration and the applause of the

public--all this led me into the devil's clutches. For years I wildly

pursued this course with feverish restlessness, and during this time

fell my incognito life in Stambul, my dangerous journey to Samarkand,

and my _début_ in England and the rest of Europe. One may well say,

"Surely such varied and unexpected results made you pause for a moment,

surely you stopped to reflect and to ask yourself the question, 'What

will all this lead to?'" No, I never stopped to think. One by one the

different phases of my almost romantic career were left behind; the poor

Jew boy became a European celebrity; but I cared not. Forward, ever

forward, for ambition is insatiable; it leaves one no time for

reflection, nor is retrospection one of its favourite pastimes; it is

not the past, but the future, which occupies all our thoughts. With such

ideas in my mind, my sojourn on the shores of the beautiful Danube was

of necessity only in appearance a _buen retiro_, but certainly no _otium

cum dignitate_. Apart from my studies, which occupied several hours a

day, my active pen, often against my will, brought me in contact with

the most distant regions of the globe. I kept up a lively correspondence

with people of various rank and degree in Turkey, Persia, Central Asia,

India, China, Japan, America, and Australia; and were I to mention the

different occasions which called forth this interchange of letters, it

would give a true and amusing picture of the joys and the sufferings of

a literary worker. Sometimes it was a Japanese politician who urged me

on to have a dig at Russia, pointing out the common danger which

threatened both Hungary and Japan if Russia's power were allowed free

growth. Then, again, a malcontent Hindustani blamed me for having taken

the British tyrant under my wing; while another Hindustani praised me

for duly acknowledging the spirit of liberty and justice which animated

the Raj, _i.e._, the English Government. A Persian who has read in the

diary of his sovereign about my personal relations with the king, asks

me for my recommendation and protection, and while one Turk showers

praise upon me for my Turcophile writings, another Turk insults me for

having accepted the hospitality of the hated Sultan Abdul Hamid. A

Tartar from Yalta, who addresses me as the opponent of Russia and the

student of Moslem dithyrambs, begs for a copy of my _Sheibaniade_, as he

has not the means to buy one. So it goes on day after day, but worst of

all the poor international writer fares at the hands of the Americans.

The number of autograph collectors is astonishing, and many are kind

enough to enclose an American stamp or a few cents for the reply

postage. And then the questions I am asked! Could I inform them of the

hour of my birth, in order to account for my adventurous career? And I

do not even know what year I was born! An American surgeon asks me to

send him a photograph of my tongue, that from its formation he may draw

his conclusions as to my linguistic talent, and so on, and so on. As

most of these letters have to be answered, one may readily imagine the

amount of time and patience this often awkward correspondence absorbs,

and it is more in after life that this side of international authorship

becomes such a nuisance.

This reverse side of the medal one has to put up with, however; it

supplies some bright interludes also. Questions referring to my motley

career require more careful consideration. Many of my friends and

acquaintances have been curious to know how I bore the enormous

difference between my present position and the naked misery of my

childhood, and whether, generally speaking, I often thought of all my

past sufferings and struggles. Well, to tell the truth, the

recollections of the past form the sweetest moments of my life. It is

quite like a novel when I think of the beginning of my career and then

look at the end, but as the transformation has been a gradual and slow

progress, and as I have never doubted the intimate connection between

labour and wages, the steady progress from worse to better has but

seemed natural to me, and the really wonderful part in it was the

disposition of a kind destiny. "_Labor omnia vincit_" has always been my

device, not forgetting the other saying, "_Sors bona, nihil aliud_"; for

that on my journey through the Steppes I did not die of thirst, that I

was able to undergo the fatigues of those long marches on foot through

the deep sand with lame legs, and that I escaped the executioner's axe

of the tyrants of Khiva and Bokhara, I attribute solely to my lucky

star. Without this star all my perseverance, patience, ambition,

linguistic talent, and intellectual activity would have been fruitless.

But as concerns the recollection of those past sufferings and struggles

I must honestly say that a retrospective glance has always given me the

greatest pleasure; the more so where, as in my case, I have both

mentally and physically an unbroken view of my past career. In spite of

the seventy years which have gone over my head, I feel physically

perfectly composed and in good health, and without complaining with Sadi

that:--

"Medjlis tamam shud ve b'akhir resid umr,"

_i.e._, "the measure of my years is full, and only now fortune begins to

smile." I have in the prime of my life enjoyed to the full all the

spiritual and worldly pleasures of existence. If there be anything which

makes the approaching evening of one's life empty and unpleasant it is

the grief henceforth no longer to be fit for work and labour. The desire

to overcome the unconquerable is gone; the beautiful delusive pictures

on the rosy horizon of the future have disappeared; henceforth it is the

past only which offers me the cup of precious, sweet delight. No wonder,

then, that I can spend hours by myself in pleasant retrospection,

enjoying the visions of my brain. I see myself as the schoolboy of Duna

Szerdahely, hurrying along towards the Jewish school, leaning on my

crutch and warming my half-numbed fingers on frosty winter mornings

with the hot potatoes which I carried in my pocket for breakfast. Again

I see myself laden with distinctions at the royal table in the palace of

Windsor or Yildiz; dining from massive golden plates, and honoured by

the highest representatives of Western and Eastern society. Then there

arises before my mind the picture of my miserable plight as mendicant

student spending the cold autumn night under the seat on the promenade

at Presburg, and trembling with cold and fear; and scarcely has this

gloomy picture faded from my view when I behold in its place the

meeting-hall in London where the heads of England's proud aristocracy

listen to my speech on the political condition of affairs in Central

Asia, and loudly applaud. Seated all alone in my lonely room I see

myself once more in the turmoil of life, and gazing in the

richly-coloured kaleidoscope I am now intoxicated with bliss, then again

trembling with fear. In clear outline, in the smallest details I enjoy

those blissful moments of delivery from terrible distress, the

threatening danger of lifelong slavery, or a martyr's awful death, which

so often have stared me in the face. Whenever the scene of my audience

with the Emir of Bokhara, or of the agonies of thirst in the Khalata

desert, and the terrible image of Kulkhan, the Turcoman slave-dealer,

come before me in my dreams, even to this day I look anxiously round and

rejoice when I find that it is only a dream and not reality.

Fate has truly played me many queer tricks. And now, in the evening of

my life, looking back upon the dark and the bright moments of my long

career, I say with the English that my life has been "a life worth

living," and would gladly go through the whole comedy again from

beginning to end, and for a second time undergo all the labour, the

fatigues, the mortal dangers.... So mighty and overpowering is the

thirst for adventure in one's youth, and the consciousness of a

fortunate escape from threatening danger is so deliciously exciting,

that even in one's old age one can gloat over the recollection of it.

Once having tasted the charms of a life of adventure, the longing for it

will ever remain, and a calm sea never seems as beautiful and sublime as

the furiously whipped waves of a stormy ocean. There are natures not

made for rest, they need perpetual motion and excitement to keep them

happy. I belong to this latter category. I never did care for a quiet,

peaceful existence, and I am glad to have possessed these qualities, for

through them I have gained the two most precious jewels of human

life--experience and independence--two treasures inseparably connected,

and forming the true nucleus of human happiness. And now the evening of

my life has come; the setting sun is casting warning shadows before me,

and the chilliness of the approaching night becomes perceptible, I sit

and think of all the dangers, difficulties, and troubles of the day that

it is past and in the possession of my two jewels I feel fully rewarded

for all I have gone through. It has been my good fortune to contribute

my mite to the enlightenment and improvement of my fellow-creatures; and

when I made the joyful discovery that my books were being read all over

Europe, America, and Australia, the consciousness of not having lived in

vain filled me with a great happiness. I thought to myself, the father

professor of the gymnasium at St. Georghen was wrong after all when he

said, "Moshele, why dost thou study? It would be better for thee to be a

butcher!" But more precious than all these good things is my

dearly-bought experience.

My eye is still undimmed and my memory still clear, and even as in past

years, so now two worlds with all their different countries, peoples,

cities, morals, and customs rise up before my eyes. As the bee flies

from one flower to another, so my thoughts wander from Europe to Asia

and back again; everywhere I feel at home; from all sides well-known

faces smile recognition; all sorts of people talk to me in their

mother-tongue. Thus encompassing the wide world, feasting one's eyes on

the most varied scenery--this, indeed, is a delight reserved for

travellers only, for travelling is decidedly the greatest and noblest

enjoyment in all the world. And so I have no reason to complain of my

lot, for if my life was hard the reward was abundant also, and now at

the end of it I can be fully satisfied with the result of my struggles.

Appendices

APPENDIX I

EUROPEAN AND ASIATIC ECHOES OF MY INCOGNITO TRAVELS

In spite of all the slights I had to put up with, the first years after

my return from Asia passed very pleasantly in beautiful Budapest. It

gave me keen pleasure to see my books about my travels, and my

ethnographical and political essays before me, in various European and

Asiatic languages; and the voice of criticism, whether favourable or

otherwise, had ceased to trouble me. But one thing was of special

interest to me, viz., the effect which the reports of my travels would

have in the Far East--that is, in Central Asia--for I felt sure that the

news of the happy conclusion of my incognito would reach the borders of

the Zerefshan, by way of India, or of Russia. That I was not mistaken in

my supposition was proved by news received in later years from that

neighbourhood. The first information came from the Russian diplomatist,

Herr von Lankenau, who, shortly after the victory of the Russian arms at

Samarkand, was sent by General Kauffmann to Bokhara to negotiate with

the Emir, Mozaffareddin. Herr von Lankenau settled the principal

conditions of the peace between Russia and Bokhara, and then spent some

time in the Khanate near the Zerefshan.

He had also been an eye-witness of the events that had taken place

there, including the revolt of the Crown Prince of Bokhara, Kette Töre,

who was overcome in 1869; and four years later, when he returned to

Germany, he published some of his experiences in the _Frankfürter

Zeitung_ of June, 1872, entitled, _Rachmed Inak, Moral Pictures from

Central Asia; from the Russian of H. von Lankenau_. In No. 11 of the

above-named paper we read the following: "In the whole of the Khanate

he (viz., Rachmed Inak) was the only person not deceived by the

disguise of the foolhardy Vambéry. This traveller says that when he

presented himself before Rachmed, who was then managing the affairs of

the whole of Bokhara, in the absence of the Emir, he could not look that

sharp-sighted governor in the eyes without fear and trembling, knowing

that his secret was either discovered or in danger of discovery. When we

once asked Rachmed Inak (a title bestowed on him later) if he remembered

a pious pilgrim Hadji, with a very dark face, and lame, who had gone to

Bokhara and Samarkand five years before, he replied, smiling, 'Although

many pilgrims go to those holy places every year, I can guess which one

you mean. He was a very learned Hadji, much more so than all the other

wise men in Bokhara.'

"We now told him that the pilgrim was a European, and showed him

Vambéry's book, translating to him the part in which the noted traveller

speaks of Rachmed himself.

"'I was quite aware of the fact,' answered Rachmed, 'but I knew too that

he was not dangerous, and I did not want to ruin such a learned man. It

was the Mollahs' own fault that they did not guess whom they had with

them. Who told them to keep their eyes and ears shut?'"

Now this Rachmed (more correctly Rahmet), whom I mentioned before (see

page 207), appears to have risen in rank since my departure from Central

Asia, for Herr von Lankenau speaks of him as "Bek" (governor) of Saadin,

a district in the Khanate of Bokhara. I find it quite natural that he

should have remembered me, but his statement that he spared my life on

account of my erudition must be taken _cum grano salis_. I do not wish

to affirm that I was not suspected by a good many; the number of efforts

made to unmask me prove the contrary; but no one really detected me on

account of my fortunate talent for languages, just as in Turkey and

Persia I was hardly ever taken for a European. Had the people of Bokhara

discovered my identity I should certainly not now be in a position to

write my memoirs!

Many years later, in 1882, I received the second piece of information as

to the effect of my incognito on the inhabitants of Central Asia,

through the publications of Mr. Edmund O'Donovan, a correspondent of

the _Daily News_, who travelled in Asia from 1879 to 1881, and after his

return to England published in 1882 a book of two volumes, entitled,

_The Merv Oasis: Travels and Adventures East of the Caspian during the

Years 1879 to 1881, including Five Months' Residence among the Tekkes of

Merv_.

In the first volume of this book, on page 221, we find the following: "I

usually confined myself to my dwelling" (the author is speaking of his

stay among the Yomuts in Gömushtepe, where I myself had been), "making

notes or conversing with the numerous visitors who invaded Durdi's

residence. This was the same in which Vambéry had lived, for,

notwithstanding that he succeeded in passing through unrecognised, as a

European, the inhabitants afterwards learned his true character,

doubtless from the Russians of the naval station at Ashurada close by. I

heard of the famous Hungarian from a person named Kan Djan Kelte, the

son of Kocsak, his former host. He described the traveller as being like

Timsur Lenk, the great Central Asian conqueror, _i.e._, somewhat lame.

Of course this knowledge of Vambéry was not arrived at until some time

after his departure from among the Yomuts, as otherwise it might have

fared badly with him, and he certainly would not at that time have been

allowed to pass on. The most singular fact in connection with this

matter was, that when I asked for the date of Vambéry's arrival at

Gömushtepe my informer could give me only a very vague reply. This is

characteristic of the Turkomans."

The story of my struggles: the memoirs of Arminius Vambéry, Volume 2 · 第 7 / 8 章