“_The Books, but especially the Parchments._”
THE LIBRARY.
The Library had its beginning in 1601, from a subscription by the
officers and soldiers of Queen Elizabeth’s army in Ireland. Prior
to that, indeed, there were a few books; a list (dated 1600) of
forty books, ten of which were MS., has been preserved, and was
printed by Dr. J. K. Ingram in an appendix to his _Address to the
Library Association_. It includes--of classical authors--Euripides,
Plato, Aristotle, Cicero. In 1601, however, in order to commemorate
the battle of Kinsale, in which the Spanish troops and their Irish
allies were defeated, the troops subscribed £700[110] to purchase
books for the newly-founded College. “Then souldiers,” says Dr.
Bernard, “were for the advancement of learning.” Possibly; but it
is significant that the money was subscribed “out of the arrears
of their pay.” However, the example, as we shall see, proved
fruitful. The money was entrusted to Luke Challoner and James
Ussher (afterwards Primate), who accordingly went to London to make
their purchases. It happened that Sir Thomas Bodley was at the same
time buying books for his library at Oxford, and he and Ussher
consulted, to their mutual advantage.
It may be asked, What notable books did they buy, and what prices
did they pay? As to the first, there exists a rough shelf-list
of books in the Library which must have been drawn up very soon
after this. It is in Challoner’s handwriting, and shows that
rarities were not sought for, but books useful for study and
research. The prices are not recorded, but Challoner has left a
list of the prices he paid for his own books a few years earlier.
A few specimens of these may be interesting. _Scapulæ Lexicon_
cost him 12s.; a Hebrew Bible in 4to, 16s.; an English Bible,
8vo, 6s.; _Stephani Concordantiæ_, 14s.; Cicero: _Opera Omnia_,
8vo, 6s. 8d.; Homer: _Iliad_ and _Odyssey_, each 2s. 6d.; an 8vo
_Virgil_, 1s. 4d.; another, in 16mo, 10d. The most expensive books
are--_Mercator’s Tabula_, £3, and _Vatablus_; _Biblia Sacra_
(Hebrew, Greek, Latin), £3 10s. The average price was about 5s. A
few years later we find Challoner and Ussher again in London buying
books for the Library. Chiefly, no doubt, in consequence of their
purchases, the number of books in 1610 was about 4,000. In 1635 the
Library is already mentioned as a matter of pride to the College
by Sir W. Brereton. He specifies a MS. of Roger Bacon, which, he
says, they highly esteem, considering it to be the only copy of
that great man’s _Opus Majus_. Brereton, however, professes himself
sceptical, on the ground that the MS. is so very clean and newly
bound. How the latter fact could militate against the antiquity of
the MS. is not very clear. Brereton also pronounces the Library to
be not well furnished with books. The building, too, he reports as
not large or well contrived.[111]
It was, however, at the Restoration that the Library was at once
raised to the first class, at least as regards MSS., by the
accession of Archbishop Ussher’s library. The fortunes of this
were rather remarkable. During the rebellion of 1641 it was in
Drogheda, the seat of the Archiepiscopal residence, where it was
in great peril of destruction, that place being besieged for four
months. Shortly after the raising of the siege it was transferred
to Chester, and subsequently to Chelsea College. Here, however,
it was not much safer than in Ireland, for the Archbishop having
preached against the authority of the Assembly of Divines, the
House of Commons confiscated his library, the severest punishment
they had it in their power to inflict. Happily, there were two
men in the Assembly of nobler sentiments--Dr. Featley, formerly
chaplain to Archbishop Abbot, and the learned John Selden.[112] By
Selden’s help, Dr. Featley either obtained a grant of the library
or was enabled to purchase it for a small sum, and so preserved it
for the Primate; but part had already been embezzled.
When Ussher was appointed by the Benchers preacher at Lincoln’s
Inn, apartments were appropriated to his use, in which he was able
to place his library, or rather pack up as much of it as remained.
It was his intention to bequeath it to Trinity College, as a token
of gratitude to the place where he had received his education;
but having lost all his other property in the disturbances of the
time, he was obliged to give up this purpose and to leave it to his
daughter, Lady Tyrrell, wife of Sir Timothy Tyrrell. Ussher died in
1656. The library was famous, and Parr, in his _Life of Ussher_,
states that “the King of Denmark and Cardinal Mazarin endeavoured
to obtain it, offering a good price through their agents in
England; but Cromwell having, by an Order in Council, prohibited
its being sold without his consent, it was bought by the soldiers
and officers of the then army in Ireland, who, out of emulation to
the previous noble action of Queen Elizabeth’s army, were incited
by some men of publick spirits to the like performance, and they
had it for much less than it was really worth, or what had been
offered for it before by the agents above-mentioned [viz., for
£2,200]; they had also with it all his manuscripts (which were not
of his own handwriting), as also a choice, though not numerous,
collection of ancient coins. But when this library was brought
over into Ireland, the usurper and his son, who then commanded in
chief there, would not bestow it on the Colledge of Dublin, least
perhaps the gift should not appear so considerable as it would do
by itself; and therefore they gave out that they would reserve it
for a new Colledge or Hall which they said they intended to build
and endow; but it proved that as those were not times, so they
were not persons capable of any such noble or pious work; so that
this library lay in the Castle of Dublin unbestowed and unemployed
all the remaining time of Cromwell’s usurpation; but where this
treasure was kept being left open, many of the books and most of
the best manuscripts were stolen away or else imbezled (_sic_) by
those who were intrusted with them; but after his late Majesty’s
Restauration, when they fell to his disposal, he generously
bestowed them on the Colledge for which they were intended by the
owner, where they now remain.”
Dr. Parr’s account may perhaps require to be modified by comparison
with the following document:--“June 29, 1659.--The Commissioners
of Parliament for the Government of Ireland referred to ‘certain
persons named’ to take a view of the gallery at Cork House and the
armory-room near the Castle, and to consider with workmen which
place may be most convenient for placing Dr. Ussher’s Library,
and to present an estimate of the charge for making Presses and
Chains for the Books in order to their use and security.” On 1st
November following it was ordered “that the Trustees for Trinity
College, as also Dr. Watson, Dr. Gorges, and Mr. Williamson, be
desired to attend the Board and to consider together how the
Library formerly belonging to Dr. Ussher, purchased by the State
and army, may be disposed and fitted for Publick use. And also to
take into consideration a Letter from Dr. Berners [query, Bernard],
as also a Paper delivered by Dr. Jones, concerning the publishing
of some part of the said Library or manuscripts, and of recovering
some part of the said Library being at present abroad in some
men’s hands, albeit they ought to have been returned hither with
the Books as were purchased, or such only as were sent hither and
are in the custody of Mr. Williamson or others. And to inform
themselves in what condition the said Library at present is.
Whether since the coming of the said Books hither any of them have
been lent out or otherwise disposed of--to whom, when, and by whose
order, with what else may concern the Business.”[113]
With respect to the part which the King had in sending the books
to the College, Dr. Ingram seems to suspect that Dr. Parr’s
“effusively loyal spirit led him erroneously to attribute this act
of restitution to Charles II. His Majesty’s consent,” he adds,
“would perhaps be formally necessary, but it seems to have been
really the Irish House of Commons that moved in the matter. In
the Journals of the House under that date, 31 Maii, 1661, appears
an order ‘that the Vice-Chancellor and Provost of the College of
Dublin, and Mr. Richard Lingard, with such others as they will take
to their assistance, be decreed and are hereby empowered, with
all convenient speed, to cause the Library formerly belonging to
the late Lord Primate of Armagh, and purchased by the army, to be
brought from the Castle of Dublin, where they now are, into the
said College, there to be preserved for public use; and the said
persons are likewise to take a catalogue of all the said Library,
both manuscripts and printed books, and to deliver the same into
this House, to be inserted in the Journals of the House.’”[114] I
may add that in the catalogue of MSS. drawn up by George Browne
(afterwards Provost) in 1688 (and printed by Dr. Bernard in his
_Catalogus Manuscriptorum Angliæ et Hiberniæ_), these MSS. are
stated to have been given by the “Conventus generalis habitus
Dublinii an. 1666.” It seems probable, too, that Dr. Parr has
somewhat exaggerated the losses from the Library when he says that
most of the MSS. were lost. As far as we can judge in the absence
of a catalogue earlier than the Restoration, the best MSS. would
seem to be still in the collection. It still contains, happily, the
most beautiful book in the world, to be presently described more
particularly.
In 1671 the Countess of Bath, whose husband, Henry Bourchier, had
been a Fellow, presented a collection of books purchased for the
express purpose, some of them handsomely bound, and with her arms
on the sides. Dr. Ingram has quoted from the _Life and Errors_ of
John Dunton an interesting notice of the Library in 1704. From
this we learn that there was nothing to distinguish the building
externally; “it is,” says he, “over the scholars’ lodgings, the
length of one of the quadrangles, and contains a great many choice
books of great value, particularly one, the largest I ever saw
for breadth; it was an Herbal, containing the lively portraitures
of all sorts of Trees, Plants, Herbs, and Flowers.” The Library
at that time served as a Museum as well, for he says that he was
shown in the same place “the skin of a notorious Tory which had
been tanned and stuffed with straw.” This interesting relic does
not now exist, which is not surprising, considering the state of
dilapidation in which it was at the time of Dunton’s visit.[115]
Not very long after Dunton’s visit the foundation stone of the
present Library was laid (1712), the House of Commons having
granted considerable sums for the purpose. It was completed in
1732. The print on next page, dated 1753, gives an illustration
of this building as it then appeared. In the interim we obtain an
unsatisfactory glimpse of the state of things in a letter from
Berkeley, then a Fellow, which mentions that the Library “is at
present so old and ruinous and the books so out of order that there
is little attendance given.”
The new building speedily received large accessions of books. In
1726 Dr. William Palliser, Archbishop of Cashel, bequeathed to the
College all such books and editions in his library as the College
did not already possess. This gift amounted to about four thousand
volumes. He made it a condition that these books should always be
kept next to those of Archbishop Ussher.
A still greater benefactor to the Library was Dr. Claudius Gilbert,
who had been Vice-Provost and Professor of Divinity. In forming
his library he had in view the purpose of presenting it to the
College, and applied great knowledge and judgment to the selection
of books. His collection, the fruit of many years of such care,
contained nearly thirteen thousand volumes, many of them early and
rare texts. His bust was placed near the books in 1758.
[Illustration: OLD PRINT OF LIBRARY, 1753.]
Nearly at the same time as Gilbert’s gift, the MS. collection was
largely augmented by the bequest of Dr. John Stearne, Bishop of
Clogher and Vice-Chancellor of the University. This collection
included that of Dr. John Madden (President of the College of
Physicians), a catalogue of which was printed in Dr. Bernard’s
_Catalogus Manuscriptorum Angliæ et Hiberniæ_. Amongst the MSS.
thus acquired was the collection in thirty-two folio volumes of the
Depositions of the Sufferers by the Rising in 1641. These records
had been in the custody of Matthew Barry, Clerk of the Council,
and at his death were purchased by Dr. John Madden, at the sale
of whose books they were purchased by Dr. Stearne. From the same
collection we obtained a considerable number of letters and other
documents relating to military and judicial proceedings in Ireland,
especially from 1647 to 1679.
In 1786 there was added to the Library an extremely valuable
collection of Irish (Celtic) books formerly belonging to the
celebrated Edward Lhuyd,[116] at whose death they were purchased
by Sir John Sebright. At the suggestion of Edmund Burke, Sir John
presented the books to Trinity College in 1786. They include
_Brehon Law Commentaries_, the _Book of Leinster_, and other
important volumes.
A large and valuable acquisition was made in 1802, when the Library
of M. Greffier Fagel, Pensionary of Holland, consisting of more
than 20,000 volumes, was purchased by the Board of Erasmus Smith
and presented to the College. The books had been removed to England
for sale in 1794, when the French invaded Holland, and had been
advertised by Mr. Christie for sale by auction March 1, 1802, and
twenty-nine following days.
In 1805 a very choice collection of books, including many
_Editiones Principes_, as well as books remarkable for the beauty
of their printing or their binding, was bequeathed by Henry George
Quin. In this collection are found some splendid specimens of
printing and binding which will be mentioned by-and-by. In more
recent times, also, we have received some valuable and interesting
donations. In 1854, the _Book of Armagh_, a MS. of singular
interest (to be referred to more particularly hereafter), was
purchased for £300 by the Rev. W. Reeves, afterwards Bishop of Down
and Connor. As he could not afford to retain the book himself, and
only desired that it should be in safe custody in our Library, he
parted with it for the same sum to the Archbishop of Armagh, Lord
John George Beresford, who presented it to Trinity College.
In the same year Dr. Charles Wm. Wall, Vice-Provost, purchased,
through Rev. Dr. Gibbings, several volumes of the original Records
of the Inquisition at Rome, which had been removed to Paris
by Napoleon I. Extracts from these have been published by Dr.
Gibbings.
[Illustration: INTERIOR OF LIBRARY, 1858.]
Amongst more recent benefactors to the Library the Rev. Aiken
Irvine and Dr. Neilson Hancock deserve to be noticed, the former of
whom bequeathed about 1,000 volumes, and the latter about 250, in
1881 and 1885 respectively. Space forbids the enumeration of less
important donations.
The College authorities, meanwhile, were liberal in granting money
for the purchase of books. Between November, 1805, and March, 1806,
we find them giving fifty guineas for the _Complutensian Polyglot_,
sixty-two for Prynne’s _Records_, and twenty-two and a-half for
the first folio Shakespeare. Again, in the first six months of
1813 we find £126 spent on purchases at auctions, including some
fifteenth-century books, and an Icelandic Bible which cost £14
15s. 9d. In addition to these purchases, the booksellers’ bills
paid amounted to £230. Coming to a later period, we find for the
ten years commencing with 1846 the average annual expenditure on
purchases and binding was £668. After 1856, however, it was found
necessary to contract the expenditure. The fixed sum now set apart
annually for these purposes is £400. Extra grants are, however,
made occasionally for special purchases. As the expense of the
personal staff has considerably increased, the whole expenditure
on the Library is larger than in 1856, and now amounts to about
£2,000. The expense of administration may appear out of proportion
to the amount available for the purchase of books. This is
accounted for by the fact that English publications are received
without cost.
The chief source of the growth of the Library in the present
century has been the privilege granted by Act of Parliament in
1801--viz., the right to a copy of every book (including every
“sheet of letterpress”) published in the United Kingdom. This
privilege this Library shares with the British Museum, the
Bodleian, that of Cambridge University, and the Advocates’ Library,
Edinburgh.[117] To the British Museum publishers are obliged to
send their publications unasked; the other Libraries forfeit their
right to any book not claimed by them within twelve months of
publication. Accordingly, they jointly employ an agent in London
for the purpose of claiming and forwarding books. The principal
firms, however, send their publications as a matter of course,
without waiting to be asked.
This obligation cannot be thought to be a grievance to authors
and publishers, when we reflect to what an extent authors, and
therefore publishers, are dependent on the resources of these
Libraries. What work of research could be produced without the aid
they give? We benefit by the generosity of our forefathers; we are
only asked to hand on the torch and help to do for posterity what
antiquity has done for us. A money grant, however satisfactory to
the Libraries, would not accomplish the same public end, namely,
the preservation of the literature of the time, independently
of the particular tastes or predilections of the successive
librarians. Even in the case of very expensive works, of which only
a small number of copies is issued, publishers take the obligation
into account, and the result is a relatively slight increase of
price not felt by the purchasers of such works.
The number of printed books in the Library in 1792 was about
46,000. In 1844 it had risen to 96,000, a large part of the
increase being due to the acquisition of the Fagel Library. When
the books were last counted (August, 1891), the printed books
numbered 222,648, the MSS. 1,938, giving a total of 224,586.
It should be remembered that we count volumes, not separate
publications, hence a volume containing say thirty pamphlets counts
only as one book. Many of the older volumes contain two or more
books of considerable size bound in one.
* * * * *
This may suffice for the history of the Library: I now proceed to
speak of its contents. If precedence is given to antiquity, the
first objects to claim our attention are the Egyptian papyri. These
were presented by Lord Kingsborough about 1838, and a catalogue
of them was published by Dr. Edward Hincks. One of these is very
finely embellished with pictures representing the history of a
departed soul; several resemble the corresponding pictures in the
papyrus of Ani, of which a fac-simile was recently published by the
British Museum. Some of the pictures wanting in this (our) papyrus
are supplied in others of the collection, such as the weighing
of the soul, the ploughing, sowing, and reaping in the fields of
Elysium.
It is, chronologically, a great step from these Egyptian MSS. to
the oldest of our Greek and Latin MSS. Of Greek Biblical MSS. we
have indeed few, but two of these are of considerable importance.
One is the celebrated palimpsest codex of St. Matthew’s Gospel,
known amongst Biblical critics as Z. The original text of this,
in a beautiful large uncial character, was written not later than
the sixth century. But at a later date (about the 13th century)
this ancient writing was partially erased, and extracts from
some of the Greek Fathers written over it. The old writing was
detected by Dr. John Barrett, formerly Librarian, who published
the text in what was called “engraved fac-simile,” which gives
a very correct idea of the original writing, although the form
of each individual letter may not always be exactly represented.
Dr. Barrett added a learned dissertation on both the more ancient
and the later contents of the MS. Dr. Tregelles, with the help of
chemical applications, was enabled to read some letters which had
escaped Dr. Barrett, and he published an account of his discoveries
in a quarto tract. He also entered his new readings in a copy of
Barrett’s work. Strange to say, these two records of Tregelles
differed considerably, and accordingly, when the present writer
undertook to re-edit Barrett’s text with Tregelles’ additions, he
found it necessary to examine the MS. throughout. In so doing,
he was able to read several hundred letters and marks (such as
marks of quotation, numbers of sections and canons, etc.) which
had escaped both Barrett and Tregelles, besides correcting a few
errors. The additions and corrections were made on Barrett’s
plates, and the new edition was published in 1880.[118]
There is also a palimpsest fragment of Isaiah, apparently of
somewhat earlier date, of which a lithographed fac-simile was
included in the volume just mentioned. This fac-simile enabled Dr.
Ceriani, of Milan, to identify the recension to which a certain
group of MSS. of the Septuagint belongs.[119]
Of the Gospels, there is a copy (63) in a cursive hand of the
tenth century with scholia. Under a portrait of St. Matthew is
traceable a palimpsest fragment of a Greek Evangelistarium. There
was anciently another copy of the Gospels (64), which, however,
was reported missing in 1742. Most probably it had been lent to
Bulkeley (a Fellow), who in fact collated it for Mill. It is now in
the library of the Marquis of Bute.
Another important though not very ancient MS. of the New Testament
is the celebrated _Codex Montfortianus_, historically notable as
being pretty certainly the actual MS. on whose authority the verse
I John v. 7 was admitted into Erasmus’ third edition, and thence
into the received text. It is not older than the fifteenth century.
A collation of the text of the Epistles is given by Barrett in
his volume, _Codex Rescriptus S. Matthæi_. Dr. Orlando Dobbin in
1854 devoted a volume to the MS., giving a complete collation of
the Gospels and Acts. According to his researches, the text of the
Epistles is copied from a MS. in Lincoln College, Oxford, the verse
I John v. 7 being interpolated by the copyist.
This manuscript has the distinction that we know the names of
nearly every person through whose hands it passed. On folio 56 is
the note, “_Sum Thomae Clementis, olim fratris Froyhe_,” and on a
leaf at the end is “Mayster Wyllams, of _Corpus Christi_....” After
Clement it came into the possession of William Chark, from him to
Dr. Thomas Montfort, and then to Ussher. Professor Rendel Harris,
in his book on “The Origin of the Leicester Codex,” has discussed
the history of the Montfort Codex. He makes the suggestion that
Froyhe is an error for Roye, the accidental repetition of a letter
changing “_fratris_ Roye” into “_fratris_ Froye” or “Froyhe.” There
is proof that the MS. was in Franciscan hands (the names Ἰησους,
Μαρία, ϕρἀγκωκος, are scribbled in it more than once). Barrett,
for example, shows that Williams was a Franciscan, and _frater_
Froyhe, or Roye, was probably of the same order. Now there was a
very remarkable member of the Franciscan order, named William Roye,
educated at Cambridge, who, however, in 1524, forsook the order,
and joined Tyndale at Hamburg. It is not impossible that the codex
in question was actually written by him. These, with a fragment
(14th century) of the Epistle to the Romans, and a small Psalter
dated 1533, exhaust our Greek Biblical manuscripts.
Of Latin Biblical manuscripts we have a considerable number,
including several remarkable either for their text or their
artistic execution. The most important for its text is that classed
A. 4, 15, and called _Codex Usserianus_; a manuscript of the
Gospels written probably in the sixth century, and exhibiting an
old Latin text of the Hiberno-British Recension. It is defective at
the beginning and the end; every leaf also is mutilated, so that no
line remains complete. With the exception of a rude cross at the
end of St. Luke’s Gospel, there is no attempt at ornament. Here and
there are interlinear glosses scratched as with a needle point--as,
for example, in reference to the paralytic who was “borne of four,”
the four are interpreted as the four evangelists. It is remarkable
that the _pericopa de adultera_ is given in a text agreeing with
the Vulgate. From this we may conclude--first, that the passage was
not in the archetype; secondly, that the scribe had a copy of the
Vulgate at hand; and thirdly, that it was from choice, not from
necessity, that he copied the old Latin. The full text of this
manuscript was published in _Evangelia Ante-hieronymiana_. Its
history is unknown.
Another MS., called _The Garland of Howth_, exhibits in St.
Matthew’s Gospel a similar text, but elsewhere the Vulgate, or, in
some parts, a mixed text. It is probably not earlier than the ninth
century, or perhaps the tenth. Pictures of two of the evangelists
remain--the others are lost. The MS. is coarsely written, and
on very coarse parchment. The omissions in it, chiefly from
homœoteleuton, are frequent and instructive. Some of the scribe’s
blunders are curious. Thus, Matthew xxii. 42, “quid vobis videtur
de operibus fidelis,” for “de χρο cuius filius;” Mark ii. 3, “qui
iiii rotis portabatur;” xi. 12, “a bethania cum x essurivit ii;”
xiv. 50, “discipuli omnes relinquentes eum cruci[fi]xerunt.” In
Matthew xxvii. 5, an Irish gloss has got into the text--“proiectis
arcadgabuth c.,” for “argenteis.” In Luke xxiii. 12 another gloss
appears in the text--“opus malum malos in unum coniungunt.”
Remarkable both for text and ornament is the _Book of Durrow_ (so
called from Durrow, in King’s County, where St. Columba founded a
monastery), a MS. of the Gospels (with the prologues, &c.), written
perhaps in the seventh century. The text is a tolerably pure
Vulgate. The colophon contains a prayer that whoever shall hold
the book in his hand may remember the writer, Columba, who wrote
this Gospel in the space of twelve days. There were many Columbas
besides the Saint, and it is pretty certain that the present book
was not written by Saint Columba. It is morally certain also that
it was not written in twelve days. But there is good reason to
believe that the scribe has merely copied the colophon from the
book he was transcribing,[120] and if so, the archetype may have
been written by Saint Columba, who has the reputation of being a
scribe.
Except at the beginning of each Gospel, the only attempt at
ornament is a series of red dots round the initial letters; but
the letters of the first words of each Gospel are elaborately
embellished in the characteristic Celtic style. Prefixed also to
each Gospel is a page covered with interlaced ornament of great
beauty, as well as another page with the symbol of the Evangelist.
These pages have been represented in fac-simile (admirably as
regards the tracing, but not with accurate reproduction of the
colours) in Prof. Westwood’s _Fac-similes of Irish and Anglo-Saxon
Manuscripts_. The volume was formerly enclosed in a silver cover,
which has long since disappeared; but a note in the book (written
in 1677) gives the inscription, which stated that the cover was
made by Flann, son of Mailsechnal, King of Ireland (who died in the
year 916).[121]
This MS. was presented to the Library by Henry Jones, Bishop of
Meath, Vice-Chancellor (1646 to 1660), the same whose gift of
stairs, etc., to the Library in 1651 is commemorated on a brass
plate just inside the door.
Conall MacGeoghegan relates of Saint Columba, “hee wrote 300 bookes
with his one [own] hand, they were all new testaments, left a book
to each of his churches in the kingdome w^{ch} Bookes sunck to
the bottom of the Deepest waters, they would not lose one letter
signe or character of them, w^{ch} I have seen partly my selfe of
that book of them w^{ch} is at Dorow, in the K^s County, for I
did see the Ignorant man that hath the same in his custody, when
sickness came upon cattle, for their Remedi putt water on the
booke and suffered it to rest there a while and saw alsoe cattle
returne thereby to their former or pristinate and the book to
receave noe loss.”[122] In earlier times, indeed, even in England,
the scrapings of these Celtic manuscripts were believed to have
medicinal virtues.
The _Book of Durrow_ is far surpassed in beauty by the _Book of
Kells_, so called from Kells in Co. Meath, in which monastery it
had been preserved and doubtless written. This is also a MS. of
the Gospels containing a mixed text, _i.e._, the Vulgate modified
by additions, etc., from the old Latin. No words can convey an
adequate idea of the beauty of this MS. This does not consist,
as in some Oriental MSS., in a profusion of gilding--there is no
gold whatever--nor in the addition of paintings independent of
the text, but in the lavish variety of artistic adornment applied
to the letters of the text, which justifies Professor Westwood in
calling it “the most beautiful book in the world.” The ornament
consists largely of ever-varying interlacing of serpents and of
simple bands, with countless spirals alternately expanding and
contracting in the peculiar “trumpet-shaped pattern.” The initial
of every sentence throughout the Gospels is an artistic product,
some of them exquisite, and no two precisely the same. In addition
to this decoration, which adorns every page, there are many pages
(about thirty) entirely full of ornament, showing the utmost skill
and accuracy in almost microscopic detail. In fact, the detail is
so minute that it often requires a lens to trace it; yet these
minute lines are as firm as if drawn by a machine, and as free as
if they were the growth of nature. The exquisite harmony of the
colouring is as admirable as the elegance of the tracery. Little
wonder that it was said to have been written at the dictation
of an angel. “If you look closely,” says Giraldus Cambrensis,
“and penetrate to the secrets of the art, you will discover such
delicate and subtile lines, so closely wrought, so twisted and
interwoven, and adorned with colours still so fresh, that you will
acknowledge that all this is the work rather of angelic than of
human skill. The more frequently and carefully I examine it, I am
always amazed with new beauties, and always discover things more
and more admirable.”[123] Some pages originally left blank contain
charters in the Irish language, conveying grants of lands to the
Abbey of Kells, the Bishop of Meath, the Monastery of Ardbraccan,
by Melaghlyn, King of Meath, and other monarchs in the eleventh and
twelfth centuries.
[Illustration: A PAGE FROM THE BOOK OF KELLS.]
There are fine examples of the same school of Art in English
Libraries, especially the _Book of Lindisfarne_, in the British
Museum; the _Book of St. Chad_, in Lichfield, the writing in
which is extremely like that in the _Book of Kells_; the _Gospels
of MacRegol_, in the Bodleian; and the _Gospels of MacDurnan_,
in Lambeth. Of these Irish and Hiberno-Saxon works Dr. Wangen
says:--“The ornamental pages, borders, and initial letters exhibit
such a rich variety of beautiful and peculiar designs, so admirable
a taste in the arrangement of the colours, and such an uncommon
perfection of finish, that one feels absolutely struck with
amazement.” None of these, however, equals the _Book of Kells_ in
the number, the fulness, or the perfection of detail of the great
pictorial pages, while the prodigality with which ornament is
bestowed on every page and every paragraph is a feature peculiar to
it.
There is nothing in the _Book of Kells_ itself to indicate its
date, the last leaf--which may have contained the name of the
scribe--being lost. The _Book of Lindisfarne_ contains a note (of
the tenth century) naming the scribe and the illuminator, the
former being Eadfrith, Bishop of Lindisfarne (died 721), and the
latter his successor in the See, Aethelwald (died 737 or 740).
MacRiagoil, scribe, and Abbot of Birr (King’s County), died in 820.
The _Gospels of MacDurnan_ appear from the character of the writing
to be coeval with the _Book of Armagh_, which is known to have been
written in 807. From a comparison of the _Book of Kells_ with these
MSS., it may be inferred that it belongs to the eighth century.
The volume was anciently enclosed in a golden cover, and the
_Annals of the Four Masters_ record, under the year 1006, that in
that year it was stolen from the Church of Kells, and was found
after twenty nights and two months with its gold stolen off and
a sod over it. It is in that passage called the great Gospel of
Columbkille--_i.e._, St. Columba. It owes that name, probably, to
its connection with Columba’s Monastery at Kells, where, no doubt,
it was written, and where it remained until the dissolution of the
monasteries. From Richard Plunket, the last Abbot, it passed to one
Gerald Plunket, and from him to Ussher.
A very interesting and important MS. is the _Book of Armagh_,
containing the entire New Testament (in Latin), being the only
complete copy which has come down to us from the ancient Irish
Church. In it the Gospels are followed immediately by St. Paul’s
Epistles, including the fictitious Epistle to the Laodiceans. It
contains also memoirs of St. Patrick, with his Confession, and a
Life of St. Martin of Tours, by Sulpicius Severus. The name of
the scribe was written in several places, but in every instance
has been more or less effectually erased. However, the Bishop
of Limerick (Dr. Charles Graves) succeeded in deciphering it
sufficiently to identify the name as Ferdomnach. But there were
several scribes of that name, and how to decide which was the one
in question? Dr. Graves found another note, only partly legible,
and that with extreme difficulty, which appeared to have contained
the name Ferdomnach, with the words, “dictante herede Patricii
----bach.” “Heres Patricii” was the title of the Archbishop of
Armagh. The only one who satisfied the conditions of time, and
whose name ended in “bach,” was Torbach, who only occupied the
See for one year. In this way the actual year in which the MS.
was written was determined--viz., A.D. 807.[124] Prof. Westwood
thinks the same scribe wrote the Gospels of MacDurnan, now at
Lambeth. There is a note of later date in the volume relating
to certain privileges of the Church of Armagh, and written “in
the presence of Brian, imperator Scotorum”--_i.e._, Brian Boru,
who visited Armagh in 1004 and 1006, and died 1014. The writer
of this note calls himself Calvus Perennis--a Latin rendering of
his name, Maolsuthain.[125] He was Brian’s private confessor. The
book was in high esteem, being regarded as the actual writing of
St. Patrick, and called the _Canon of Patrick_. Oaths taken upon
it were considered peculiarly obligatory, and the violation of
such an oath brought on him the vengeance of the Saint, as well
as extreme civil penalties. The book was entrusted to the care
of a hereditary keeper, whose family derived their name, “Maor”
or “Moyre,” from the office, to which, moreover, an endowment of
land was attached. The book remained in the possession of this
family until the end of the seventeenth century, when, having
been pawned by the keeper, it came by purchase into the hands of
Arthur Brownlow, from whose lineal representative it was bought,
as above related, by Rev. Dr. Reeves.[126] An interesting object
connected with the _Book of Armagh_ is its leather satchel, finely
embossed with figures of animals and interlaced work. It is formed
of a single piece of leather, 36 in. long and 12½ broad, folded
so as to make a flat-sided pouch, 12 in. high, 12¾ broad, and
2¼ deep. Part of it is doubled over to make a flap, in which
are eight brass-bound slits, corresponding to as many brass loops
projecting from the case, in which ran two rods, meeting in the
middle, where they were secured by a lock. In early times, in Irish
monastic libraries, books were kept in such satchels, which were
suspended by straps from hooks in the wall. Thus it is related in
an old legend that “on the night of Longaradh’s death all the book
satchels in Ireland fell down.”
[Illustration: SATCHEL OF THE BOOK OF ARMAGH.]
Few of these ancient satchels have come down to us. When Dr.
Reeves wrote, he knew of only one other, namely, that now in
Dublin, in the Franciscan Monastery, whither it has come from the
Monastery of St. Isidore in Rome. A third, however, much ruder,
is in Corpus Christi College, Oxford, enclosing an Irish Missal
(illustrated in Gilbert’s _Irish Historical MSS._); a fourth is
described and illustrated by Miss Stokes in _Archæologia_, vol.
xliii., No. xiv.; a fifth is at Milan, containing a Syro-hexaplar
codex, and a full-size illustration of it is given in Dr. Ceriani’s
reproduction of that codex. A similar satchel, containing an
Ethiopic book, is in St. John’s College, Oxford. In Abyssinia,
indeed, they are frequent; all the books in the Monastery of
Suriani are so enclosed.[127] A figure of monks with their
satchels, as represented on an ancient sculptured stone, is given
in the _Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland_, New
Series, vol. iii., 1881.
[Illustration: SHRINE OF BOOK OF DIMMA.]
The _Annals_ record that in the year 937 a cover was made for the
_Canon of Patrick_ by Donnchadh, son of Flann. This was doubtless
a metal case. The satchel was clearly not made for it.
We have seen that the ancient cases of the Books of Kells and
Durrow were lost long since. Two such shrines (“cumdachs”) are in
our Library--one enclosing the _Book of Dimma_, the other the
_Book of Mulling_ or _Moling_. These books are named from their
scribes, who, according to the _Annals_, lived in the seventh
century. Both these are copies of the Gospels; both, however,
contain also a _Missa Infirmorum_ of later date.[128] The case of
the _Book of Dimma_ is of silver, beautifully wrought with Celtic
tracery. It bears an inscription which runs as follows:--“Tatheus
O’Kearbuill beideev meipsum deauravit, dominus domnaldus O Cuanain
converbius ultimo meipsum restauravit, Tomas Ceard dachorig in
mindsa.” Thady O’Carroll Boy was Prince of Ely in the middle of the
twelfth century; Donald O’Cuanain was Bishop of Killaloe from 1230
to 1260.
The ends of the case are obviously more ancient, apparently
much more ancient, than the sides. It will be observed that the
inscription says nothing about the original maker of the case.
This book, long kept in the monastery at Roscrea, disappeared at
the dissolution of the monasteries, and is said to have been found
again in 1789 by boys hunting rabbits in Devil’s Bit Mountains in
Tipperary. The boys tore off part of the silver plate, and picked
out some of the lapis lazuli.[129] The MS. was purchased from Sir
W. Betham by the College for £200.
The case or shrine of the _Book of Mulling_ appears to have been
originally plain, except for some small pieces of crystal and lapis
lazuli inserted on one side. In 1402, however, a very large crystal
set in fine niello work was inserted in the same side. In 1891,
thinking I saw trace of a letter under this crystal, I raised it,
and thereby revealed a brass plate hitherto concealed by dust, and
bearing the inscription: “++Artturus | ver domin | us & lageniae
| rinsdabe | tilia & baroni | anno & dni | millio | quadrin |
gentesi | mo sedo |++.” This Arthur was Arthur or Art MacMurrough
Kavanagh, who opposed Richard II. This inscription, no doubt, has
reference to the insertion of the crystal and the niello work, not
to the original construction of the case. This MS. also contains
a _Missa Infirmorum_ (published by Bishop Forbes with that in the
_Book of Dimma_).
Another beautiful Latin MS. of Irish origin is the _Psalter of
Ricemarch_, so called because it was formerly in the possession
of that prelate (Bishop of St. David’s, d. 1099), who has written
in it some Latin verses. It is perhaps not much older than his
time. The book was the property of Bishop Bedell, whose autograph
it bears, and was lent by him to Archbishop Ussher, and to this
circumstance it owes its preservation, Bedell’s library having been
destroyed in the troubles of the time.
The last of these Latin Biblical MSS. which I shall mention is not
Irish, but is somewhat of a curiosity. It is a single leaf of the
_Codex Palatinus_, a fifth-century MS. of the old Latin version of
the Gospels written in silver letters on purple vellum. The rest
of the MS. (so far as it has been preserved) is in the Imperial
Library at Vienna, which acquired it at some unknown period between
1800 and 1829. Our leaf was purchased by Dr. Todd in 1843. It is
not improbable that the MS. was abstracted from some monastic
library during the Napoleonic wars, and that this leaf, becoming
separated from the rest, came into the hands of an Irish soldier.
This dispersion of a MS. is less unusual than might be supposed.
The _Book of Leinster_, to be presently mentioned, furnishes a
notable example.[130] I recently received from a correspondent two
leaves of a Syriac MS., which, by the help of Wright’s catalogue,
Dr. Gwynn identified as two of the missing leaves of a MS. in the
British Museum, the MS. having been imperfect when purchased for
that Library.
The _Book of Hymns_ (11th century) deserves mention both for the
beauty of its initial letters and for the interest of its contents.
Some of the hymns are Latin, some Gælic; the greater part of both
has been published by the Irish Archæological Society, with learned
notes by Dr. Todd, and with reproductions of the initial letters.
The remainder of the Gælic hymns has been published by Dr. Whitley
Stokes in his _Goidilica_.
I may appropriately mention here a remarkable Pontifical formerly
belonging to the Church of Canterbury, and, as Bishop Reeves
remarked to me, probably “contrectatus manibus S. Thomae de
Becket.” In this the sentence of ordination of priests is in the
old form, and in the margin is added, in a much later hand, the new
form as adopted by the Church of Rome before the Reformation, and
retained in our Ordinal.[131]
In Celtic literature we are tolerably rich. Part of our collection
came to us, as already mentioned, by gift from Sir John Sebright,
who had purchased the books at Edward Lhuyd’s sale. Amongst
these is the _Book of Leinster_, a large folio of about the
twelfth century, of very varied contents--historical, romantic,
genealogical, and hagiological. The entire text has been published
in lithographed fac-simile at the joint expense of Trinity College
and the Royal Irish Academy, with a preface by Professor R.
Atkinson. When this MS. was presented to our Library, eleven leaves
were missing. These were found, however, and identified by Dr.
Todd, in the Monastery of St. Isidore in Rome, whither they had
gone from the Irish College in Louvain. They are now deposited in
the Franciscan Monastery in Dublin.
The history of the _Book of Lecain_ or _Leacan_, another important
Irish MS., forms a curious counterpart to that of the _Book of
Leinster_. The former was included in Ussher’s collection, and
was in our Library in 1688 when the catalogue was compiled. It
is there recorded, however, that nine leaves were wanting. It is
stated by Nicolson (_Irish Historical Library_, p. 39), on the
authority of Dr. Raymond, that the book was lodged in Paris by Sir
John Fitzgerald in the time of James II. If so, this must have been
very soon after the catalogue was compiled. In 1787, through the
Abbé Kearney of Paris, it was sent to the Royal Irish Academy, then
recently founded, and in their Library it is now preserved. The
nine missing folios were found by O’Curry in one of the Sebright
volumes (H. 2, 17). Although the original _Book of Lecain_ has thus
passed from us, we possess a beautiful copy (on vellum) written
by Eugene O’Curry in the old Irish hand. It is worth noting that
the professional scribe still exists in Ireland, and writes a hand
undistinguishable from that of his predecessors many centuries ago.
In connection with the history of these two volumes, it is not
inappropriate to mention that of another important volume, the
_Book of Ballymote_. This was formerly in Trinity College Library,
but was lent in 1720 to Dr. Raymond, and for a time disappeared.
In 1769 it turned up at Drogheda, and being purchased by Chevalier
O’Gorman, was by him presented to the Royal Irish Academy in 1785.
We possess a paper copy of a portion of it, including one folio
which is now missing from the original volume.
Here is preserved the MS. already mentioned from which Jebb
published Roger Bacon’s _Opus Majus_, also the two MSS. from which
Howard published the _Chronicle of Florence of Worcester_; the
original MS., as prepared for press, of Spottiswoode’s _History
of the Church of Scotland_; the original draft of Berkeley’s
_Principles of Human Knowledge_; also the originals of Sir Thomas
Roe’s _Correspondence_ (Ambassador to the Ottoman Porte, 1621-8,
published London, 1740).
Of MSS. bearing on Irish history we have a fair collection.
First may be mentioned a volume of _Letters of Queen Elisabeth
on Public Affairs in Ireland, 1565 to 1570_, each letter having
her sign-manual. There is also a volume of _Correspondence of
Sir Arthur Chichester, Lord Deputy, with the English Government,
1612-1614_; the thirty-two volumes already mentioned of the
_Depositions relative to the Rising of 1641_; thirteen volumes of
the _Correspondence of Geo. Clarke, Secretary of War, 1690-1694_;
as many of _Archbishop King’s Correspondence, 1696-1729_; _Irish
Treasury Accounts, 1714-1719_; and twelve volumes of Major Sirr’s
papers, letters, etc., chiefly connected with the Rebellion in
1798. We have also Dr. R. R. Madden’s large collection of papers
relating to the United Irishmen.
There are several important volumes of Waldensian literature,
which have been catalogued and described by Todd in his _Books of
the Vaudois_. With Wyclif literature also we are well supplied,
and we have one of the two known copies of the first complete
_English Prose Psalter_, recently published by Dr. Karl Bülbring
for the Early English Text Society. We have two MSS. of Piers
Plowman, five of Rolle’s _Pricke of Conscience_, and several hymns
by Rolle (published by Todd in the _British Magazine_, vol. ix.).
Dr. Ingram, a few years ago, identified the earliest English
translation of the _De Imitatione_, disguised under the title the
book occasionally bore--_Musica Ecclesiastica_.
Nor must I omit to mention the _Life of St. Alban_ in
Norman-French, probably in the handwriting of Matthew Paris, the
text of which has been published, with glossary, etc., by Professor
Atkinson. The original MS. is adorned with pictures on nearly every
page.
Illustrative of French history we possess statistical accounts of
the French provinces and cities of about the year 1698, filling
thirty-two volumes; also a collection, in twenty-five volumes, of
_Memoirs_ (some called “Secret”) _of the Foreign and the Financial
Affairs of France in the Reign of Louis XV_. These formed part of
the Fagel Library. The same library contains a large collection of
maps, printed and MS., some of great rarity. Copies of two or three
of these have lately been made for the Colonial Office, as of value
with respect to a question of the boundary of British Guiana.
Our Oriental manuscripts include a magnificent _Koran_ from the
Library of Tippoo, presented by the East India Company; also a
very fine copy of the _Shâh Nâmeh_ from the same library, likewise
presented by the Company; some beautiful books from the Royal
Library at Shiraz, presented, with other Oriental MSS., by W.
Digges Latouche; and many fine Persian MSS., purchased from Sir
W. Ouseley. An interesting and important Syriac MS. has been
lately identified by Prof. Gwynn. It contains, besides a treatise
of Ephraim Syrus, those parts of the New Testament which are not
found in the _Peshitto_ or Syriac Vulgate; and Dr. Gwynn has
demonstrated that it is the actual MS. referred to by De Dieu and
Walton as belonging to Ussher, and usually described erroneously
as containing the whole New Testament. This is the MS. from
which De Dieu, and subsequently Walton, printed the _Pericopa de
Adultera_.[132]
To come to printed books. We have but one example of a block
book--the _Ars Moriendi_--and that imperfect. So far as it goes,
it agrees with the British Museum copy published by Mr. Rylands.
We have a copy of the first German Bible [1466]; a single leaf (on
vellum) of the famous Mazarin Bible; and a copy of the Latin Bible
printed at Cologne by Nic. Goetz de Schletzstadt [1474].
The Quin collection includes the first edition of Petrarch:
_Sonetti e Trionfi_ (1470); the first of the _Divina Commedia_
(1472), and the first of Boccaccio’s _Theseide_ (1475), very
rare; also a splendid copy, on vellum, of the second edition of
_Virgil_ (Venice: Vindelin de Spira, 1470); also, _Ystoria de re
Karlo Imperatore_ (1473), exceedingly rare; the only known vellum
_Elsevir_ (Heinsius: _De Contemptu Mortis_, 1621); _Dita Mundi_,
by Fazio degl’ Uberti; and the _Adventures of Tewerdanck_, on
vellum (Nuremberg, 1517), a magnificent specimen of printing. In
the Fagel Library is an extremely fine Latin Plutarch, also on
vellum (Jenson, 1478). We have only one Caxton: _Dictes and Sayings
of the Philosophers_ (1477); unless we reckon a single leaf (an
_Indulgence_), which Mr. Bradshaw considered to be from Caxton’s
press.
Amongst rare books may be enumerated--a Sarum _Horae_ (Paris:
Poitevin, about 1498, unique); a Sarum _Breviary_ (Paris: Levet.
1494, unique), which seems to have been in early times mistaken for
a manuscript, and is consequently kept and catalogued among the
MSS. We have a copy of Werner Rolevinck’s _Fasciculus Temporum_ in
Dutch, printed at Utrecht by Veldener, 1480--one of the earliest
books with woodcuts in the text (coloured).
A book of some interest exhibited in the glass case is Theseus
Ambrosius: _Introductio in Chaldaicam Linguam_ (1539). It is of
interest as being the first book in which Syriac types were used,
and next as containing a specimen of spirit-writing dating from
the sixteenth century. It seems that a question having arisen
about some property of a deceased lady which was supposed to be
concealed, it was resolved to evoke a demon to answer the question.
A sheet of paper and a pen were placed on the table, and the proper
incantation being gone through, the pen rose up, without anyone
seeing the hand that held it, and wrote the characters of which
Ambrosius gives a fac-simile, and which, unfortunately, no one has
been able to decipher. I am informed that in the copy of this book
in the Bodleian Library this particular leaf is pasted down, the
“devil’s autograph,” no doubt, being deemed uncanny.
But to enumerate our rare books, or even our fifteenth-century
books, would be tedious, if it were possible. I must not,
however, omit to refer to some fine specimens of binding, most
of which are in the Quin collection. We have six of Grolier’s
books[133]--namely, Erasmus: _Pacis Querella_; Palladius:
_Coryciana_; Greek Psalter (Aldus); _Il Nuovo Cortegiano_; _Cynthio
degli Fabritii_; _Della Origine delli Volgari Proverbi_; and
(perhaps the finest) Guilelmus Tyrius: _Belli Sacri Historia_
(folio). Of Maioli we have--Ori Apollinis _de Sacris Notis
et Sculpturis_, Catullus, Tibullus, and Propertius; one by
Monnier--_Spaccio de la Bestia Trionfante_; and last, but not
least, a copy of _Quintus Calaber_, which belonged to Henry II. of
France and Diane de Poitiers.
There are in the Library a few interesting objects other than books
which deserve notice. The satchel of the _Book of Armagh_, and the
shrines of the _Books of Dimma and Mulling_, have been already
noticed. A very remarkable object is a Mosque Staff, presented by
Dr. Jolliffe Tufnell, who professionally attended Omar Pasha’s army
in 1854. Such a staff is used where there are no mosques, and being
set up on a temporary structure, as a heap of stones, it represents
a mosque. On each of the four sides is carved a sentence from the
Koran. “I am in the house of the Lord.” “Evil and good are sent by
God; be content with your lot.” “Every day we offer our prayers to
Thee.” “Forgive us all our sins.” “With heart and soul we believe
in Thee.”
An ancient Irish harp attracts the attention of visitors from
the repute attaching to it, of being the harp of Brian Boroimhe
(pron. Boru, d. 1014). It is elegantly carved, and in form much
resembles the harp of Queen Mary, an engraving of which is
exhibited beside it. It had thirty strings. The following is the
tradition respecting this harp, as quoted in the _Ulster Journal
of Archæology_, vol. vii., p. 99, from a MS. by Ralph Ouseley,
1783.[134] “It had been taken to Rome, and remained there until
Innocent XI. sent it as a token of good will to Charles II.,
who deposited it in the Tower. Soon afterwards, the Earl of
Clanricarde, seeing it, assured the King that he knew an Irish
nobleman (meaning O’Brien, Earl of Thomond) who would probably
give a limb of his estate for this relic of his great ancestor;
on which his Majesty made him a present of it. Lord Clanricarde
brought the instrument to Ireland; but Lord Thomond, being abroad,
never became possessed of it. Some years after, a Lady Henley
purchased it by barter, in exchange for twenty rams and as many
ewes of English breed, in order to give it to her son-in-law,
Henry M‘Mahon, Esq., of Clunagh, County Clare; from whom it passed
through other hands to an accomplished gentleman, the Right Hon.
William Conyngham,” who presented it to Trinity College. Conyngham
seems to have been given the harp by Chevalier O’Gorman, who gave
a history of it (published in Vallancey’s _Collectanea_, vol.
iv. 7) differing from that just quoted. According to O’Gorman’s
story, Brian’s son Donogh, on being deposed, took the harp (with
the crown and regalia) to Rome, and gave them to the Pope.[135]
He adds the fiction that it was on the ground of possessing these
regalia that Pope Adrian claimed the right to dispose of the
lordship of Ireland. The story goes on to say that a later Pope
gave the harp to Henry VIII., who presented it to the first Earl
of Clanricarde.[136] The celebrated antiquary, Dr. George Petrie,
considered that our harp dated from about A.D. 1400, and was a
portable instrument used for ecclesiastical purposes. One strong
objection to the earlier date he based on the fact that it bore a
silver badge with the arms of O’Neill, armorial bearings not having
been in use much earlier than the date he assigned. This badge
disappeared for some time, and fortunately came into the possession
of a distinguished antiquary, Mr. Robert Day, of Cork, affixed to
a piece of armour found in some recent excavations in the Phœnix
Park. As soon as Mr. Day learned the history of the badge, he
promptly presented it to the Library. In its absence it was easy to
observe that the carving was continuous, so that the badge must
have been a later addition. Petrie’s first argument, therefore,
fell to the ground. It is true, however, that the figures of two
wolf-dogs are carved on the harp itself. His second objection was
founded on the occurrence of the letters IHC, which may be traced
in a peculiar angular form near the top of the front arm. But this
also, in the opinion of good judges, is later than the rest of the
carving. The harp, therefore, may possibly be older than Petrie’s
date. The sound-board is of oak (as ascertained by microscopical
examination), but very much decayed.
The same case which contains the harp contains also a few gold and
silver ornaments of elegant workmanship, and a large spear brooch,
which, however, has none of the characteristic Irish work, and is
in fact very similar to a Scandinavian brooch figured in M. Du
Chaillu’s _Viking Age_, vol. ii., p. 329, but has more ornament.
It is 13¾ in. long, 5½ wide across the circle, and weighs 18
oz. It is figured in Vallancey’s _Collectanea_, vol. i., where it
is stated that it had recently (1786) been found near Cashel.
In the Librarian’s room is the largest of the gold ornaments yet
found in Ireland. It is in form like the small fibulae, but weighs
33 oz. 4 dwt. It is adorned with groups of concentric circles
and a series of acute angles, with no trace of the spirals so
characteristic of Celtic art in Christian times. From this it is
inferred that it is of older date. This ornament was found at
Clones in 1820, and purchased by the College. The Charter horn of
the Kavanaghs, after being in the Library for a century, was a few
years ago surrendered to the family. A cast of it is exhibited.
A small bas-relief which hangs on one of the pillars calls for
some notice. It represents Demosthenes at the altar of Calaureia,
where he took the fatal poison. The whole posture, but especially
the head, expresses the utmost dejection. The position of the
right hand also should be observed; instead of clasping the knee,
it hangs idly on one side. There is an engraving of this work in
Winckelmann’s _History of Art_, but the engraver, by raising the
chin, has quite lost the aspect of dejection, and rather gives
the impression that the orator is meditating a speech. It is also
engraved in Allen’s _Demosthenes_ and in Stock’s _Demosthenes_.
This relief belonged to Dr. Richard Mead, and is said to have been
found in the ruins of Hadrian’s Villa. After Mead’s sale in 1755,
where it was purchased by a London dealer, it disappeared from
view until about 1885, when I had the good fortune to identify it
in the centre ornament of a mantelpiece in the room which formerly
contained the Museum (now the Front Hall), and which was built
in 1759. Certain errors in the arrangement of the drapery have
suggested doubts as to its genuineness.[137] On the other hand, in
its favour is the fact that the features resemble those of the bust
found in Herculaneum in 1753; but it was known in 1737, before the
discovery of that bust, and at a time when a wholly different type
of face was accepted as that of Demosthenes. Possibly even ancient
artists may have erred sometimes.
Another objection is the misspelling of the name--viz., ΔΗΜΩΣΘΕΝΗΣ.
But would not a modern sculptor, who would presumably be too
ignorant of Greek to substitute Ω for Ο, be less likely to commit
this error than a Roman sculptor of Hadrian’s time, who would
probably know a little Greek?
Just inside the entrance to the building are two Medallion Busts
which were brought from Smyrna in 1707. They are mentioned by
Gudius and Boeckh.[138] They were made the subject of a learned
dissertation by Dr. Kennedy Bailie (_Transactions, Royal Irish
Academy_, vol. xxii.). He concludes that the larger medallion
represents Plautilla, wife of Caracella, deified under the title
ΝΕΑ ἩΡΑ, but afterwards deposed and banished.
Our collection of Coins is not very large. Of Roman coins, silver
and copper, we have a fairly good collection--about 1,300 silver
and a couple of thousand copper. A selection of these is exhibited.
The collection ought to be better, but unfortunately, about a
hundred years ago (viz., in 1788), the room where the coins were
then kept (now the Fagel) was burglariously entered, and the most
valuable coins and medals stolen. Recently, the late Rev. Dr. R.
F. Littledale bequeathed a small collection of English coins and
medals.
An old Minute Book of the Library, chiefly in the handwriting
of Dr. Barrett, contains occasional items of interest. Here we
read of a ship with books for the Library cast away, the books,
however, being recovered, but damaged, some irrecoverably. Again,
we find some books which had been stolen restored through the Roman
Catholic priest to whom the thief had made confession. On another
occasion a parcel of stolen books is thrown into the Provost’s
courtyard. An amusing entry occurs, in which Dr. Barrett states
his intention to ask permission to lock up a certain _Narrative of
a Residence in Ireland_, by Mrs. Anne. Plumptre (1815), stating
that it is too silly and too ill-mannered for a public library.
“Hospitably entertained by the good-natured, blundering Irish, and
introduced (perhaps for the first time in her life) into good
company, she takes care to let [the] world know it by publishing
all the little tea-table talk they had indulged in to amuse her,
and many of whom are probably now blushing at seeing it embodied
in a pompous quarto, illustrated with engravings. Travel in savage
countries, Mrs. Anne, and publish their conversations if you can,
but spare the feelings of those who are accustomed to the rules and
decencies of civilised life.”
An account of the Library would be incomplete if the Catalogue
were left unnoticed. The first printed Catalogue was issued about
1710 in one thin volume, folio. We have now a printed Catalogue
in nine folio volumes, which includes all the printed books in
the Library at the end of the year 1872. The first volume of
this Catalogue (A and B) was prepared under the direction of Dr.
Todd, and issued in 1864. The work was then suspended, and not
resumed until 1872, when a special editor, Mr. H. Dix. Hutton,
was appointed, the time of the Library staff being fully employed
otherwise. The Catalogue was completed Jan. 1, 1887, the expense of
printing and paper alone having been £4,500. Since that time Mr.
Hutton has been engaged in preparing a Supplementary Catalogue, to
contain the subsequent accessions. When this has been completed up
to the present time, it is intended to make it a Desk Catalogue,
in which all new accessions will be inserted on printed slips. The
Catalogue is primarily an author’s catalogue--that is to say, books
are arranged under the names of their authors, where known. But by
the liberal use of cross references and secondary entries, some of
the advantages of a subject catalogue are obtained. In the Desk
Catalogue now in preparation, the method adopted by the editor,
Mr. Hutton, is as follows:--One copy of the printed slip is taken,
and in the upper left-hand corner the proper subject heading is
type-written by him, and this slip is then inserted in alphabetical
order, according to this heading. This saves the expense of
printing a fresh title for the secondary entry.
Of our MSS. the earliest existing catalogue is that of 1688, which
was compiled with great care. This is also the only catalogue at
present accessible to readers at a distance, having been printed
in Bernard’s _Catalogus Manuscriptorum Angliæ et Hiberniæ_. In the
Library itself the catalogue most commonly used is one drawn up by
Dr. John Lyon about 1745, which, however, only extends to Classis
G. A more complete catalogue, extending to Classis M, was prepared
by Dr. Henry J. Monck Mason, about the year 1814, for the Irish
Commissioners of Public Records, with a view to publication. The
terms proposed by Dr. Monck Mason and his specimen of the work were
approved, and when the rough copy (in five volumes) was finished
he was required to hand it over to the Board. Then the question of
remuneration was raised, and it was discovered that no minute had
been entered of the original engagement; and as some of the members
of the Board had been changed, the engagement, in the absence
of a written vote, was not held to be sufficient to outweigh
considerations of public economy.
[Illustration: BOOK RECESSES IN LIBRARY.]
Dr. Monck Mason devoted much conscientious labour and intelligence
to the work. He was assisted in the department of Irish MSS. by
Edward O’Reilly; in that of Oriental MSS. by Edward Hincks, then
sub-librarian; and in the Icelandic MSS. by George Cash. It is much
to be lamented that the work was not published as designed. The
MSS. in the Irish language have been catalogued by Dr. O’Donovan
in one thick folio volume. There exists also a card catalogue,
consisting of about 20,000 cards, prepared under the direction of
Dr. Benjamin Dickson, assistant librarian. He employed, at his
own expense, a person acquainted with the Irish vernacular, but
otherwise not as well qualified as might be wished (the inevitable
result of want of means to pay a qualified scholar).
It is in contemplation to print a summary catalogue much briefer
than Dr. Monck Mason’s, but containing sufficient information about
each volume to indicate to students at a distance what they may
expect to look for in it. A catalogue of this kind need not occupy
more than one volume, and might be sold at such a price as would
make it generally accessible.
It may interest librarians to learn how the accommodation has
been from time to time enlarged. Up to the end of the eighteenth
century, the room in the east wing, now occupied by the Fagel
Library, was set apart as the MSS. Room. In the stalls in the Long
Room, where the short bookcases are at present, there were seats
like settles, the ends of which still remain. From the high cases
projected sloping desks, below which there were no books. The
engraving in Malton’s _Views of Dublin_ represents this state of
things. These seats and desks were removed in 1817. The Reading
Room was the upper room in the west wing, now the Clerks’ Room.
The whole of the ground floor, except in the wings, was an open
ambulatory, divided length-wise by a central wall, the south side
being used by the Fellows. The rooms on the ground floor in both
wings were Lecture Rooms--that at the west for Law, that at the
east end for Divinity. The Law Lecture Room also contained the
Lending Library. There were no bookcases in the gallery.
[Illustration: INNER STAIRCASE IN LIBRARY.]
In 1802 the Fagel Library was placed in the East Room, and the
MSS. were removed to the room above it. The next step was the
erection of the short bookcases in the stalls. In 1844 Dr. Todd
introduced the ingenious device of low bookcases in the windows of
the gallery, revolving on hinges, and with shelves on both sides.
In the central part of the building, where the walls are thicker,
there were two of these--one outside the other--so that, with the
fixed shelves at the back, there were five shelves in depth and
four in height. In the shallower windows these were but three in
depth. In 1860 it had become necessary to reconstruct the roof, and
then bookcases were placed on the gallery over those below, and
reaching to the roof. Most of the revolving cases had then to be
removed.
Meantime, in 1848, the room on the ground floor in the east wing
had been made a Reading Room, and heated by hot-water pipes. A
spiral staircase connected it with the room above. When it became
necessary to have a means of communication with the gallery at
this end, it was proposed either to continue this staircase, or to
construct a similar one at the other end of the room. The objection
to this scheme was a remarkable one: it would give too great vent
for the heated air, and so cause draughts; in other words, it would
help to ventilate the Reading Room--the very thing that was wanted!
When the new Lecture Rooms and Museum were built, the MSS. were
removed to their present place on the ground floor near the
entrance, and some twenty-five years after that, bookcases were
constructed in the upper east room. A few years ago these were in
their turn nearly filled, and it became necessary to enclose the
ground floor of the Library. This work was completed this year
(1892). The western third of this space constitutes the new Reading
Room.
[Illustration: INTERIOR OF LIBRARY, 1860.]
Only graduates (of Dublin, Oxford, or Cambridge) have the right of
admission to the Library; but the privilege has always been freely
granted to persons properly introduced, whether graduates of a
university or not, so that it is, in fact, a public library. In
1856 it was resolved by the Board and Visitors to grant admission
to students who have entered on their third year, that being the
usual period for commencing professional studies; but admission is
always granted at an earlier period to a student whose studies are
such as to make it desirable.
[Illustration: THE LIBRARY, 1891. (SEE PAGE 213.)]
[Illustration: LIBRARY STAIRCASE AND ENTRANCE TO READING ROOM.]
Previously to 1843, readers were allowed to take books from the
shelves themselves, but in that year this privilege was limited to
the Fellows and Professors, except in the Reading Room, where books
of reference and other books in frequent demand are accessible to
all readers. This change caused a considerable diminution in the
number of readers. A similar resolution had been passed in 1817,
but rescinded a few months after, it being thought to be contrary
to the Statutes, which forbade readers to replace a book anywhere
except in its place on the shelves. The Provost (Elrington)
protested against the rescission, alleging, _inter alia_, that free
access to the shelves led to the reading of indecent books, and he
had even known books of magic to be read.
The hours during which the Library was open were formerly eight
to ten, and eleven to one. We read once or twice of permission
being given to readers to remain locked in between ten and eleven.
The hour of closing was afterwards postponed to two o’clock. At
present, the Reading Room is open from ten to six; the Library
itself is closed at three in winter, and four in summer.
[Illustration: ROYAL ARMS NOW PLACED IN LIBRARY.]
FOOTNOTES:
[110] This is the amount stated in the _Book of Benefactors_ (MS.).
Dr. Bernard, in his _Life of Ussher_, makes the sum £1,800.
[111] Brereton’s _Travels_, published by the Chetham Society in
1844.
[112] When the House of Commons was debating whether they should
admit Ussher to the Assembly of Divines Selden said, “They had as
good inquire whether they had best admit Inigo Jones, the King’s
architect, to the company of mouse-trap makers.”--Elrington’s _Life
of Ussher_, p. 231.
[113] MS., of which a copy was given to the Library by Mr. Edward
Evans, 1887.
[114] The Library of Trinity College, Dublin. An address delivered
at the Seventh Annual Meeting of the Library Association, by John
K. Ingram, LL.D., F.T.C.D., President.
[115] A separate room was provided for the Museum in 1777.
[116] In the judgment of the learned Dr. Rudolph Siegfried,
formerly Professor of Sanskrit in this University, the name of
Edward Lhuyd as a comparative philologist deserved to stand “right
after” that of Bopp.
[117] The Bodleian was the first Library to acquire this privilege,
James I. having induced the Company of Stationers to give it a copy
of every work entered at their Hall. In the reign of Anne the Royal
Library acquired the privilege, and when George II., in 1757, gave
his library to the British Museum, he transferred this privilege
with it. The Act of 1801 granted it to eleven libraries, but most
of these have commuted it for an annual grant.
[118] Lithography would have had the appearance of greater
exactness, but to a great extent only the appearance, for some
of the pages are so obscure that the lithographic artist would
have been unable of himself to trace the letters, and would be as
dependent on a scholar for guidance as the engraver was. The errors
of even so practised a decipherer at Tregelles suffice to prove
this.
[119] _Rendiconti del R. Istitecto Lombardo_, ser. ii., vol. xix.,
fasc. 4.
[120] See Hermathena, No. xviii., 1892. The colophon is as
follows:--“Rogo beatitudinem | tuam [=sce] præsbiter | patrici
ut quicumque | hunc libellum manu te | nuerit meminerit colum |
bae scriptoris qui hoc scripsi | himet evangelium per xii dierum
spatium gtia [=dni] [=nri] s.s.” The only doubtful letters are
“hi” before “met.” If I read them rightly, the colophon must be a
copy, the syllable “mi” being omitted. Moreover, the book is copied
from one in which the leaves containing the summaries or “breves
causæ” were somewhat disordered, and the copyist had not sufficient
knowledge to correct the disorder. There are blunders, too, which
could hardly have been committed by Saint Columba.
[121] “Oroit agus bendacht cholumb chille do Flaund mace
mailsechnaill do Righereim la sa ndernada cumddach so.”
[122] MacGeoghegan: _Annals of Ireland_ (MS. T.C.D.), an. 590, p.
52.
[123] _Topographia Hiberniæ_, ii., c. 38.
[124] Graves: _Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy_, vol. iii.,
pp. 316, 356.
[125] The note is as follows (the contractions expanded):--“Sanctus
Patricius iens ad coelum | mandauit totum fructum | laboris sui
tam babtismi tam causarum et elemoisina | rum deferendum esse apos
| tolicae urbi quae scotice | nominatur arddmacha | sic reperi
in beblioticis | scotorum ego scripsi | id est caluus perennis
in con | spectu briani imperato | ris scotorum et quod scripsi |
finivit pro omnibus regibus maceriae” (_i.e._, of Cashel). The
scribe originally wrote “finit” for “finivit;” he then expunged the
“t” by a point under. This is the origin of O’Curry’s ridiculous
“figuivit.”
[126] On the _Book of Armagh_, see Sir W. Betham: _Irish
Antiquarian Researches_; Petrie: _Essay on the Round Towers_;
Bishop Graves, _ubi supra_; and Bishop Reeves, _Proc. R. I. Acad._,
ser. iii., vol. ii., p. 77.
[127] See a drawing in Curzon’s _Monasteries of the Levant_.
[128] Published by Bishop Forbes in his _Liber Ecclesiæ de
Arbuthnott_.
[129] This is the story as told to and by Monck Mason, from whom
Sir W. Betham bought the MS., and who had himself bought it from a
Mr. Harrison of Nenagh. Sir W. Betham not unreasonably questions
the truth of the story.
[130] A remarkable instance is the _Codex Purpureus_ N of the
Gospels, of which four leaves are in the British Museum, two in
Vienna, six in the Vatican, and thirty-three at Patmos.
[131] The MS. is B.3.6. On fol. cxxx. _a_ we read: “Expletis
benedictionibus faciat Episcopus Crucem in manus singulorum de
oleo et chrismate dicens orationem. Consecrare et sanctificare
digneris quaesumus Domine manus istas per istam unctionem et
nostram benedictionem ut quaecunque consecraverint consecrentur, et
quaecunque benedixerint benedicantur et sanctificentur per Christum
Dominum nostrum. Deinde patenam cum oblatis et calicem cum vino
det singulis dicens ad eos lenta voce. Accipite potestatem offerre
sacrificium Deo missamque celebrare tam pro vivis quam et pro
defunctis in nomine Domini. Sequitur ultima benedictio: Benedictio
Domini Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti descendat super vos ut
sitis benedicti in ordinem sacerdotalem, offerentes placabiles
hostias pro peccatis atque offensionibus populi omnipotenti Deo,
cui est honor et gloria in saecula saecularum. Amen. Et osculetur
singulos et omnes qui ordinati sunt, deferant oblationes ad manus
episcopi.” Opposite this in the margin, _secunda manu_, is a series
of different rubrics and prayers, of which the most notable is
“Post benedictionem imponat manum super capita ordinatorum dicendo:
Accipite Spiritum Sanctum, et quorum remiseritis peccata remissa
sunt, et quorum retinueritis retenta sunt.” Then follows, _secunda
manu_, the “Finalis Benedictio.”
[132] On a Syriac MS. belonging to the collection of Archbishop
Ussher, by the Very Rev. John Gwynn, D.D., _Transactions of the
Royal Irish Academy_, vol. xxvii.
[133] None of them mentioned by M. Le Roux de Lincy in his
_Recherches sur Grolier, sa vie, et sa bibliothèque_.
[134] Bibl. Egerton, Brit. Mus., MS. No. 75, p. 371.
[135] Conall MacGeoghegan, in his _Annals of Ireland_ (1627, MS.),
under 1063, makes the same statement as to the crown, but says that
Pope Adrian gave it to Henry II.
[136] On this and other Irish harps see O’Curry: _Manners and
Customs of the Ancient Irish_, vol. iii., p. 266. Petrie’s remarks
are in Bunting’s _Ancient Irish Music_.
[137] See _Classical Review_, May, 1888.
[138] Gudius: _Inscriptiones Antiquæ_, ed. Hessel; Boeckh:
_Corpus_, ii., p. 778, n. 3346. See a paper by Dr.
Todd--_Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy_, vol. ii., p. 49.
[Illustration: FRONT OF TRINITY COLLEGE,
from Brooking’s Map of Dublin,
1728.
]