collaborated with them in defense of Connecticut Federalism must have
seemed to Joel Barlow in after years the choicest bit of comedy in his
varied career. His subsequent adventures led him far from the strait
path of Yale orthodoxy. In those ripe later years life had pretty well
emptied him of all dogmatisms and taught him the virtue of catholic
sympathies. He had become acquainted with diverse philosophies and
had observed the ways of alien societies, and from such contacts the
horizons of his mind had broadened and his character mellowed. It was
a long road that he traveled from New Haven to his Washington salon.
Born a Connecticut Yankee, he accepted in his youth all the Connecticut
conventions, and graduated from Yale with as complete a stock of
respectable opinions as his classmate Noah Webster. An energetic
capable fellow, he wanted to get on in life. He wanted to be rich and
famous, and he tried many roads that promised to lead to that desirable
goal--law, politics, journalism, poetry, psalmody, speculation. Needing
a job he volunteered soon after graduation as chaplain in the army.
He had not prepared for the ministry and while preaching somewhat
indifferently to ragged soldiers he dreamed of poetic fame, and devoted
more time to his couplets than to pious meditation. His abilities
discovering no more profitable field for exercise than writing verse,
he was pretty much at a stand till chance sent him abroad as agent
for one of the speculative land-companies that were springing up like
mushrooms in post-war America. There he found his opportunity. In
France, where he established his headquarters, he entered a world of
thought vastly different from that of prim little Hartford. It was an
extraordinarily stimulating experience into which he threw himself with
zest. Seventeen years, from 1788 to 1805, he spent abroad on that first
visit, and those years changed the provincial Yankee into one of the
most cosmopolitan Americans of his generation. From a member of the
Hartford Wits, ardent in defense of the traditional Connecticut order,
he had become a citizen of the world, outspoken in defense of the
rights of man.
It was this later Barlow, completely new-outfitted by French romantic
tailors, that after years remember and that early friends could
not forgive. In adopting the Jacobin mode and setting himself to
the serious business of political thinking, he invited the caustic
criticism of his former associates; yet nothing in his life was more
creditable or marks him more definitely as an open-minded, intelligent
man. He was as receptive to new ideas as Timothy Dwight was impervious.
He plunged boldly into the maelstrom of speculation then boiling in
Europe. He moved in the society of the intellectuals, inquired into the
latest political and social theories, turned humanitarian, reëxamined
his Calvinistic theology in the light of current deism, and became one
of the free democratic thinkers swarming in every European capital.
He was equally at home in London and Paris, passing long periods of
time in both cities. An active member of the Constitutional Society of
London, he was intimate with Joseph Priestley, Horne Tooke, and Tom
Paine, sympathized with every liberal movement, and offered his pen to
the cause of a freer England. His _Advice to the Privileged Orders_ was
eulogized by Fox on the floor of Commons, and the Pitt ministry was
moved to suppress the work and proscribe the author. Thereupon Barlow
went into hiding. There seems to have been considerable provocation for
the government’s action. “It is safe to say,” remarks his biographer,
“that no political work of the day created so wide an interest or was
so extensively read.” With Paine and Barlow both loose in England there
was need of the government looking to its fences.
In 1793 he was made a citizen of France. His French career was not
unlike Paine’s, whom he resembled in many ways. He had much of the
latter’s genius for publicity and skill in propaganda, and his career
was a great stimulus to radicals at home. He was not too busy to
serve his country in a diplomatic way. He risked his life to aid
American prisoners in Africa and by his skill and address eventually
freed them--an achievement that few men could have gone through with
successfully. In the meantime he had not neglected his private affairs.
He made a fortune in the French funds, which he increased by able
merchandising. He had come to his goal by distant roads, and on his
return to America in 1805 he took up his abode at Washington, creating
a delightful countryseat on the outskirts of the raw little capital
where he maintained a salon for American liberals. He seems to have
felt no inclinations towards Connecticut; the old ties were broken
now for good, the French Jacobin could not fit into the rigid grooves
of Hartford Federalism. Six years later he was impressed a second time
into the diplomatic service, was sent to France on a difficult mission,
followed Napoleon, then on the Russian campaign, was caught in the
break-up of the grand army, suffered exposure, contracted pneumonia,
and died in a village near Cracow in Poland--a fate which many honest
Federalists regarded as amply merited by his vicious principles.
The later reputation of Barlow has been far less than his services
warranted or his solid merits deserved. His admirable prose writings
have been forgotten and the _Columbiad_ returns always to plague him.
The common detraction of all Jacobins and democrats fell heavily on so
conspicuous a head. “It is simply impossible,” says his biographer,
“for the historian of Federal proclivities and environment to do
justice to the great leaders of Republicanism in America.” Barlow
was forced to pay a heavy price for his intellectual independence.
Detraction was always lying in wait for him. John Adams, who had
suffered many a sharp thrust from him, wrote to Washington, “Tom Paine
is not a more worthless fellow.” Of the Yale dislike Barlow was well
aware, for he once confessed that he would have presented the school
with some needed chemical apparatus but he “supposed that, coming
from him, the college authorities would make a bonfire of them in the
college yard.”[390] Yet it is hard for a later generation to discover
wherein lay the viciousness of his life or principles. A warm-hearted
humanitarian, he was concerned always for the common well-being. The
two major passions of his life were freedom and education. During the
last years at Washington he was ardently promoting a plan for a great
national university at the seat of government, and had he lived ten
years longer his wide influence would probably have accomplished it.
His sins would seem to have been no other than an open break with the
Calvinism and Federalism of the Connecticut oligarchy--somewhat slender
grounds on which to pillory him as an infidel and a scalawag.
The social foundation of Barlow’s political philosophy is lucidly
presented in the _Advice to the Privileged Orders_, a work that
deserves a place beside Paine’s _Rights of Man_ as a great document
of the times. It does too much credit to American letters to be
suffered to lie buried with a dead partisanship. It is warm with the
humanitarian enthusiasm that had come down as a rich heritage from
the Physiocratic school of social thinkers. Two suggestive ideas lie
at the base of his speculations: the doctrine of the _res publica_,
and the doctrine of social responsibility for individual well-being.
The former, given wide currency by the _Rights of Man_, resulted from
the imposition of social conscience on abstract political theory, out
of which was derived a new conception of the duties and functions
of the political state--the conception that the state must be the
responsible agent of society as a whole rather than the tool of a
class, and that its true concern is the _public thing_, safeguarding
the social heritage as a common asset held in trust for succeeding
generations; the latter resulted from the inquiry into the relations of
the political state to the individual citizen--its responsibility as
the social agent, for the social waste of wrecked lives and thwarted
happiness, a waste that a rational social order would greatly lessen if
not eradicate. Barlow flatly denied that the primary function of the
state is the protection of property interests; its true end lies in
securing justice. But justice without equal opportunity is a mockery;
and equal opportunity is impossible unless the individual citizen
shall be equipped to live on equal terms with his fellows. Hence the
fine flower of political justice is discovered in education; in that
generous provision for the young and the weak that shall equip them
to become free members of the commonwealth. Like Paine’s _Agrarian
Justice_, the _Advice to the Privileged Orders_ is an extraordinarily
modern work, far more comprehensible today than when it was written.
That the “State has no right to punish a man, to whom it has given no
previous instruction,” and that “She ought not only to instruct him in
the artificial laws by which property is secured, but in the artificial
industry by which it is obtained,” are doctrines that seem far less
preposterous to us than they seemed to Timothy Dwight. The president of
Yale College was greatly troubled over Calvinistic sin; Joel Barlow was
greatly troubled over social injustice; in that difference is measured
the distance the latter had traveled in company with the French
Jacobins.
The root of his political thinking is the doctrine of equalitarianism.
“Only admit,” he says, “the original, unalterable truth, _that all men
are equal in their rights, and the foundation of everything is laid_.”
Accepting the romantic doctrine that human nature is excellent in its
plastic state, and capable of infinite development, he is untroubled
by the fact of human selfishness. He sees no bogey in democracy to
frighten timid souls, no specter of anarchy in the rule of the people.
They say mankind are wicked and rapacious, and “it must be that
offences will come.” This reason applies to individuals; but not to
nations deliberately speaking a national voice. I hope I shall not
be understood to mean, that the nature of man is totally changed by
living in a free republic. I allow that it is still _interested_
men and _passionate_ men, that direct the affairs of the world.
But in national assemblies, passion is lost in deliberation, and
interest balances interest; till the good of the whole community
combines the general will.
If government be founded on the vices of mankind, its business is
to restrain those vices in all, rather than to foster them in a
few.[391]
It was his sensitive social conscience that brought him to revolt
against all class government. He had seen the naked sordidness of such
governments in Europe, and he watched with concern the beginnings of
like government in America. The significance of the Hamiltonian program
could not escape so shrewd an observer as Barlow; he was too much a
realist to take political professions at face value. “I see,” he wrote,
“immense fortunes made by our funding legislators out of the public
funds which they funded for themselves.” Politics for profit was a
sorry spectacle to him, and he occupied his mind much with the problem
of erecting the machinery of an adequate democratic state that should
be faithful to its stewardship as agent of the whole.
It was this difficult problem with which he dealt in his _Letter
to the National Convention of France_. In this suggestive work two
ideas determined his thinking: the doctrine of the sovereignty of
the majority will, and the doctrine of government as a social agent.
In both he returned to the position of Roger Williams a hundred and
fifty years before. The sovereignty of the majority will he conceives
to be continuous and immediately effective; it cannot be held in
check by a rigid constitutionalism, for as Paine had pointed out,
such constitutionalism is no other than government from the grave.
He proposed therefore, that the fundamental law be amendable by
legislative enactment, one legislative body proposing and the next
determining, under full publicity. As a guarantee that such action
should express the popular will, that love of power on the part of the
agent should not defeat the purpose of society, he held that there must
be annual elections. Representatives should be periodically excluded
from candidacy, and other representatives fresh from the people sent
up, for “power always was and always must be a dangerous thing.” The
principle of recall he regarded as indispensable in a democratic
government, for it “will tend to maintain a proper relation between
the representatives and the people, and a due dependence of the former
upon the latter. Besides, when a man has lost the confidence of his
fellow citizens ... he is no longer their representative; and when he
ceases to be their’s, he cannot in any sense be the representative of
the nation.” The fundamental principle of state-craft Barlow states
thus: “Every individual ought to be rendered as independent of every
other individual as possible; and at the same time as dependent as
possible on the whole community.” The familiar romantic doctrine of
the diminished state is implicit in all his reasoning. Like Paine he
would do away utterly with the old mystery of government under which
ambitious men cloak their will to power; “for whatever there is in
the art of government, whether legislative or executive, above the
capacities of the ordinary class of what are called well-informed men,
is superfluous and destructive and ought to be laid aside.”
A thoroughgoing radical in economics and politics, Barlow was no
innovator in polite literature. He had pulled himself out of many a
Connecticut provincialism, but he stuck fast in the bog of provincial
poetry. It has long been the fashion to make merry over _The
Columbiad_, and there is only too patent a reason for it. To criticize
it is a work of supererogation. The appeal of “the grand style” seems
to have been too much for him. Some explanation doubtless is to be
found in the fact that he was working over an earlier poem done in the
days of an ebullient patriotism. It was a mistake to return to it,
for the heroic note in the vein of a political pamphleteer must play
havoc with it. What he now attempted, in the light of his long European
experience, was to embody in the narrative suitable political ideas,
transforming _The Vision of Columbus_ into an epic glorifying the great
republican experiment. His purpose is set forth in the preface.
[The] real object of the poem is to inculcate the love of national
liberty, and to discountenance the deleterious passion for violence
and war; to show that on the basis of republican principle all good
morals, as well as good government and hopes of permanent peace,
must be founded; and to convince the student in political science,
that the theoretical question of the future advancement of human
society, till states as well as individuals arrive at universal
civilization, is held in dispute and still unsettled only because
we have had too little experience of organized liberty in the
government of nations, to have well considered its effects.
The humanitarian note is strong. War, slavery, monarchy, injustice,
the tyranny resulting from political inequality, and a host of other
evils, social and political, are assailed in vigorous declamation. It
may not be good poetry but the sentiments are those of an enlightened
and generous man. The conclusion rises to a vision of a golden age of
international commerce and universal peace, when “earth, garden’d all,
a tenfold burden brings,” and the sundered nations shall draw together,
and--
... cloth’d majestic in the robes of state,
Moved by one voice, in general congress meet
The legates of all empires.
In that future time science will have learned “with her own glance to
ken the total God,” and philosophy will “expand the selfish to the
social flame.” Of the political ideas incorporated in the massive work
some suggestion may be got from the following lines:
Ah, would you not be slaves, with lords and kings,
Then be not Masters; there the danger springs.
The whole crude system that torments this earth,
Of rank, privation, privilege of birth,
False honor, fraud, corruption, civil jars,
The rage of conquest and the curse of wars,
Pandora’s total shower, all ills combined
That erst o’erwhelmed and still distress mankind,
Boxt up secure in your deliberate hand,
Wait your behest to fix or fly this land.
Equality of right is nature’s plan;
And following nature is the march of man.
Whene’er he deviates in the least degree,
When, free himself, he would be more than free,
The baseless column, rear’d to bear his trust,
Falls as he mounts and whelms him in the dust....
Too much of Europe, here transplanted o’er,
Nursed feudal feelings on your tented shore,
Brought sable sires from Afric, call’d it gain,
And urged your sires to forge the fatal chain....
Restore their souls to men, give earth repose,
And save your sons from slavery, wars and woes.
Based on its rock of right your empire lies,
On walls of wisdom let the fabric rise;
Preserve your principles, their force unfold,
Let nations prove them and let kings behold.
+Equality+, your first firm-grounded stand;
Then +FREE ELECTION+; then your +FEDERAL BAND+:
This holy Triad should forever shine
The great compendium of all rights divine,
Creed of all schools, whence youths by millions draw
Their themes of right, their decalogues of law;
Till men shall wonder (in these codes inured)
How wars were made, how tyrants were endured.[392]
Diverse politics incline to diverse literary judgments, and the
critics are not yet done with Joel Barlow. If he was not a great poet
or a great political thinker, he was at least capable, open-minded,
generous, with a sensitive social conscience--certainly the most
stimulating and original of the literary group that foregathered
in Hartford. Injustice has long been done him by overlooking his
picturesque career, and his services to America, and restricting his
introduction to posterity to a few lines from _Hasty Pudding_. To
make a mush of so honest a thinker, to ignore his very considerable
contributions to the cause of democracy, is to impose too heavy a
penalty for his defection from Connecticut respectability. He suffered
quite enough in his lifetime. In the thick of his revolutionary
struggles abroad his wife begged him “to go home and be respectable”;
but it was not in the ardent nature of Joel Barlow to listen to such
counsel of timidity. He was in too deep to go back, and so while
Timothy Dwight was gathering laurels from every bush in Connecticut,
this apostle of humanitarianism, this apostate from Calvinistic
Federalism, was content to remain a byword and a shaking of the head
in the villages of his native commonwealth. For all which, perhaps,
the Washington salon and the intimate association with Jefferson may
have served as recompense. Better society could not be found even in
Hartford.
3. Hugh Henry Brackenridge • Free-Lance Democrat
In taking leave of this disturbant time when new social theories were
bringing confusion to weak understandings, one cannot do better than
to dip into the wittiest and most readable sketch produced by that
vigorous generation, as well as one of the sanest. _Modern Chivalry_
was the single noteworthy contribution to American letters by Hugh
Henry Brackenridge, a western Pennsylvanian of Scotch birth, and a
graduate of Princeton in the class with Freneau and Madison. With the
former he had practised his couplets, collaborating in writing the
commencement poem, _The Rising Glory of America_. After leaving college
he tried his hand at the usual things open to young graduates, was
tutor in the college, taught in an academy, studied divinity, served
as chaplain in the Revolutionary army, and later read law. He removed
eventually to the frontier town of Pittsburgh, was active in Republican
politics, became an ardent pro-French sympathizer, and finally went
upon the supreme bench of Pennsylvania. He wrote for his own amusement
and tried his hand at various kinds of polite literature, producing
a masque, a poetic drama on Bunker Hill, prose essays, some sermons,
and turned at last to satire. For this he was admirably equipped;
he possessed a keen, well-balanced mind, a prose style delightfully
colloquial and a wit pleasantly caustic.
Brackenridge is a refreshing person to come upon after one is satiated
with the heroic. A free-lance critic, independent in thought and act,
he was no vociferous party or class advocate given to enlisting God on
his side. Federalist and Republican alike might lose their heads and
indulge in unseemly clamor, but Brackenridge with good Scotch judgment
refused to howl with the pack. A stout and unrepentant democrat, he was
no visionary to shut his eyes to unpleasant facts lest they disturb
his faith. As he considered the turbulent confusions of an America
in rough process of democratization, he saw the evils as clearly as
the hope, and it amused him to satirize those evils after the manner
of Don Quixote. _Modern Chivalry_ has proved somewhat of a puzzle to
later critics who have not cleared their minds of the old cobwebs of
Federalist criticism. Thus a literary historian has suggested that it
is “a half-hidden satire on democracy”[393] and he inclines to number
it among the literary ram’s horns that were blown against the walls of
the democratic Jericho. But such an interpretation certainly misses
the point. Brackenridge had become a thorough Westerner with a fresh
point of view. Among the stump fields of his Pennsylvania circuit he
was equally removed from the cynicism of Hamilton and the romanticism
of Barlow. He saw all about him a rough and tumble democracy, living a
vigorous and capable if not lovely life. As a democrat he accepted the
fact of political equality and approved of it; the thing was there and
needed no justification or defense. Some of its ways were foolish, many
of its purposes were shortsighted; it amused him therefore to sharpen
his pen against certain of its absurdities and essay the remedial
effects of unembittered laughter. He was a realist concerned with
realities.
_Modern Chivalry_ is our first backcountry book. It is redolent
of stump-lands and their rude leveling ways, and for years it was
immensely popular along the western frontier. It is a satire aimed
primarily at backwoods shortcomings, but with an eye that kept turning
towards the older settlements to scrutinize their equal shortcomings.
Its main theme is concerned with certain weaknesses of popular
sovereignty already unpleasantly evident as a result of the extension
of suffrage; and in particular with the unseemly office-hunting zeal
of coonskin candidates. The preposterous spectacle of a pushing fellow
with no qualifications setting himself up for high office was to become
more frequent with the later rise of Jacksonian democracy; but already
there was abundant justification for the satire of Brackenridge. The
records of the time are loud in criticism of the demagoguery that
resulted from the sudden shift of leadership in consequence of the
social upheaval following the Revolutionary War. The old leaders of the
aristocratic tradition had fled or had fallen into disfavor, and new
men, too often of small capacity and less breeding, had pushed into
the seats of authority. With the triumph of Jefferson this transfer
of power went forward briskly to the scandal of all aristocrats. The
lust of office spread like the plague, and demagogues caught the
popular ear, none too nice to distinguish between sense and fustian.
Irving brushed against the democratic weakness in his brief venture
into politics, and vented his spleen in _Rip Van Winkle_. It is this
which Brackenridge deals with primarily in _Modern Chivalry_, the
first part of which was published in 1792 and the second in 1805. The
general leveling of offices, he pointed out, was not democracy, but the
abuse and ruin of democracy. America was engaged in a great and noble
experiment; the success of that experiment depended upon an honest and
intelligent electorate; it must not be brought to failure by demagogues
through the incapacity of the voter.
Brackenridge had come in later years to be a pacifist. He had had his
fill of revolutions and armed revolts. As a principal arbitrator during
the tumult of the Whisky Insurrection, he had come to fear popular
lawlessness; and as a friend of the French Revolution he was concerned
at the methods of the Jacobin leaders. Commenting on the Whisky
Insurrection he said in later years:
I saw before me anarchy, a shock to the government, a revolution
impregnated with the Jacobin principles of France.... Let no man
suppose I coveted a revolution; I had seen the evils of one already
in the American; and I had read the evils of another, the French.
My imagination presented the evils of the last strongly to my view,
and brought them so close to a possible experience at home, that
during the whole period of the insurrection, I could scarcely bear
to cast my eye on a paragraph of French news.[394]
A reasonable and intelligent democracy, holding steadily to the
purpose of the common good, was his cherished ideal. He was not a
political philosopher interested in general principles. His purpose
was to satirize manners, not to speculate on causes; and in the days
of triumphant republicanism the most conspicuous target was offered by
the tousled head of the demagogue, “the courtier of democracy.” In the
preface to the 1846 edition, the editor thus summarizes the political
views of Brackenridge:
An enlightened democracy was looked upon by him as the true
nobility. He considered the true democrat as the true gentleman,
who _ought_ to feel a stain on his fair reputation, “as a wound.”
He maintained “that democracy is not in its nature coarse, and
vulgar, or destitute of high integrity and honor.” The aim and
end of his writings was to raise the standard of democracy, and
to elevate “the noble of nature” to the same level with any
other noble, in those qualities which constitute true nobility.
The noble of nature, in his opinion, ought not to yield to the
noble of aristocracy or monarchy, in strict integrity, in liberal
and benevolent feelings, in propriety of manners and general
intelligence.
The work is a string of adventures, interspersed with miscellaneous
discussion, of Captain John Farrago--who is evidently Brackenridge
himself--and his bog-trotting servant Teague O’Regan. The Captain
is an intelligent person, well read in the literature of the times,
and “a good deal disposed to subscribe to the elementary principles”
of Paine’s _Rights of Man_. He can summarize neatly the arguments
on both sides of the political questions of the day, but he retains
the open mind and cautious judgment of the independent. He is
a free-lance critic, democratic in sympathies but unsparing in
exposure of absurdity. His hits fall right and left, on the country
yokel, the city speculator, members of Congress, the institution of
slavery. He is greatly concerned to preserve his servant from the
temptations of ambition which assail him in the backwoods as well as
in Philadelphia. The career of Teague O’Regan is a broad satire on
the mounting ambition of old-world peasants to push their way up.
That the underling should rise in a democratic country was well; but
that he should be in unseemly haste to scramble into positions beyond
his capacities, that in pushing his private fortunes he should bring
ridicule upon the democratic experiment, was not well. Teague O’Regan’s
desire to scramble discovered quite too fertile a field for his own
or the country’s good. He is nearly sent to Congress by a backwoods
constituency, listens to other seductive appeals, and in the end is
sent by President Washington to the West as a revenue officer, where
he falls into the untender hands of the whisky rioters, and finds his
Irish beauty marred by a coat of tar and feathers.
It is in his burlesque of electorate methods that Brackenridge hits
most sharply at the current tendencies of republicanism. The ways of
the backwoods he caricatures by describing a contest between an honest
deacon and an ignorant Scotch-Irishman, which he came upon in his
peregrinations.
When they looked upon the one, they felt an inclination to promote
him. But when, again, on the other hand, they saw two kegs which
they knew to be replenished with a very cheering liquor, they
seemed to be inclined in favor of the other. The candidates were
called upon to address the people, and the grave person mounted
the stump of a tree, many of them standing round, as the place was
a new clearing. His harangue was listened to by some of the older
and more sedate, and one man, hard of hearing, seemed to make great
effort to catch the sounds. As soon as the man of the two kegs took
a stump, he was surrounded by an eager crowd.--“Frinds,” said he,
in the native Scotch-Irish, “I’m a good dimicrat, and hates the
Brattish--I’m an elder of the meetin’, forby, and has been overseer
of the roads for three years:--An’ ye all know, that my mammy was
kilt o’ the Ingens--now all ye that’s in my favor, come forit an’
drenk.” Appetite, or rather thirst, prevailed, and the voters gave
their votes to the man with the two kegs.[395]
If whisky decided elections in the backcountry, business controlled
them in the city. The following is almost modern in its caricature:
The candidates were all remarkably pot-bellied; and waddled in
their gait. The captain inquiring what were the pretensions of
these men to be elected; he was told, that they had all stock
in the funds, and lived in brick buildings; and some of them
entertained fifty people at a time, and ate and drank abundantly;
and living an easy life, and pampering their appetites, they had
swollen to this size.
“It is a strange thing,” said the captain, “that in the
country, in my route, they would elect no one but a weaver or a
whisky-distiller; and here none but fat squabs, that guzzle wine,
and smoke segars.”... “No, faith” (said his friend), “there is na
danger of Teague here, unless he had his scores o’ shares in the
bank, and was in league with the brokers, and had a brick house at
his hurdies, or a ship or twa on the stocks ... all is now lost in
substantial interest, and the funds command everything.”[396]
That there might be no mistake as to the meaning of his satire
Brackenridge set down at the end an explicit statement of his purpose.
As already hinted by some things put into the mouth of the
captain, I could make it a principal matter to form the heart of
_a republican government_. And in order to this, keep out all
that nourishes _ambition_, the poison of public virtue.... In the
American republics, we retain yet a great deal of the spirit of
monarchy. The people are not aware of the phraseology itself, in
some instances.... The first lesson I would give to a son of mine
would be to have nothing to do with public business, but as a duty
to his country. To consider service in civil life, no more to be
desired than service in the military.... Those who say to them,
_vox populi vox dei_, offer up an incense to flattery, as impious
as the worshippers of the Caesars. They should be warned to beware
of flatterers, whose object is not to serve them, but themselves.
The demagogue in a democracy, and the courtier in a monarchy, are
identical. They are the same, plying the same arts in different
situations.... I shall have accomplished something by this book, if
it shall keep some honest man from lessening his respectability by
pushing himself into public trusts for which he is not qualified;
or when pushed into public station, if it shall contribute to keep
him honest by teaching him the folly of ambition, and farther
advancement.... This is in great part, the moral of this book; if
it should be at all necessary to give a hint of it.
One may do a worse service to democracy than to point out its faults.
Brackenridge was no truckler either to King George or to his neighbors.
Living in the midst of a coonskin democracy, he refused to believe
that there was any particular virtue in coonskin. It is not the cap
but what is under it that signifies. He was a vigorous individualist,
a confirmed democrat, a friend of all honest liberalisms, a man who
honored his own counsels and went his own way. We could better spare
more pretentious books from the library of our early literature than
these clever satires that preserve for us some of the homely ways of a
time when American institutions were still in the making.
Footnotes
[374] Quoted by Samuel Eliot Morison in _Harrison Gray Otis_, Vol. I,
p. 107.
[375] _Travels_, Vol. II, p. 458.
[376] Number III.
[377] Number X.
[378] Number XI.
[379] Number IX.
[380] _Literary History of America_, p. 300.
[381] _Literary History of the American Revolution_, Vol. I, p. 172.
[382] _Poems_, Pattee edition, Vol. I, p. 141.
[383] _The American Soldier._
[384] _To Duncan Doolittle._
[385] _On False Systems of Government._
[386] _Letters on Various Interesting and Important Subjects, etc._,
by Robert Slender, 1799; quoted by Pattee, Introduction to _Poems of
Philip Freneau_.
[387] See A. M. Schlesinger, _The Colonial Merchants and the American
Revolution_, Chapter IV.
[388] Forman, “The Political Activities of Philip Freneau,” in _Johns
Hopkins Studies in History and Political Science_, Vol. XX.
[389] _The Brook of the Valley._
[390] Purcell, _Connecticut in Transition_, p. 27.
[391] _Advice to the Privileged Orders_, pp. 66, 70.
[392] _Book VIII._
[393] Cairns, _History of American Literature_, p. 147.
[394] _Modern Chivalry_, edition of 1846, p. 170.
[395] _Ibid._, p. 105.
[396] _Ibid._, pp. 127-128.
Conclusion
With the triumph of Jefferson in the great struggle of 1800, the first
democratic battle had been won at the polls, but victory remained still
in doubt. The new liberalism was in the saddle, but how long it would
keep its seat, or whither it would drive, no one could foresee. The
aristocratic eighteenth century was still in secure possession of all
the vantage points of polite culture. It still held the positions of
honor and emolument and dictated the ways of society. The tie-wig and
smallclothes had not yet been put to rout by homespun and coonskin, and
were laying plans to make good the first defeat. Polite letters were
still content with the old wit ideal, still enamored of the couplet,
still in love with caustic satire, still transfixing democracy with its
sharp quills. The nineteenth century with its cargo of romanticisms had
not yet crossed the Atlantic, and while Napoleon was strewing Europe
with the wrecks of old empires, America was still dwelling in the
twilight of a century that was loath to be gone.
The account in the American ledger was complex and not easily cast up,
yet Jefferson might well have regarded with satisfaction the results
of two hundred years of new-world experience. The drift was all in
the direction he was facing. The age of theology was gone, the age of
political speculation was passing, the age of constitution building
was over. Disintegration had come upon every system of caste brought
hither from the old world; the free economics of a decentralized
society had proved a sufficient solvent to destroy the principle
of monarchy and of aristocracy, and prepare the American mind for
a venture in republicanism. Overseas liberalisms had flourished in
the soil that proved inhospitable to overseas conservatisms; and it
was these European liberalisms that provided the mold into which ran
the fluid experience of America to assume substantial form. That
the venture in republicanism would inure to the benefit of agrarian
America--to the producers on their scattered farms--Jefferson seems
never to have doubted; and the ready naturalization of the philosophy
of equalitarianism in the backwoods settlements might well have seemed
to justify his hopes. Nevertheless new forces were preparing that
were to bring about momentous changes in nineteenth-century America.
Capitalism with its banks and credit and elastic currency and its
psychology of speculation, and industrialism with its technique of
factory production, were already at work preparing a different pattern
of life for America, a pattern wholly unlike that of the simpler
agrarianism with its domestic economy, which Jefferson represented. A
new romanticism of the middle class was eventually to shoulder aside
the aspirations of gentleman and farmer alike, and refashion America
after its own ideal. What was implied in that momentous change provides
the theme for another study, and cannot be entered upon here.
Bibliography
Only the more important titles dealt with in the present study are
listed hereunder, together with selected biographical and critical
material. The invaluable bibliographies in the _Cambridge History of
American Literature_, four vols., New York, 1917-22, cover most of the
writers considered, and the reader is referred to them for detailed
material.
Book I: Part I
I. English Backgrounds: For the broader European movements, see
Preserved Smith, _The Age of the Reformation_ (New York, 1920). For
English movements, see David Masson, _Life of Milton_ (6 vols.,
London, 1859-80). The important ideas of Luther will be found in _An
Open Letter to the Christian Nobility of the German Nation Concerning
the Reform of the Christian State_ (1520); _The Babylonian Captivity
of the Church_ (1520); _A Treatise on Christian Liberty_ (1520). For
discussion, see L. H. Waring, _The Political Theories of Martin Luther_
(New York and London, 1910). For Calvin, see Williston Walker, _John
Calvin, The Organiser of Reformed Protestantism_ (New York and London,
1906; with bibliographical note).
II. The Transplanting of Ideas: For political history see James
Truslow Adams, _The Founding of New England_ (Boston, 1921). For
literary history consult the invaluable work of Moses Coit Tyler, _A
History of American Literature, 1607-1765_ (2 vols., New York, 1878).
Histories of Congregationalism will be found in Henry M. Dexter,
_The Congregationalism of the Last Three Hundred Years as Seen in
Its Literature_ (New York, 1880; with full bibliography); Williston
Walker, _A History of the Congregational Churches in the United
States_ (New York, 1900); also W. Walker, _Creeds and Platforms of
Congregationalism_ (New York, 1893).
III. John Cotton: Little of Cotton’s work has been reprinted. _A Reply
to Mr. Williams His Examination_ was reissued in _Narragansett Club
Pub._, Vol. II, pp. 1-240. His most important work is _The Way of the
Congregational Churches Cleared_ (London, 1648).
No life has been written. See Cotton Mather’s _Magnalia_; W. Walker’s
_Ten New England Leaders_ (New York, 1901); A. Young, _John Cotton’s
Life and Letters. Chronicles of the First Planters, etc._ (Boston,
1846).
John Winthrop: _Journal ..._ (Hartford, 1790); as _The History of New
England ..._ edited by J. Savage (2 vols., Boston, 1825-26, 1853);
edited by J. K. Hosmer (2 vols., New York, 1908).
See R. C. Winthrop, _Life and Letters of John Winthrop_ (2 vols.,
Boston, 1863, 1866, 1869, 1895). J. Twitchell, _John Winthrop, First
Governor of Massachusetts_ (New York, 1892).
IV. Thomas Hooker: His works have not been reprinted. The _Survey of
the Summe of Church-Discipline ..._ was published in London in 1648.
Contemporary notes of his _Sermon before the General Court on May 31,
1638_, were printed with comment by J. Hammond Trumbull, in _Conn.
Hist. Soc. Col._, Vol. I, No. 19.
For his life, see G. L. Walker, _Thomas Hooker, Preacher, Founder,
Democrat_ (New York, 1891; with bibliography by J. H. Trumbull).
Roger Williams: _The Works of Roger Williams. Edited by members of the
Narragansett Club_ (6 vols., Providence, 1866-1874).
No satisfactory life has been written. The best is Oscar S. Straus,
_Roger Williams, the Pioneer of Religious Liberty_ (New York, 1894).
See also Edmund J. Carpenter, _Roger Williams: A Study of the Life,
Times and Character of a Political Pioneer_ (New York, 1909; Grafton
Hist. Series).
Book I: Part II
I. Samuel Sewall: _Diary_ (printed in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Col._, Series
5, Vols. 5-7). No life has been written.
II. Increase Mather: The extensive bibliography is confused, and a
definitive list is being prepared by T. J. Holmes and G. P. Winship.
Few works have been reprinted, and about the only available title is
_Illustrious Providences_ (Boston and London, 1684; London, 1687);
under title of _Remarkable Providences_ (London, 18561, 1890).
The authoritative life is by Kenneth B. Murdock, _Increase Mather,
The Foremost American Puritan_ (Harvard University Press. 1925; with
bibliography). See also Williston Walker, _Ten New England Leaders_
(New York, 1901).
Cotton Mather: The bibliography is enormous, but few titles are
available. _The Wonders of the Invisible World_ (Boston, 1693) has been
twice reprinted: with title, _Salem Witchcraft ..._ and notes by S. P.
Fowler (Cambridge, 1861); and with I. Mather’s _Account of the Tryals
of the New-England Witches_ (Library of Old Authors, London, 1862).
_The Bostonian Ebenezer_, Boston, 1698, was reprinted in Old South
Leaflets, Boston, 1896. The _Magnalia Christi Americana_, London, 1702,
was reissued (2 vols., Hartford and New Haven, 1820); and the same with
notes by T. Robbins, and translations of foreign quotations by L. F.
Robinson, and a life by S. G. Drake (Hartford, 1853). The _Essays to Do
Good_ has been reprinted ten times, the latest editions London, 1842,
and Boston, 1845. The most available text is _Selections from Cotton
Mather_, edited with introduction, by K. B. Murdock (New York, 1926;
American Authors Series).
The best life is by Barrett Wendell, _Cotton Mather, Puritan Priest_
(New York, 1891; Harvard University Press, 1925). See also A. P.
Marvin, _The Life and Times of Cotton Mather_ (Boston, 1892).
III. John Wise: _The Churches Quarrel Espoused ..._ (Boston, 1710,
1715, 1745, 1772); reissued with the _Vindication_, with introduction
by J. S. Clark (Boston, 1860). _A Vindication of the Government of the
New-England Churches. Drawn from Antiquity; the Light of Nature; Holy
Scripture ..._ (Boston, 1717, 1772); reissued with the preceding title
(Boston, 1860).
No life of Wise has been written.
Book II: Part I
I. Colonial Backgrounds: See Herbert L. Osgood, _The American Colonies
in the Eighteenth Century_ (2 vols., New York, 1924).
New Stock: See John R. Commons, _Races and Immigrants in America_ (New
York, 1902, 1920). F. R. Diffenderfer, _The German Immigrants into
Pennsylvania ..._ (New York, 1900). _The Diary of John Harrower (Amer.
Hist. Review_, Vol. VI, p. 65).
The Frontier--Lubberland: _The Journal of Sarah Kemble Knight_ (New
York, 1825; Albany, 1865; Norwich, Conn., 1901).
William Byrd: _Westover Manuscripts: containing the History of the
Dividing Line ... A Journey to the Land of Eden ..._ (Petersburg,
Va., 1841); reissued under title, _The History of the Dividing Line_
(edited by T. H. Wynne; 2 vols., Richmond, 1866). Also _The Writings of
“Colonel William Byrd of Westover in Virginia, Esq.”_ Edited by J. S.
Bassett (New York, 1901).
The Frontier--Land of Promise: _Letters from an American Farmer ..._
(London, 1782; with note by W. P. Trent and introduction by Ludwig
Lewisohn, New York, 1904). _More “Letters from an American Farmer,”_
edited with introductions by H. L. Bourdin, R. G. Gabriel, and S. T.
Williams, and issued under the title, _Sketches of Eighteenth Century
America_ (New Haven, 1925).
For the life of Crèvecœur, see Julia Post Mitchell, _St. Jean de
Crèvecœur (Col. Univ. Studies in English and Comp. Lit._, New York,
1916).
II. Jonathan Edwards: _Works_ (8 vols., Leeds, 1806-11). _Works_,
edited by S. E. Dwight (10 vols., New York, 1829, 1830). _Works_ (10
vols., Edinburgh, 1847). Numerous other editions and many reprints.
The best life is by V. G. Allen, _Jonathan Edwards_ (Boston, 1889,
1890; with bibliography). See also Woodbridge Riley, _American Thought_
(New York, 1915).
III. Benjamin Franklin: The best edition of his works is that edited by
J. Bigelow (10 vols., New York, 1889). The _Autobiography_ was first
printed complete by J. Bigelow, New York, 1874. The latest reprint is
in the American Authors Series, edited with introduction by Percy H.
Boynton (New York, 1926).
Of the several lives, see James Parton, _Life and Times of Benjamin
Franklin_ (2 vols., New York, 1864); J. B. McMaster, _Benjamin Franklin
as a Man of Letters_ (Boston, 1887); J. T. Morse, _Benjamin Franklin_
(American Statesmen Series, Boston, 1889). See also W. A. Wetzel,
_Benjamin Franklin as an Economist_ (_Johns Hopkins Studies in Hist.
and Pol. Science_, Thirteenth Series, Vol. IX, pp. 421-476). A recent
life: Phillips Russell, _Benjamin Franklin: The First Civilized
American_ (New York, 1926).
Book II: Part II
I. Imperial Sovereignty and Home Rule: For the literature of the
Revolutionary period, see the invaluable _Literary History of the
American Revolution_, by Moses Coit Tyler (2 vols., New York, 1897;
with annotated bibliography). For the political phases, see C. H. Van
Tyne, _The Causes of the War of Independence ..._ (Boston and New York,
1922); A. M. Schlesinger, _The Colonial Merchants and the American
Revolution, 1763-1776_ (New York, 1918); J. T. Adams, _Revolutionary
New England, 1691-1776_ (Boston, 1923).
II. Thomas Hutchinson: _The History of Massachusetts_ (3 vols., Boston
and London, 1764-1767-1828; Vols. I and II, Boston, 1795). _Diary and
Letters of Thomas Hutchinson ..._, edited by P. O. Hutchinson (2 vols.,
Boston, 1884-1886). J. K. Hosmer, _Life of Thomas Hutchinson_ (Boston,
1896).
Daniel Leonard: _Massachusettensis_ (London, 1776); reissued with
_Novanglus_ by John Adams, and ascribed on the title page to Jonathan
Sewall (Boston, 1819).
Jonathan Boucher: _A View of the Causes and Consequences of the
American Revolution_ (London, 1797).
III. John Dickinson: _Political Writings_ (2 vols., Wilmington, 1801).
_Writings_, edited by P. L. Ford (3 vols., Philadelphia, 1895).
See C. J. Stillé, _The Life and Times of John Dickinson_ (Philadelphia,
1891).
IV. Samuel Adams: _Writings_, edited by H. A. Cushing (4 vols., New
York, 1904-08).
See J. K. Hosmer, _Samuel Adams_ (Boston, 1884); revised edition (1898,
American Statesmen Series). W. V. Wells, _The Life and Public Services
of Samuel Adams_ (3 vols., Boston, 1865).
V. John Trumbull: _Poetical Works_ (2 vols., Hartford, 1820). _The
Progress of Dulness_ (New Haven, 1772-73). _An Elegy on the Times_
(Boston, 1774; New Haven, 1775). _M’Fingal_ (printed in parts from
1775 to 1782, and much revised; first published entire, Hartford,
1782; numerous contemporary editions). _The Progress of Dulness_
and _M’Fingal_ are reprinted in _The Connecticut Wits_, edited with
introduction and bibliography by Vernon L. Parrington (New York, 1926,
American Authors Series).
No life of Trumbull has been written.
Francis Hopkinson: _Miscellaneous Essays and Occasional Writings_ (2
vols., Philadelphia, 1792). George Hastings, _Life and Works of Francis
Hopkinson_ (University of Chicago Press, 1926).
Jonathan Odell: _The Loyal Verses of Joseph Stansbury and Doctor
Jonathan Odell_, edited by Winthrop Sargent (Albany, 1860).
Samuel Peters: _A General History of Connecticut ... to which is added
an Appendix, wherein New and True Sources of the Present Rebellion are
pointed out ... By a Gentleman of the Province_ (London, 1781; New
Haven, 1829; New York, 1877).
Book III: Part I
I. Agrarianism and Capitalism: A vivid account of the party struggles
of the time is given in Claude G. Bowers, _Jefferson and Hamilton_
(Boston, 1925), with full bibliography. For political theory, see
Harold J. Laski, _Political Thought in England from Locke to Bentham_
(New York, 1920). Charles E. Merriam, _A History of American Political
Theories_ (New York, 1903). A dramatic account of Shays’s Rebellion is
given in Edward Bellamy, _The Duke of Stockbridge_ (New York, 1901).
II. The Great Debate: The bibliography is extensive. See J. Elliot,
_Debates in the Several State Conventions on the Adoption of the
Federal Constitution ..._ (4 vols., Washington, 1827, 1836; 5 vols.,
Philadelphia, 1906). Max Farrand, _Records of the Federal Convention of
1787_ (3 vols., New Haven, 1911). S. B. Harding, _The Contest over the
Ratification of the Federal Constitution in the State of Massachusetts_
(New York, 1896). Charles A. Beard, _An Economic Interpretation of the
Constitution of the United States_ (New York, 1913). _The Federalist_,
numerous editions; the best are those edited by H. C. Lodge (New
York, 1886) and by P. L. Ford (New York, 1898). Richard Henry Lee,
_Observations leading to a fair examination of the system of government
... In a number of Letters from the Federal Farmer to the Republican_
(reprinted in _Pamphlets on the Constitution of the United States,
1787-1788_, edited by P. L. Ford, Brooklyn, 1888).
III. Alexander Hamilton: _Works, Comprising his Correspondence_, edited
by J. C. Hamilton (7 vols., New York, 1850-51). _Works_, edited by H.
C. Lodge (10 vols., New York, 1885).
There are numerous lives. See J. C. Hamilton, _The Life of Alexander
Hamilton_ (2 vols., New York, 1834). H. C. Lodge, _Alexander Hamilton_
(Boston, 1882, 1898). J. T. Morse, _The Life of Alexander Hamilton_
(2 vols., Boston, 1876). See also Gertrude Atherton, _The Conqueror_
(New York and London, 1902). A. H. Vanderberg, _The Greatest American,
Alexander Hamilton ... with a Symposium of Opinions by Distinguished
Americans_ (New York and London, 1922). F. S. Oliver, _Alexander
Hamilton: An Essay on the American Union_ (New York, 1907)--an English
view.
John Adams: _Works ... with a Life of the Author_, edited by C. F.
Adams (10 vols., Boston, 1850-56).
See J. Q. Adams and C. F. Adams, _The Life of John Adams_ (2 vols.,
Philadelphia, 1871). J. T. Morse, Jr., _John Adams_ (Boston, 1884,
1898). _Letters of Mrs. Adams, the Wife of John Adams_, edited by C. F.
Adams (2 vols., Boston, 1840). C. M. Walsh, _The Political Science of
John Adams_ (New York, 1915).
Book III: Part II
I. The Impact of the French Revolution: Abundant material will be found
in Charles D. Hazen, _Contemporary American Opinion of the French
Revolution_ (Baltimore, 1897, _Johns Hopkins Studies in Hist. and Pol.
Science_, Extra Vol. 16). See also _The Journal of William Maclay_,
edited by E. S. Maclay (New York, 1890). For _Publicola_, see John Q.
Adams, _Writings ..._, edited by Worthington C. Ford (7 vols., New
York, 1913-17).
II. Tom Paine: _Writings ..._, edited by Moncure D. Conway (4 vols.,
New York, 1894-99). Moncure D. Conway, _Life of Thomas Paine ... To
which is added a Sketch of Paine by William Cobbett ..._ (2 vols., New
York and London, 1892).
Thomas Jefferson: _Writings_, edited by H. A. Washington (9 vols.,
Washington, 1853-54). _The Works of Thomas Jefferson_ (with _Anas_ and
_Autobiography_), edited by P. L. Ford (12 vols., New York, 1904-05).
Numerous lives, many of which are wholly unreliable. The official
biography was written by Henry S. Randall, _The Life of Thomas
Jefferson_ (3 vols., Philadelphia, 1858, 1871). Of later studies the
following are excellent: David S. Muzzey, _Thomas Jefferson_ (New York,
1919); Francis W. Hirst, _Life and Letters of Thomas Jefferson_ (New
York, 1926)--an English view; and Albert Jay Nock, _Jefferson_ (New
York, 1926). See also Sarah N. Randolph, _The Domestic Life of Thomas
Jefferson_ (New York, 1871) and Thomas E. Watson, _The Life and Times
of Thomas Jefferson_ (New York, 1903).
III. The Federalist Group: For backgrounds of the Hartford wits, see
Richard J. Purcell, _Connecticut in Transition: 1775-1818_ (Washington,
1918). William A. Robinson, _Jeffersonian Democracy in New England_
(New Haven, 1916). Samuel E. Morison, _Life and Letters of Harrison
Gray Otis_ (2 vols., Boston, 1913). For criticism, see F. Sheldon,
“Pleiades of Connecticut” (_Atlantic Monthly_, Vol. XV). Mrs. Annie
R. Marble, _Heralds of American Literature_ (Chicago, 1907). Moses
Coit Tyler, _Three Men of Letters_ (New York, 1895)--Dwight and
Barlow. The writings of the Wits have long been out of print. The most
available text is _The Connecticut Wits_, edited with introduction
and bibliographies, by Vernon L. Parrington (New York, 1926, American
Authors Series), which reprints large portions of Trumbull, Timothy
Dwight, Barlow, Humphreys, _The Anarchiad_, and portions of _The Echo_.
Timothy Dwight: The most important titles are _The Conquest of Canaan
..._ (Hartford, 1785). _The Triumph of Infidelity ..._ (1788).
_Greenfield Hill ..._ (1794). _Travels in New England and New York:
1796-1815_ (4 vols., New Haven, 1821-22; London, 1823).
See W. B. Sprague, _Life of Timothy Dwight_ (Sparks _Lib. Amer. Biog._,
Second Series, Vol. IV, Boston, 1845).
The French Group: Philip Freneau: _Poems_, edited for the Princeton
Hist. Assoc. by Fred L. Pattee (3 vols., Princeton, 1902-07). Victor
H. Paltsits, _A Bibliography of the Separate and Collected Works of
Philip Freneau, together with an Account of his Newspapers_ (New York,
1903). Mary S. Austin, _Philip Freneau, Poet of the Revolution_ (New
York, 1901). S. E. Forman, _The Political Activities of Philip Freneau_
(Baltimore, 1902, _Johns Hopkins Studies in Hist. and Pol. Science_,
Series XX, No. 9-10). Mrs. Annie R. Marble, _Heralds of American
Literature_ (Chicago, 1907).
Joel Barlow: His works are out of print, but portions will be found in
_The Connecticut Wits_ (New York, 1926). The important titles are: _The
Vision of Columbus ..._ (Hartford, 1787; London, 1787). _A Letter to
the National Convention of France ..._ (London, 1792). _Advice to the
Privileged Orders in the Several States of Europe ..._ (London, 1792,
1796). _The Conspiracy of Kings ..._ (London, 1792). _The Hasty Pudding
..._ (New York, 1796; Salem, 1799; Stockbridge, 1799). _The Columbiad_
(Philadelphia, 1807; London, 1809).
Charles Burr Todd, _Life and Letters of Joel Barlow_ (New York, 1886).
See also Tyler, _Three Men of Letters_ (New York, 1895), and Marble,
_Heralds of American Literature_ (Chicago, 1907).
Hugh Henry Brackenridge: _Modern Chivalry: Containing the Adventures of
Captain John Farrago, and Teague O’Regan, his servant ..._ (2 vols.,
Philadelphia, 1792; Vol. 3, Pittsburgh, 1793; Vol. 4, Philadelphia,
1797). These four volumes constitute Part I. Part II was issued in two
volumes, Philadelphia, 1804-05. Many revisions and changes of the text
followed. The complete work was issued in four volumes (Philadelphia,
1815), the fourth volume containing new material. Another complete
edition was issued in two volumes (Pittsburgh, 1819). For detailed
information see _Cambridge History of American Literature_ (Vol. I, p.
526).
An account of Brackenridge and in particular of his experience during
the Whiskey Rebellion, in a memoir by H. M. Brackenridge, prefaces the
edition of 1846 and later editions. No life of Brackenridge has been
written. His fugitive writings in verse, drama, and prose are numerous
but inaccessible. Some comment on Brackenridge is given in Henry Adams,
_Life of Albert Gallatin_ (Philadelphia, 1879).
Index [Volume One]
Adams, James Truslow, 20 n, 30 n, 36 n, 58 n, 87 n, 103 n
----, John, 179, 188, 190, 200 n, 205, 207, 208, 213, 222, 241, 247,
249, 253, 259, 292, 296, 299, 307-320, 323, 324, 328, 340, 368,
375, 384
----, John Quincy, 283, 324, 325-326
----, R. G., 310 n
----, Samuel, 123, 181, 196, 200, 206, 228, 233-247, 311, 322, 344,
348, 372
----, Samuel, Sr., 234
_Address and Declaration of the Friends of Universal Peace and
Liberty_, 339 n
_Address to the Inhabitants of Quebec_, 219
_Advice to the Privileged Orders in the Several States of Europe_,
324, 383, 384-386, 386 n
_Age of Reason, The_, 324, 341
_Agrarian Justice_, 337-339, 385
Allen, V. G., 154, 157 n, 160 n
Alsop, Richard, 359, 360
Alvord, C. W., 184 n
_American Belisarius, The_, 147, 147 n
_American Historical Review, The_, 136 n
_American Political Theories_, 280 n
_American Soldier, The_, 375 n
_American Times, The_, 257-259
_American Weekly Mercury, The_, 134
Ames, Fisher, 360
_Anarchiad, The_, 249, 363-367
André, Major John, 256
Andros, Sir Edmund, 118
Anne, Queen, 87, 166
_Answer of Bernard to the Petition of the House of Representatives to
the King_, 199 n, 204 n
_Apology for the Bible, An_, 324, 337 n
_Arbitrary Government Described: & the Government of the
Massachusetts Vindicated from that Aspersion_, 44
Aristotle, 213, 282, 284
Arnold, Benedict, 256
_Autobiography of John Adams_, 309 n
_Autobiography of Thomas Jefferson_, 350 n
Augustine, Saint, 68, 150
Austin, James Trecothick, 276 n
Babeuf, François Noel, 337
_Babylonian Captivity, The_, 12 n
Baillie, Joseph, 35
Ball, Captain John, 134
Bancroft, George, 247
Barlow, Joel, 324, 359, 360, 367, 368, 382-389, 391
Barré, Isaac, 183
Beard, Charles A., 184 n, 276 n, 287 n, 320 n
Belcher, Mr., 113
Bentham, Jeremy, 285, 292, 296
Berkeley, Bishop, 162
Bernard, Governor, 198, 199, 200, 201, 204, 205, 216, 224, 242, 243,
244
Blackstone, Lord, 189, 236, 238, 244, 249, 280, 343, 352, 353
Blathwayt, Mr., 127
_Bloudy Tenent of Persecution for Cause of Conscience, The_, 68 n, 70
n, 71 n, 72
_Bloudy Tenent Yet more Bloody, The_, 68 n, 69 n, 71 n
_Body of Liberties_, 21, 76, 80
Bolingbroke, Henry Saint John, Lord, 319
Borgeaud, Charles, 58 n
_Boston Chronicle, The_, 379
_Boston Gazette, The_, 128
Boucher, Rev. Jonathan, 190, 194, 214-218
Bowres, Captain, 135
Brackenridge, Hugh Henry, 368, 369, 372, 390-395
Braddock, General Edward, 373
_Brook of the Valley, The_, 381 n
Brooke, Lord, 34
Brooks, Noah, 277 n
Browne, Robert, 59
Bunyan, John, 40, 85
Burke, Edmund, 69, 183, 324, 325, 334, 335, 375
Burnaby, Rev. Andrew, 276 n
Byles, Rev. Mather, 128, 192, 248
Byrd, Colonel William, 138-140, 141
Cairns, William B., 391 n
Calef, Robert, 108
Calhoun, John C., 320
Calvin, John, 9, 11, 12-15, 20, 23, 27, 30, 42, 76, 89, 100, 150,
159, 249
Camden, Charles Pratt, Earl of, 183, 189, 224, 238
Campbell, Thomas, 370
_Candidus_, 237, 239 n, 242 n, 243 n
Canticles, 40, 65, 66 n, 154
Care, Henry, 119 n
Carson, Hampton Lawrence, 284 n
_Causes of the War of Independence, The_, 179 n, 182 n, 184 n, 188 n,
189 n, 203 n
Channing, William Ellery, 62, 65, 105, 106
Charles I, King, 16, 19, 55, 76, 77, 84, 225
Chastellux, Marquis de, 250
_Chatterer, A_, 241 n, 243 n
_Christian Commonwealth, The_, 81-84
Church, Dr., 118 n
Churchill, Charles, 248, 249, 257, 363, 371
_Churches Quarrel Espoused, The_, 120, 122 n, 123
Cicero, 213, 317
Clark, Mr., 113
Clarke, Captain Jonathan, 134
Clymer, George, 221, 230, 252
Clinton, George, 285
----, Sir Henry, 258, 259
Cogswell, Dr. Mason F., 359
Coke, Sir Edward, 44, 64, 89, 188, 222, 234, 236, 238, 239, 343, 352
Colbert, Jean Baptiste, 173
Colman, Rev. Benjamin, 109
_Colonial Merchants and the American Revolution, The_, 183 n, 379 n
_Columbia University Contributions to Philosophy, Psychology and
Education_, 155 n
_Columbiad, The_, 384, 387-389
_Columbian Centinel, The_, 325
_Commentaries_ (Blackstone), 280
_Common Sense_, 329-332
Commons, John R., 134 n
_Congratulation, The_, 257
_Connecticut in Transition: 1775-1818_, 384 n
_Conquest of Canaan, The_, 362
_Considerations for J. W._, 39
_Considerations on the Propriety of Imposing Taxes in the British
Colonies, for the Purpose of Raising Revenue by an Act of
Parliament_, 226 n
_Contemporary American Opinion of the French Revolution_, 321 n, 323 n
Conway, Moncure D., 177 n, 336 n, 339 n
Corinthians, Second Epistle to the, 66 n
Cotton, Rev. John, vi, 19, 27-37, 38, 49, 51, 54, 55, 57, 60, 62, 63,
64, 72, 82, 99, 101, 361
_Cotton Mather, Puritan Priest_, 108 n, 114 n
Coults, James, 134
Crèvecœur, Hector St. John de, 140-147
Cromwell, Oliver, 10, 29, 66, 82, 220
Crusoe, Robinson, 166
_Curiosa Americana_, 115
Cushing, Caleb, 249
Daingerfield, Colonel, 136
D’Alembert, Jean le Rond, 324
Dana, Judge, 276
Danforth, Mr., 93
Daniel, Book of, 66 n
Davenport, Rev. John, 60
----, Mr., 113
David, King, 31
Dean, John Ward, 80 n
_Declaration of Rights of the Stamp Act Congress_, 219
_Decline and Fall of the English System of Finance, The_, 340
_Defence of the Constitution of Government of the United States of
America, A_, 310, 311, 312 n, 315 n, 316 n, 317 n, 318 n
Defoe, Daniel, 90, 91, 110, 166
_De Jure Naturae et Gentium_, 121
_Diary of Jonathan Edwards_, 154
_Diary of John Harrower_, 135-136
_Diary of Cotton Mather_, 107, 109, 109 n, 110 n, 112, 123, 123 n,
128 n
_Diary of Samuel Sewall_, 88, 90 n, 91 n, 92 n, 93, 93 n, 94 n, 95 n,
96 n, 97 n, 113 n, 126 n, 127 n
_Diary and Letters of Thomas Hutchinson_, 196 n
_Diary of the Revolution_, 191 n
Dickinson, John, 137, 167, 219-232, 253, 291, 344
Diderot, Denis, 324
Diffenderfer, F. R., 134, 135 n
_Discourses on Davila_, 310, 311, 324, 376
Dodd, William Edward, 345 n
_Don Quixote_, 390
Duck, Chancellor, 56
Dudley, Joseph, 29
----, Governor Joseph, 92, 93, 104, 112, 113, 118, 126-127
----, Paul, 112, 127
Duguit, Léon, 73 n
Dulaney, Daniel, 221, 226, 344
Dummer, Mr., 92
Duns Scotus, 14
Dwight, Theodore, 359, 360
----, Rev. Timothy, 249, 358, 359, 360-363, 367, 369, 383, 385, 389
_Early American Philosophers_, 155 n
_Ecclesiasticall Politie_, 149, 149 n
_Echo, The_, 363
_Economic Basis of Politics, The_, 287 n
_Economic Interpretation of the Constitution, An_, 184 n
_Economic Origins of Jeffersonian Democracy, The_, 320 n
_Economic Writings of Sir William Petty, The_, 171 n
Edwards, Jonathan, vi, 105, 120, 151, 152-163, 249, 359, 361
_Elegy on the Times, An_, 249
Elizabeth, Queen, 7
Eliot, Rev. John, 30, 59, 81-84
----, Sir John, 38
_Elliot’s Debates_, 229 n, 230 n, 282 n, 283 n, 302 n
Emerson, Ralph Waldo, 62, 153
_End of the Wicked Contemplated by the Righteous, The; or, The
Torments of the Wicked in Hell, no Occasion of Grief to the
Saints in Heaven_, 159 n
Endicott, Roger, 23, 29, 50
Epistle to the Romans, 67
Ernst, Dr. James E., 67 n
_Essay of Projects, An_, 166
_Essay for the Recording of Illustrious Providences, An_, 105, 106
_Eternity of Hell Torments, The_, 159 _n Every Man in his Humour_, 28
_False Systems of Government, On_, 377 n
_Familiar Letters of John and Abigail Adams_, 253 n
_Federal Constitution in Massachusetts, The_, 284 n
_Federalist, The_, 283 n, 284-288, 289
Fenno, John, 311, 379, 380
Ferne, Dr., 46
_Feu de Joie, The_, 257
Filmer, Sir Robert, 103, 189, 190, 215, 218, 240
_First Principles of Government_, 280
Ford, Paul Leicester, 231 n, 283, 284 n
----, Worthington C., 326 n
Forman, S. E., 311 n, 379 n, 380
Fothergill, Dr., 169
_Founding of New England, The_, 20 n, 30 n, 36 n, 58 n, 87 n
Fox, Charles James, 383
Franklin, Benjamin, vi, 90, 97, 124, 128, 162, 164-178, 180, 188,
202, 236, 244, 328, 334, 347, 363, 369, 380
----, Ebenezer, 165
----, James, 96, 128, 166
----, Josiah, 166
----, Mrs., 168 n
_Freedom of the Will, On the_, 157
Freneau, Philip, 247, 251, 255, 256, 368-381, 390
_Frontier Woman, The_, 146 n
Fuller, Dr., of Plymouth, 23
Gage, General Thomas, 128, 183, 199, 259
Galloway, Joseph, 235, 259
_Gazette of the United States, The_, 311, 311 n
_General History of Connecticut, A_, 260-262
Genesis, Book of, 94
Genêt, Citizen, 323
George III, King, 182, 183, 184, 185, 190, 228, 256, 259, 330, 340,
371, 373, 395
_German Immigrants into Pennsylvania, The_, 134, 134 n
Gerry, Elbridge, 288
_God’s Sovereignty_, 156 n
Godwin, William, 292, 296, 313, 376
Goldsmith, Oliver, 172
Gooch, George Peabody, 73 n
_Grace Abounding_, 40
_Greenfield Hill_, 363
Grenville, George, 240
Grotius, Hugo, 236
_Group, The_, 207
Halifax, Marquis of, 280
Hamilton, Alexander, vi, 275, 281, 284, 285, 289, 292-307, 317 n,
320, 323, 328, 342, 346, 347, 348, 367, 368, 375, 380, 391
Hancock, John, 205, 241
Harding, Samuel Bannister, 284 n
Harrington, James, 25, 26, 103, 213, 269, 270, 278, 280, 296, 318, 319
_Harrison Gray Otis_, 359 n
Harrower, John, 135-136
Hartford Wits, The, 291, 357-367, 368
Hartley, David, 170
Hasselwood, Captain, 135
_Hasty Pudding, The_, 389
Haynes, Governor, 57, 57 n
Hazen, Charles D., 321 n, 323 n
_Henry the Fourth_, 28
_Henry Knox_, 277 n
Henry, Patrick, 222
_Heresiography_, 64 n
Higginson, Thomas Wentworth, 321
Hirst, Francis W., 342 n
_History of American Literature, A_, 391 n
_History of American Literature during the Colonial Period, A_, 89 n
_History of the Congregational Churches in the United States, A_, 23
n, 25 n, 100 n, 101 n, 148 n
_History of English Democratic Ideas in the Seventeenth Century, A_,
73 n
_History of the Dividing Line, The_, 138 n, 139-140
_History of Massachusetts Bay Colony_, 31 n, 33 n, 34 n, 50 n, 127 n,
196, 198 n, 203 n, 205 n, 219 n, 242, 242 n
_History of Mrs. B., The_, 146 n
_History of New England, A_, 118 n
_History of New England_ (Winthrop), 49 n, 105
_History of the Supreme Court_, 284 n
Hobbes, Thomas, 68, 69, 103, 208, 278, 280, 296, 300, 319
Hillsboro, Lord, 200, 201
_Hoch Deutsche Pennsylvanische Bericht, Der_, 135
Homer, 250
Hooker, Richard, 12, 67, 68, 149, 236
----, Thomas, 47, 53-62, 68, 79, 90, 99, 361
Hopkins, Dr. Lemuel, 359, 364-365
----, Rev. Samuel, 105
Hopkinson, Francis, 252-255, 291
Hosmer, J. K., 196 n, 200, 237 n
Howe, Joseph, 249
----, Sir William, 164
Hubbard, Rev. William, 57
Hume, David, 171, 222, 236, 239, 280, 296, 298, 319, 352, 353, 354,
363
Humphreys, David, 359, 360, 367
Hutchinson, Mistress Anne, 24, 28, 29, 49, 50, 194, 195
----, Mistress Peggy, 191
----, Colonel John, 38
----, Thomas, Sr., 195
----, Governor Thomas, 31 n, 33 n, 50 n, 127 n, 181, 194-206, 207,
219, 224, 234, 235, 237 n, 241, 242, 243, 245, 250, 259
_Hutchinson Papers_, 36 n
_Increase Mather, the Foremost American Puritan_, 98 n, 100 n, 101 n,
103 n, 104 n, 106 n
_Institutes of Calvin_, 20, 30, 31 n, 42 n, 249
Irving, Washington, 369, 391
Isaiah, 14, 66 n
James I, King, 55, 76
Jay, John, 284
Jefferson, Thomas, iii, vi, 72, 147, 176, 190, 222, 230, 247, 259,
280, 292, 296, 299, 302, 306, 307, 312, 320, 324, 327, 333,
337, 342-356, 362, 368, 374, 375, 379, 380, 389, 391, 397, 398
_Johns Hopkins Studies in History and Political Science_, 311 n, 321
n, 379 n
Johnson, Dr. Samuel, 307
----, Sir William, 373
_Jonathan Edwards_, 154 n, 157, 160 n
Jones, Adam Leroy, 155 n
Jonson, Ben, 28, 76
_Journal of William Maclay_, 323, 342
_Journal_ (Winthrop), 32, 45 n, 47 n
Knight, Madam Sarah, 137-138, 141
Knox, General Henry, 277, 375
Lafayette, Marquis de, 323
_Landscapes_, 147 n
Laski, Harold J., 190 n, 280 n
Latimer, Hugh, 55
Laud, Archbishop, 23, 27, 32, 55, 56, 84, 215, 256
_Law in the Modern State_, 73 n
_Layman_, 243 n
Lechford, Thomas, 23
Lee, Richard Henry, 284, 288-291
Leonard, Daniel, 194, 207-213, 216, 250
_Letter to Lord Onslow_, 335 n
_Letter of Lord Say and Sele_, 48 n
_Letter to Lord Say and Sele_, 31 n
_Letter to Major Mason_, 57 n
_Letter to the National Convention of France_, 386-387
_Letter to Mr. Niles_, 179 n
_Letter to John Taylor_, 313 n, 316 n
_Letter to Robert Wodrow_, 123 n
_Letter to the Town Clerk of Providence_, 67 n, 72 n
_Letters from an American Farmer_, 140, 142 n, 143 n, 144 n, 145, 145
n, 146
_Letters of Fabius_, 230, 231
_Letters from the Federal Farmer to the Republican_, 284, 288-291
_Letters from a Pennsylvania Farmer_, 219, 223 n, 224 n, 225, 226 n,
228 n
_Letters on Various Interesting and Important Subjects_, 378 n
_Leviathan, The_, 209, 280
_Libera Nos, Domine_, 373
_Liberty of the Press in the American Colonies, The_, 119 n
_Life and Letters of Thomas Jefferson_, 342 n
_Life and Letters of John Winthrop_, 39 n, 40 n, 41 n, 43 n, 44 n, 45
n, 46 n, 47 n
_Life of Samuel Adams_, 196 n, 237 n
_Life of Franklin_, 171
_Life of Elbridge Gerry_, 276 n
_Life of Thomas Hutchinson_, 200 n, 201 n, 202 n, 203 n
_Life of Milton_, 64 n, 75 n
_Life of Thomas Paine_, 336 n, 339 n
Lilburne, “Free-born” John, 328
_Lilly’s Grammar_, 249, 378
Lincoln, Earl of, 29
_Literary History of America, A_, 116 n, 150 n, 284 n, 371 n
_Literary History of the American Revolution, A_, 207 n, 226 n, 371 n
Livy, 213
Locke, John, iv, 66, 69, 103, 121, 123, 149, 189, 190, 196, 213, 215,
217, 220, 222, 236, 237, 238, 239, 269, 270, 271, 282, 296,
316, 319, 338, 343, 344
_Loyal Verses of Joseph Stansbury and Dr. Jonathan Odell, The_, 168
n, 257 n, 259 n
Luther, Martin, 6, 9, 11-12, 70, 72, 100
_Luxury, Idleness and Industry, On_, 174 n
Machiavelli, 280, 312, 319
Maclay, Senator William, 323, 342
_M’Fingal_, 249, 250-251, 363
McMaster, John Bach, 171
Madison, James, 282, 284, 285, 286, 287, 288, 292, 299, 311, 315,
369, 379, 390
_Magnalia Christi Americana_, 33 n, 63, 63 n, 108, 115, 116
Malthus, Thomas Robert, 313
_Man of Sorrows, The_, 146 n
Marshall, Chief Justice John, 310, 353
Martin, George, 134 n
Mary, Queen, 91 n
Mason, George, 231, 281, 292
_Massachusettensis_, 207-213
_Massachusetts Historical Society Collections_, 81 n, 90 n, 112 n,
123 n
_Massachusetts Historical Society Proceedings_, 119 n, 328 n
Masson, David, 64 n, 75 n
_Master John Cotton’s Answer to Master Roger Williams_, 37 n
Mather, Cotton, 14, 27, 28, 33, 56, 63, 75, 85, 86, 97, 99, 106-117,
120, 123, 127, 128, 137, 148, 162, 195
----, Increase, 76, 98, 99-106, 114, 119, 127, 214, 361
----, Richard, 60, 99
----, Samuel, 195
Mather Dynasty, The, 98-117
Mathers, The, 98, 120, 128, 162
Mein, John, 379
_Memoirs of Rev. Nathaniel Ward_, 80 n
_Memorial of the Present Deplorable State of New England ... by the
Male-Administration of their Present Governor, Joseph Dudley,
Esq. and his Son Paul, A_, 112 n
Merriam, Charles E., 280 n
Milton, John, 10, 12, 38, 59, 66, 72, 103, 149, 189, 236, 280, 288,
320
_Mississippi Valley in British Politics, The_, 184 n
_Model of Moses His Judicials_, 33
_Modell of Christian Charity_, 43
_Modern Chivalry_, 390-394
_Modest Inquiry into the Nature and Necessity of a Paper Currency,
A_, 170
Montcalm, Marquis de, 141
Montesquieu, Baron, 236, 271, 280, 282, 284, 319
Moore, Frank, 191 n
More, Sir Thomas, 350
_More Letters from an American Farmer_, 140
_More Wonders of the Invisible World_, 108
Morison, Samuel Eliot, 359 n
Morris, Gouverneur, 192, 282, 292, 324
----, Robert, 184, 221, 252, 259, 295
Murdock, Kenneth B., 98 n, 100 n, 101 n, 103 n, 104 n, 106 n
Napoleon, 324, 353, 384, 397
_Narragansett Club Publications_, 25 n, 35 n, 37 n, 57 n, 64 n, 66 n,
67 n, 68 n, 69 n, 71 n, 72 n, 74 n
_Narrative of the Surprizing Works of God, A_, 160
_Nation, The_, 86 n
_National Gazette, The_, 379
_Negotiations in London_, 169 n
Nemours, DuPont de, 346
_New England Courant, The_, 128
_England Weekly Journal, The_, 128
_New Haven Gazette, The_, 363
_New Roof, The_, 254
_New View Points in American History_, 179 n
_News-Letter_, 127-128
Norris, Isaac, 221
_Notes on Virginia_, 347
North, Frederick Lord, 253, 373
_Novanglus_, 200 n
_Novanglus and Massachusettensis_, 208 n
Oakes, President, 102
_Objections to the Proposed Plan of a Federal Government for the
United States on Genuine Principles_, 254-255
_Oceana_, 25, 269, 319
Odell, Rev. Jonathan, 255-259, 371
Olivers, The, 250
Onslow, Lord, 335
Otis, Harrison Gray, 359
----, James, 205, 212, 310
Paget (_also_ Pagit _or_ Pagitt), Rev. Ephraim, 64 n
Paine, Robert Treat, 247, 324
----, Tom, 62, 72, 245, 247, 259, 293, 307, 324, 325, 327-341, 352,
353, 369, 374, 376, 378, 380, 383, 384, 385, 386, 387, 393
Palfrey, John Gorham, 118 n
_Pamphlets on the Constitution_, 231 n
_Patriarcha_, 189, 215
Pattee, Fred L., 373 n, 378 n
Paul, Saint, 8, 15, 67
Peters, Rev. Hugh, 75
----, Rev. Samuel, 58
----, Rev. Samuel (of Connecticut), 259-263
_Petition to the King_, 219
Petty, Sir William, 170, 171, 172
_Phaenomena Quaedam Apocalyptica_, 93
_Philadelphiensis_, 254 n
Philip, King, 29, 30
Phips, Governor William, 86, 104, 119
_Pillars of Salt_, 110
Pitt, William, 8, 164, 182, 183, 185, 188, 220, 224, 226, 227, 238,
292, 293, 372
----, William (the younger), 340, 385
Plato, 213
Plugson of Undershot, 174
_Poems of Philip Freneau_, 373 n, 378 n
_Poganuc People_, 13
_Political Activities of Philip Freneau, The_, 311 n, 379 n
_Political Greenhouse, The_, 363
_Political Ideas of the American Revolution, The_, 310 n
_Political Justice_, 376
_Political Science of John Adams, The_, 319 n, 334 n
_Political Theory of Roger Williams, The_, 67 n
_Political Thought from Locke to Bentham_, 280 n
Pope, Alexander, 248, 249, 318
_Positions to be Examined concerning National Wealth_, 173
Postgate, R. W., 337 n
Pownall, Governor Thomas, 205, 235
_Pretty Story, A_, 253
Price, Lucien, 86 n
Price, Richard, 334
Priestley, Joseph, 280, 292, 296, 334, 383
Prince, Rev. Thomas, 94, 114, 128
_Principles of Trade_, 173
_Private Journal Kept by Madam Knight on a Journey from Boston to New
York in the year 1704, The_, 137-138
_Probationary Odes by Jonathan Pindar, Esq._, 375
_Problem of Sovereignty, The_, 190 n
_Progress and Poverty_, 338
_Progress of Dulness, The_, 249
_Projet d’une Disme Royale_, 171
Proverbs, 113
Psalms, 83
Ptolemy, 13
_Public Advertiser, The_, 235
_Publick Occurrences_, 127
_Publicola_, 324, 325-326
Pufendorf, Baron, 121, 236, 280
Purcell, Richard J., 384 n
_Puritan_, 243 n
Pym, John, 220
_Queries and Remarks Respecting Alterations in the Constitution of
Pennsylvania_, 177 n
Quesnay, François, 346
_Races and Immigrants in America_, 134 n
Read, Charles, 134
_Reflections on the Augmentation of Wages_, 174 n
_Remarkable Providences_, 105
_Replye to the Answ: Made to the Discourse about the Neg: Vote, A_,
44, 46 n
_Resolves of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts Bay_, 202 n
Revelation, Book of the, 66 n, 83, 94
_Revolution from 1789-1906_, 337 n
Reyner, Mr., 91
_Rhode Island Historical Society Publications_, 64 n
Riggs, Luther G., 363
_Rights of the Colonists, The_, 238 n
_Rights of Man, The_, 324, 334-337, 340 n, 384, 385, 393
_Rise of Modern Democracy, The_, 58 n
_Rising Glory of America, The_, 372, 390
_Rip Van Winkle_, 391
Robinson, Rev. John, 17
_Rolliad, The_, 364
Rousseau, Jean Jacques, 154, 164, 271, 272, 324, 334
Sainte-Beuve, 178
Santayana, George, vi
Sargent, Winthrop, 168 n
Say and Sele, Lord, 29, 34
Schlesinger, A. M., 179 n, 183 n, 379 n
Schuyler, Livingston Rowe, 119 n
Scroggs, Lord Chief Justice, 119 n
Scott, Sir Walter, 256, 370
_Selling of Joseph, The_, 95
_Sermon IX_, 159 n
_Sermon XXVII_, 158 n
_Sermon XXXIV_, 156 n
Sewall, Henry, 90
----, Jonathan, 207, 246
----, Samuel, 85, 87, 88-97, 113, 114, 117 n, 124, 126, 127, 165,
170, 195
Shays, Daniel, 277, 278, 320, 352, 364, 365
Shakespeare, 28
Shelburne, Earl of, 183
Sidney, Algernon, 103, 189, 213, 236, 280
_Simple Cobler of Aggawam, The_, 76-80
Singletary, Amos, 284
_Sinners in the Hands of an Angry God_, 159 n
_Sketches of Eighteenth Century America_, 140 n, 146, 147 n
Smith, Adam, 171, 173, 269, 271, 296, 346
----, Dr. Elihu Hubbard, 359
Solomon’s Song. See Canticles
_Some Good Whig Principles_, 177 n
Song of Songs. See Canticles