We have thus gone through our self-appointed task. We have considered
the Freehold Land Movement in its origin and effects. We have shown them
to be good. We have shown the movement itself to be well worthy the
support of every philanthropic man. It has now grown, and become strong.
It is now doing what Parliament dare not, providing for the political
emancipation of the people. It has put the franchise in the hands of
honest men. It has given a new character to political agitation. It has
shown how, without resorting to intimidation, or without the frantic
appeal of the demagogue, the working men of England may enfranchise
themselves. Parliament may refuse to legislate on the matter--one Reform
Bill after another may be prepared, and then thrown by--one party
combination after another may be driven from the Treasury benches, but
the movement is gradually working its way, which is to reform Parliament,
to put down W. B. and his man Frail--to root out the demoralisation of
which St. Albans is a type, and to give to the people a perfect
representation in the peopled house. It is time the present state of
things was altered. For this purpose, the Freehold Land Movement exists.
We thus make our appeal to the friends of political progress. We aim at
the advocacy of the movement which has for its end what you profess to
desire. That movement we believe destined to be the salvation of our
country, and we ask you to rally round it. It is true Free-trade is not
in danger, but Parliamentary Reform is. A large party headed by Lord
Derby take their stand by the Bill of '31, and maintain that concession
has reached its limits--that class legislation is still to prevail--that
the people are still to be ignored--that inside the constitution are
still to be the privileged few, and outside of it the unprivileged many.
Against this mockery we ask England's manhood to protest--not by crowded
assemblies or inflammatory harangues, but in the constitutional manner
pointed out by Freehold Land Societies. We want not voices but votes.
In the House of Commons, the thoughts that breathe and words that burn
avail not, but votes are omnipotent. No member can disregard or despise
his constituents; their will to him must be law.
But we stop not here. We seek a still wider support. The Freehold Land
Movement has done wonders, it has removed the reproach cast upon the
working man, that he is reckless and improvident. It has shown that he
can save when a proper object is offered. In a speech a year or two
since, in the House of Commons, by Mr. Sotheron, M.P. for Wiltshire, it
was stated that the total number of friendly societies was not less than
33,232, and the aggregate of the members which they included amounted to
3,032,000. The annual revenue of these societies was 4,980,000 pounds,
and the accumulated capital from the savings of these poor persons was no
less a sum than 11,360,000 pounds. Faulty as most of these societies
were, so desirous of saving was the working man, that he had actually
entrusted them with the enormous sum we have just named. If these things
were done by Friendly Societies, what will not be done when the
advantages of Freehold Land Societies are well and widely understood? At
this time there is much maudlin sympathy expressed on behalf of the
working classes. They need it not. They are stout enough and strong
enough to take care of themselves. The Freehold Land Movement has given
them an investment, and they have become saving men. The money that
would formerly have been spent in the public-house has given many a man a
freehold and a stake in the country, such as even a revising barrister
must admit. The present system of revision of votes by barristers is
bad. Members of Freehold Land Societies have been much wronged in
consequence. One worthy disfranchised several claimants last summer, on
the ground that the forty-shilling franchise, in all cases, should cost
50 pounds. It ought to be in the power of no man to arrive at such a
decision. The question should be left to a jury--not to a barrister,
eager of promotion, and for that purpose desirous to please the powers
that be. But still a man may thus obtain wealth and a vote. And the man
thus taught self-denial and providence will not be contented with
remaining merely a freeholder; he cannot make himself that without
becoming intellectually and morally a better man. He will be a better
father of a family, a better citizen, better in his public and private
life. Workmen of England, Ireland and Wales, we call upon you to rally
round the Freehold Land Societies. They exist for your benefit alone.
They will give you all that you require--desirable investments for your
savings--habits of economy and political influence. You have no need to
cringe and beg. All that you want, you have it in your power to obtain.
Never was there a more favourable time for you to avail yourselves of the
Freehold Land Societies now springing up in your midst. You have now
money you can put by. When the Corn Laws cursed the land, it would have
been mockery to have asked you to do so then. Now the case is altered,
and you must each one of you seek to elevate yourselves. As Mr. Cobden
aptly remarked, half the money annually spent in gin would give the
people the entire county representation, and thus also provide desirable
investments for the money that you are morally bound to lay by against a
rainy day. The man who refuses to make provision for the future cannot
expect to prosper. Not to do so when a man can is a folly and a crime.
Now then is the time to support the Freehold Land Societies. Thus when
sickness or old age or bad times come, you will have something you can
call your own. Habits of economy will thus grow and strengthen, and the
reward will be sure. Of all luxuries, that of independence is the
sweetest, and that these societies put within your reach. Their failure
is impossible. They are the societies for the age: they will parcel out
the English ground amongst English men: their triumph will be the
emancipation of the working man from the misery and wrongs and
degradation of the past.
We appeal also to men who aim at the moral reformation of our race--who
care little about politics--who believe that in a world of knaves it is
difficult to get a good government at all, and we claim their support.
The mission of the Freehold Land Movement is the same with theirs. The
philanthropist labouring to remove the degradation, which compels to a
life little better than that of the beasts that perish, men made in the
image of their Maker--the advocate of Temperance aiming at the
destruction of a vice which has slain its thousands, and which, like a
destroying pestilence, still walks the land--the Christian seeking to
permeate our age with a living faith--all these we claim as co-workers.
The movement, besides its direct bearings, tends to bring about the
results they desire. Not merely has political emancipation been the
result of the movement--moral emancipation has invariably followed in its
train.
We thus make our appeal for the support of the cause which is yet in its
infancy, and which has a thousand trophies yet in store. Peacefully does
it conduct the people to power, and give practical utterance to the
spirit of the age. The doom of whatever keeps man in subjection to
another has long been sealed. The proud patrician of Imperial Rome--the
feudal baron of the Middle Ages, have passed away. Even Oxford abandons
the faith at one time it armed to defend, and no longer acknowledges the
"Right divine of kings to govern wrong."
Onward to victory is the people's march. The decree has gone forth, they
must be free. For this consummation we have ever hoped and striven.
From the contentions of party we have ever turned to advocate whatever
gives to the people moral dignity and political power; to others we leave
the cause of the privileged classes--the advocacy of existing wrongs--the
preservation of existing abuses. We plead the cause of the
unenfranchised, but of the unenfranchised who have faith and energy and
self-denial enough to win the franchise for themselves. We conjure them
to bestir themselves, to give their support to the Freehold Land
Movement, to quit themselves like men. We need at the polling booths
independent voters, not men who can be bullied or bribed--to make such is
our aim, for such England needs, aye, and needs more than ever now.
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