CHAPTER II.

THE EVIDENCE OF MINUCIUS FELIX.

The Fathers who wrote in Latin, used the word _crux_ as a translation

of the Greek word _stauros_. It is therefore noteworthy that even this

Latin word "crux," from which we derive our words "cross" and

"crucify," did not in ancient days necessarily mean something

cross-shaped, and seems to have had quite another signification as its

original meaning.

A reference, for instance, to the writings of Livy, will show that in

his time the word crux, whatever else it may have meant, signified a

single piece of wood or timber; he using it in that sense.[6]

This however is a curious rather than an important point, for even the

assumption that the word _crux_ always and invariably meant something

cross-shaped, would not affect the demonstration already made that the

word _stauros_ did not.

As our Scriptures were written in Greek and were written in the first

century A.C., the vital question is what the word stauros then meant,

when used, as in the New Testament, without any qualifying expression

or hint that other than an ordinary stauros was signified. What the

Fathers chose to consider the meaning of that word to be, or chose to

give as its Latin translation, would, even if they had written the same

century, in no wise affect that issue. And, as a matter of fact, even

the earliest of the Fathers whose undisputed works have come down to

us, did not write till the middle of the second century.

Granting, however, as all must, that most if not all of the earlier of

the Fathers, and certainly all the later ones, rightly or wrongly

interpreted the word stauros as meaning something cross-shaped, let us,

remembering that this does not dispose of the question whether they

rightly or wrongly so interpreted it, in this and the next two chapters

pass in review the references to the cross made by the Fathers who

lived before Constantine's march upon Rome at the head of his Gaulish

army.

Commencing, on account of its importance, with the evidence of Minucius

Felix, we find that this Father wrote

"We assuredly see the sign of a cross naturally, in the

ship when it is carried along with swelling sails, when

it glides forward with expanded oars; and when the

military yoke is lifted up it is the sign of a cross;

and when a man adores God with a pure mind, with arms

outstretched. Thus the sign of the cross either is

sustained by a natural reason or your own religion is

formed with respect to it."[7]

Various other pronouncements to a similar effect are to be found in the

writings of other Christian Fathers, and such passages are often quoted

as conclusive evidence of the Christian origin of what is now our

symbol. In reality, however, it is somewhat doubtful if we can fairly

claim them as such; for the question arises whether, if the writers in

their hearts believed their cross to be a representation of the

instrument of execution to which Jesus was affixed, they would have

omitted, as they did in every instance, to mention that as the right

and proper and all-sufficient reason for venerating the figure of the

cross.

Moreover it is quite clear that while, as will be shown hereafter, the

symbol of the cross had for ages been a Pagan symbol of Life, it can,

as already stated, scarcely be said to have become a Christian _symbol_

before the days of Constantine. No cross-shaped symbol of wood or of

any other material had any part in the Christianity of the second and

third centuries; and the only cross which had any part in the

Christianity of those days was the immaterial one traced upon the

forehead in the non-Mosaic and originally Pagan initiatory rite of

Baptism, and at other times also according to some of the Fathers,

apparently as a charm against the machinations of evil spirits.

This "sign" or "signal" rather than "symbol" of the cross, referred to

as theirs by the Christian writers of the second and third centuries,

is said to have had a place before our era in the rites of those who

worshipped Mithras, if not also of those who worshipped certain other

conceptions of the Sun-God; and it should be noted that the Fathers

insist upon it that a similar mark is what the prophet Ezekiel referred

to as that to be placed upon the foreheads of certain men as a sign of

life and salvation; the original Hebrew reading "Set a _tau_ upon the

foreheads of the men" (_Ezek_. ix. 4), and the tau having been in the

days of the prophet in question--as we know from relics of the

past--the figure of a cross. Nor should it be forgotten that Tertullian

admits that those admitted into the rites of the Sun-God Mithras were

so marked, trying to explain this away by stating that this was done in

imitation of the then despised Christians![8]

That it was this immaterial sign or signal, rather than any material

symbol of the cross, which Minucius Felix considered Christian, is

demonstrated by the fact that the passage already quoted is accompanied

by the remark that

"Crosses, moreover, we Christians neither venerate nor

wish for. You indeed who consecrate gods of wood

venerate wooden crosses, perhaps as parts of your gods.

For your very standards, as well as your banners, and

flags of your camps, what are they but crosses gilded

and adorned? Your victorious trophies not only imitate

the appearance of a simple cross, but also that of a man

affixed to it."[9]

This remarkable denunciation of the Cross as a Pagan symbol by a

Christian Father who lived as late as the third century after Christ,

is worthy of special attention; and can scarcely be said to bear out

the orthodox account of the origin of the cross as a Christian symbol.

It is at any rate clear that the cross was not our recognised symbol at

that date; and that it is more likely to have been gradually adopted by

us from Sun-God worshippers, than by the worshippers of Mithras and

other pre-Christian conceptions of the Sun-God from us.

As our era was six or seven centuries old before the crucifix was

introduced, and the earliest pictorial representation of the execution

of Jesus still existing or referred to in any work as having existed

was of even later date, much stress has been laid by us upon what we

allege to be a caricature of the crucifixion of Jesus and of much

earlier date. The drawing in question was discovered in 1856 to be

scrawled upon a wall of the Gelotian House under the Palatine at Rome;

and as no Christian representations of the alleged execution upon a

cross-shaped instrument of even a reasonably early date exist, it would

of course be greatly to our interest to be able to quote this alleged

caricature, which is said to be as old as the third and perhaps even as

old as the second century, as independent evidence of the truth of our

story. But can we fairly do so?

The drawing in question is a very roughly executed representation of a

figure with human arms, legs, and feet; but with an animal's head. The

arms are extended, and two lines, which are said to represent a cross

but appear in front of the figure instead of behind it, traverse the

arms and trunk. In the foreground is a man looking at this grotesque

figure; and an accompanying inscription is to the effect that

"Alexamenos adores his God."

Tertullian relates that a certain Jew "carried about in public a

caricature of us with this label, _An ass of a priest_. This figure had

an ass's ears, and was dressed in a toga with a book; having a hoof on

one of his feet."[10]

It is upon the strength of this passage and the two lines traversing

the figure, that we, ignoring the fact that the figure is standing,

claim this much-quoted _graffito_ as conclusive evidence of the

historical accuracy of our story. But it may be pointed out that even

if this was a caricature of the execution of Jesus made at the date

mentioned, a caricature, made certainly not less than two hundred years

after the event, is not altogether trustworthy evidence as to the

details.

And, was it a caricature of the execution of Jesus? It would appear

not.

To commence with, the two lines or scratches--for they are little

more--which we call a cross, need not necessarily have formed a part of

the original _graffito_; and, even if they did, of themselves prove

nothing. There is no reference to a cross in the inscription, nor is

there anything to show that an execution of any kind is what is

illustrated. Moreover, the hoof upon one foot, mentioned by Tertullian,

is not to be seen; a remark which also applies to the toga and the book

he mentions. And even what Tertullian referred to was not a caricature

of the execution of Jesus.

It should also be noted that the head of the figure in this famous

graffito, is more like that of a jackal than that of an ass; and

appears to have been a representation of the Egyptian god Anubis, who

is so often to be seen upon relics of the past as a figure with a

jackal's head, with human arms extended, and with human legs and feet,

as in this drawing.

Upon all points, therefore, our claim concerning the graffito is an

ill-founded one; and it cannot be considered evidence regarding either

cross or crucifixion.

There thus being no opposing evidence of any weight, it is quite clear

from the fact that as late as the third century after Christ we find a

Christian Father who venerated the sign or figure of the cross

denouncing it as a symbol, that no material representations of that

sign or figure were recognised as Christian till an even later date.

And such a conclusion is borne out by the striking fact that when

Clement of Alexandria at the beginning of the third century made out a

list of the symbols which Christians were permitted to use, he

mentioned the Fish and the Dove but said nothing regarding the

Cross.[11]

As to the sign or figure of the cross referred to by the Fathers of the

second and third centuries, even so high an authority as the Dean of

Canterbury admits, as we shall see in the next chapter, that it was not

"mainly" as reminding them of the death of Jesus that the Christians of

the second and third centuries venerated it. If, therefore, not in the

main, and, it would follow, not originally as a representation of the

instrument of execution upon which Jesus died, what more likely than

that the early Christians venerated the sign and figure of the cross as

the age-old and widely accepted symbol of Life and of the Sun-God we

know it to have been?

Anyway Minucius Felix may be said to stand alone in denouncing the

symbol of the cross as non-Christian. And as even he expresses

veneration for the figure of the cross, and must have approved of the

sign of the cross in the initiatory rite of baptism, that denunciation

evidently applied only to material representations of the cross.

Moreover the denunciation in question was clearly due to the fear that

such objects might degenerate amongst Christians, as they afterwards

did, into little better than idols. And if the sign or figure of the

cross did not mainly remind the early Christians of the death of Jesus,

it must have mainly reminded them of something else.

The Non-Christian Cross An Enquiry into the Origin and History of the Symbol Eventually Adopted as That of Our Religion · 第 2 / 21 章