Had Aduarte written that the first books printed at Manila were two
Doctrinas issued by the Dominicans at San Gabriel in 1593, and given
some details of their production, we could conclude our study with
a quotation from him, but nowhere does he mention them. In fact,
his inference was that the first book was that printed for Blancas
de San José, and yet we know that this Doctrina preceded anything
that Blancas de San José could have written, since he did not come
to the Philippines until 1595. We can assume, as Retana did, that
by printing Aduarte meant printing from movable type, but this does
not explain away the fact that Aduarte, who recorded in detail events
of far less significance, did not speak of the Doctrinas at all. The
best--and it is a most unsatisfactory best--that we can do is ascribe
the omission to the frailty of man, and record that there is no notice
of the Dominican Doctrina of 1593 in the most complete contemporary
Dominican history of the Philippines.
The first members of the Order of St. Dominic [95] to land in the
Philippines were Bishop Salazar and his assistant, Christoval de
Salvatierra. But they were fully occupied with the administration of
the bishopric and could not devote themselves to regular missionary
work. It was not until July 25, 1587 that working Dominican
missionaries came. Then fifteen [96] under the leadership of Juan de
Castro arrived, and established the first Dominican province [97]
of the Philippines and China, thus consummating the hope expressed
as early as 1579. [98]
In consultation with the other orders it was decided that the
Dominicans should be given the ministry of the territories of
Pangasinan and Bataan, which had theretofore been spiritually
exploited by few priests. Almost immediately, on September 15, 1587,
the vicariate of Bataan was founded and settled. In speaking of it,
Aduarte stressed the importance of a knowledge of the language of the
natives, which there would have been Tagalog, to the success of the
mission. Domingo de Nieva, one of the four members of the mission,
learned it rapidly and well, and soon began to preach to the Indians
in their own tongue. His aptitude for languages and its usefulness to
the Dominicans must have been very great, for Aduarte in listing the
priests who originally volunteered in Spain makes few comments about
individuals, but of Nieva he remarks that he "was afterwards of great
importance because of the great ease and skill with which he learned
languages, whether Indian or Chinese." [99] Unfortunately Nieva was
only a deacon, and so could not hear confession, a fact which was
greatly deplored, because during that first year no other priest
mastered the language sufficiently well to do it, but in September
1588 he reached the requisite age and was ordained. About that time
the friars in Bataan--one had died and another was ailing--were joined
by Juan de la Cruz, "who, being young, succeeded very well with the
language," [100] and also succeeded in surviving the climate.
Early in 1588 Juan Cobo [101] arrived from Mexico. Shortly thereafter,
on June 12, 1588, the Dominican chapter held its first convocation. It
elected Juan de Castro the first provincial, adopted the general
ordinances [102] already made in Mexico, gave the convent at Manila
the title of priory, and designated as parts of the province four
vicariates. Of primary importance was the appointment then of Juan
Cobo to the mission for the Chinese.
From the very earliest days of the Spanish occupation of Manila,
the governors had had trouble with the Chinese and Sangleys. [103]
These people had long conducted a profitable trade between China
and the Philippines, and many had settled permanently near Manila,
while others stayed there regularly between trading voyages. The
Chinese merchants were in full control of the shops of the city, and
so monopolized retail trade that the early governors legislated [104]
against them to give the Spaniards a chance to establish themselves
in business. In 1588 there were as many as seven thousand of them in
and around Manila.
No one had objected to the Pangasinan and Bataan assignments, but when
it was suggested that the Dominicans also assume the responsibility for
the ministry over the Chinese and Sangleys in the suburbs of Manila,
the Augustinians vehemently resented what they considered an invasion
of their prior rights. Aduarte omits any account of a disagreement,
merely saying that since the Chinese had had no one to minister to
them the Dominicans assumed that responsibility, but in a letter [105]
from the Licentiate Gaspar de Ayala to Philip II, dated from Manila,
July 15, 1589, full details of the squabble are given. From this source
we learn that the Augustinians had a convent in the village of Tondo
in the Chinese district. There they had ministered to the natives in
their own language, but had rather neglected their Chinese-speaking
parishioners. Consequently after the arrival of the Dominicans the
Audiencia passed an ordinance requiring that the Bishop appoint
ministers of one order to administer to the Chinese in their own
language within thirty days. To meet the deadline the Augustinians
began to study Chinese at breakneck speed, but when the Bishop came
to Tondo to hear one of the friars, who was supposed to know the
language, preach in it, there was some trouble as a result of which
the Augustinian would not, or indeed could not, preach. Naturally,
when it was decided to award the territory to the Dominicans, the
Augustinians accused the Bishop of favoritism towards his own order.
The whole situation is best described in the report on the Chinese
made by Salazar to the King on June 24, 1590:
"When I arrived in this land, I found that in a village called
Tondo--which is not far from this city, there being a river
between--lived many Sangleys, of whom some were Christians,
but the larger part infidels. In this city were also some
shops kept by Sangleys, who lived here in order to sell the
goods which they kept here year by year. These Sangleys were
scattered among the Spaniards, with no specific place assigned
to them, until Don Gonzalo Ronquillo allotted them a place
to live in, and to be used as a silk-market (which is here
called _Parián_), of four large buildings. Here, many shops
were opened, commerce increased, and more Sangleys came to this
city.... When I came, all the Sangleys were almost forgotten,
and relegated to a corner. No thought was taken for their
conversion, because no one knew their language or undertook
to learn it on account of its great difficulty; and because
the religious who lived here were too busy with the natives of
these islands. Although the Augustinian religious had charge
of the Sangleys of Tondo, they did not minister to or instruct
them in their own language, but in that of the natives or this
land; thus the Sangley Christians living here, were Christians
only in name, knowing no more of Christianity than if they
had never accepted it.... Then I appealed to all religious
orders to appoint some one of their religious to learn the
language and take charge of the Sangleys. Although all of them
showed a desire to do so, and some even began to learn it,
yet no one succeeded; and the Sangleys found themselves with
no one to instruct them and take up their conversion with the
necessary earnestness, until, in the year eighty-seven, God
brought to these islands the religious of St. Dominic." [106]
So we find, as the Dominicans undertook their mission, a large
settlement of Chinese, including both a settled and a floating
population, concentrated in the Parián, across the Pasig river from
the main city of Manila.
The dominating figure of the Chinese mission from the time of his
arrival in the Philippines was Juan Cobo. In a letter, written by him
from the Parián of Manila, July 13, 1589, probably to ecclesiastical
authorities in Mexico, he gives an account of the early days of
the mission:
"The Order took a site next to this Parián, since there was
not a single house between Santo Domingo and the Parián. And
because of this opportunity the Order presently charged
itself with the Chinese, both Christians and infidels. And
upon P. Fr. Miguel de Benavides and P. Fr. Juan Maldonado was
imposed the responsibility for the care of the Chinese and for
learning their language. P. Fr. Miguel was less occupied with
other matters than Fr. Juan Maldonado, so that he progressed
in the language enough to begin to catechize in it. This was
the first year the Order was in Manila.
"Presently in the second year when I came, the Order moved
P. Fr. Miguel and myself into another separate house at the
other edge of the Parián. So that there stood between Santo
Domingo and San Gabriel, which is the name of this church
of the Chinese, the whole of the Parián of the Sangleys. And
there a poor little church was built under the protection of
San Gabriel, to whom it fell by lot, and a poor house where
we two lived. We entered into it at the beginning of September
1588. This was the first church for the Chinese built, and we
believe that there is today not another parish church [for
the Chinese] but that.... And P. Fr. Miguel catechized them
and preached to them in their Chinese language, and taught
the doctrine in it. I myself did not yet know the language,
but the Lord has been served, so that in a short time I
progressed in it." [107]
The account of Aduarte is not so accurate in some details, but
it supplies others not mentioned by Cobo. The first mission which
Benavides and Maldonado (or de San Pedro Martyr as he was later known)
built was near the village of Tondo, in a new settlement specially
founded for Christian Chinese, called Baybay, and it was named for Our
Lady of the Purification. The second mission which was established
by Benavides and Cobo was at first a palm-leaf hut. The name of San
Gabriel was decided upon by making lots with the names of various
saints on them and then drawing. San Gabriel came out three times in
a row, and "all were persuaded that the Lord was pleased to have the
patronage belong to this holy archangel." Soon, because of the good
works of the fathers who established a hospital there for the care
of the sick and poor, the demands upon the hut became so great that
a larger building was planned. At first it was to have been erected
on the site of the hut, but the inhabitants protested that a stone
building so near native houses might do them great damage in the
event of an earthquake, so the friars went to the other side of the
river, and there built a temporary building of wood which was later
completed in stone. It was here then that the Doctrina was printed,
in the Church of San Gabriel, near the Parián of Manila, at the edge
of the Chinese settlement.
Under the care of Benavides and Cobo the mission flourished,
and the two fathers became increasingly proficient in the Chinese
language. When the provincial Juan de Castro began making preparations
for an inspection tour of his Chinese vicariate in 1590, he chose as
his companion Miguel de Benavides. The account of the events leading
up to this expedition is given in the already quoted letter of Salazar
on the Chinese:
"Of the Dominican religious who came to these islands, four
are engaged in ministering to the Sangleys. Two of these
four officiate in the Church of San Gabriel, which, together
with the house where the religious live, stands close to the
Parián. Another church with its house is on the promontory
of Baybay, near Tondo--which a river divides, separating it
from Manila. Two of the four have learned the language of
the Sangleys so well, and one of these two how to write also
(which is the most difficult part of the language), that the
Sangleys wonder at their knowledge.... After due consideration
of the matter, the Dominican fathers and myself decided that
it was necessary to go to China.... Thus we decided upon the
departure, sending at present no more than two religious: Fray
Miguel de Benavides, who was the first to learn the language
of the Sangleys; and Father Juan de Castro, who came as vicar
of the religious and who was made provincial here. We preferred
these two, as one is well acquainted with the language, and the
other is much loved and esteemed by the Sangleys on account of
his venerable gray locks and blessed old age; and we know that
in that land old people are much respected and revered." [108]
They sailed on May 22, 1590, but Juan de Castro before he left
appointed Cobo acting superior of the province with full authority
during his absence, and in the latter's place as head of the Chinese
mission sent Juan de San Pedro Martyr.
There is no doubt but that at this time Benavides and Cobo were
the two outstanding Chinese linguists among the Spaniards in
the Philippines. To Benavides has been attributed [109] a Chinese
dictionary, and Schilling [110] uses the already quoted letter of Cobo
to prove that he also wrote a Doctrina in Chinese, but, granting that
such works were written by him, there is no evidence that they were
written in Chinese characters, and not in Chinese transliterated into
roman letters. The available evidence points to the fact that Cobo
was the only one who could then write in Chinese characters. Salazar
in his above quoted letter had said that "one of these two [have
learned] how to write also," and in the same letter he continued,
"Fray Juan Cobo, the Dominican religious--who, as I have said before,
knows the language of the Sangleys and their writing, and who is most
esteemed by them--is sending to Your Majesty a book, one of a number
brought to him from China." [111] Further witness to Cobo's amazing
knowledge of Chinese writing is given by Aduarte:
"He knew three thousand Chinese characters, each different
from all the rest, for the Chinese have no definite number
of letters nor alphabet.... He translated a number [of
Chinese books]; for like those of Seneca, though they are
the work of heathens, they contain many profound sayings
like ours. He taught astrology to some of them whom he found
capable of learning; and to bring them by all means to their
salvation also taught them some trades that are necessary
among Spaniards, but which, not being used by the Chinese,
they did not know--such as painting images, binding books,
cutting and sewing clothes, and such things--doing all to
win men to God." [112]
Finally, as a more definite proof that Cobo could have been the
author of the Chinese Doctrina of 1593, we have the record [113] of a
_Catecismo de la Doctrina Cristiana en Lengua China_ written by him,
as well as many other works in Chinese.
In May 1590, then, the most accomplished Sinologist yet to work in
the Philippines was in charge of the Dominican province. "His first
act," wrote Aduarte, "was to strengthen the ministry to the Chinese by
appointing to it Father Domingo de Nieva, a priest of great virtue and
very able--which was tremendously important there--and one who best
mastered that language, as well as that of the Indians in which he
had had experience; and he worked in both of them, and wrote much
to the great advantage of those who came after him." [114] It is
surprising that no previous writer has emphasized the presence of
Domingo de Nieva, whose proficiency in Tagalog we have already noted,
at San Gabriel during the years when the printing of the Doctrinas
must have been planned and executed. His works are cited by Fernández,
[115] and after giving a summary of his career, Aduarte added:
"He wrote much in the language of the Indians and other things
in the language of the Chinese for whom he had printed in
their language and characters a memorial upon the Christian
life, with other brief tracts of prayer and meditation, in
preparation for the holy sacraments, of confession and the
sacred communion. He was an enemy of sloth, and so worked
much in Chinese, in which he wrote a practically new grammar
of the Chinese language, a vocabulary, a manual of confession
and many sermons, in order that those who had to learn this
language might find it less difficult." [116]
Medina [117] records these various works as Manila imprints of unknown
date, and to this indefinite information about them we can add nothing
positive. However, it is apparent that some time before 1606, when
Nieva died on his way to Mexico, he had had books printed, and since
they were in Chinese they must have been printed from wood-blocks,
for at that early date it would have been impossible to have cast the
number of characters necessary to print in Chinese with movable type.
With Nieva was Maldonado, or San Pedro Martyr. He had been one of the
first associates of Benavides in the first Chinese mission at Baybay,
but after the arrival of Cobo he had been sent by order of the first
chapter to Pangasinan. When Cobo was appointed acting provincial
San Pedro Martyr was again assigned to the Chinese ministry. He had
learned Tagalog, and after his return to the Parián "he learned more
words of the Chinese language than any other member of the order,
though he was not successful with the pronunciation." [118]
On May 31, 1592, the Governor received a letter from the Emperor of
Japan demanding that an ambassador be sent to offer him the fealty
of the Philippines. Juan Cobo, as the best speaker of Chinese, was
chosen to represent the Spaniards, and he left Manila on July 29,
1592. After successfully convincing the Japanese Emperor of the amity
of the Spaniards, he left to come back to Manila, but his ship was
wrecked in November on the coast of Formosa, and there Cobo was killed
by hostile natives. Meanwhile Benavides had gone back to Spain with
Bishop Salazar in 1591, and did not return to the Philippines until
after his appointment as Bishop of Nueva Segovia in 1595.
That left as the only two remaining experts in the Chinese language,
Domingo de Nieva and Juan de San Pedro Martyr, both of whom were at
San Gabriel in 1592. _Moreover, both of them knew Chinese and Tagalog._
A text in Tagalog was available, based on the Talavera-Plasencia-Oliver
model, which had circulated freely, and this, we believe, was further
edited--hence the "corrected by the religious of the orders"--by these
two Dominicans. In their editorial work they may have been helped
by Juan de la Cruz, who, we have noted, was sent to Bataan in 1588,
there learned Tagalog, and "succeeded so perfectly with it that Father
Fr. Francisco San Joseph, who was afterwards the best linguist there,
profited by the papers and labors of P. Fr. Juan de la Cruz." [119]
Juan de Oliver, the pioneer Franciscan Tagalist was still living and
available for consultation, and the polylingual Jesuit, Francisco
Almerique, also was in Manila at the time. A Chinese text had been
written by Juan Cobo, and both Nieva and San Pedro Martyr were capable
of preparing this for publication, again possibly aided by Almerique,
and also Diego Muñoz, if as an Augustinian he had been willing to
cooperate with the Dominicans. Nothing remained to be done but have
the blocks cut and the impressions pulled.