Heretics Drawn Into This Matter, To Incense The King Against Them, And For
Them Against The Catholic Religion.
The Prophet doth in few words very fully express the desires and
endeavours of such as are most guided by that spirit of pride, who is a
professed enemy to God and to all good men. “Superbia eorum (saith he) qui
te oderunt, ascendit semper.”(330) As if he should say to Almighty God,
not only the apostate Angel himself doth hate Thee, and all those for Thy
sake whom he seeth Thee to love; but those also, who are full of his
rising and resisting spirit, do still raise themselves against Thee and
all Thine, but most against those whom they see Thee most to favour, or
most to use and employ in Thy service. “Ascendit semper:” their spirit
still fighteth against those whom at least they think the highest;
although in this man’s judgment often erreth, guessing by outward signs
and not being able to search the heart of man, as He doth that is
“Scrutator cordis et renum,” is therefore not able to judge, or their
judgment to be taken for a certain proof, who be most in God’s favour. But
this their practice was plainly proved true in this present matter,
whereof we have already treated and are as yet further to declare. For
although we are to presume that His Majesty and the Council did proceed
without passion in the matter, His Majesty having in many parts of his
speech showed great equanimity and gracious opinion of his faithful
Catholic subjects; yea, although His Highness did in the same speech
correct the malice of Puritans against all Catholics in general, and did
seek to repress their fury, which he saw so ready by word and action to
oppress all Catholics upon this occasion offered, and to persecute the
innocent multitude for the fault of a few: yet all this would not suffice
to quench or assuage that fire (as the King did wisely observe and so
express it in his speech) “with which their hearts were burnt up in this
errant.” But as they had before determined, so they never left labouring,
until they had wrought their will, and found out a device which they hoped
would serve both to discredit and discourage Catholics; and beginning with
some of the chiefest (as they thought), to proceed with better colour in
punishing and persecuting of the rest.
Therefore whereas they did know very well how great esteem Catholics did
generally make of the Fathers of the Society, and how much they did all
for the most part (especially the better sort) rely upon their advice,
reputing them to be men of great learning and judgment, and chiefly to be
of approved virtue and spirit and both skill and experience in direction
of souls: at these Fathers therefore did these Puritans resolve to level
their first poisoned arrows, drawn out of the quiver of malice and shot
from the bow of open injustice. But you must understand that this is not
the first time they have aimed at this mark. No; they have been the men
upon their eye of envy and spite hath ever been fixed since the first
coming into England of those two famous men, Father Persons and blessed
Father Campian, whose wisdom and spiritual instructions did so settle the
hearts of Catholics in profession of their faith and whose exhortations
both private and public did so kindle the zeal of devotion in all their
minds, that the heretics might see another face of things in the
persecuted state of the English Church, unto which afterwards being added
the frequent and learned books of the one, and the challenged and
performed disputation of the other (with all which they were convinced and
confounded), these were motives sufficient to set malice on fire against
them, and their Society for their sake, although they had found no like
causes in their followers. But when they saw the like course to be
continued; of exemplary virtue in Father Edmonds,(331) of wise direction
for progress in devotion in blessed Father Garnett, and of learned and
spiritual books in blessed Father Southwell; also when they had tried the
constancy of blessed Father Walpole and others to be inflexible and not to
be drawn either by force or favour to their will, either against God’s
honour or the good of their neighbours; when they found that no one of the
Society that were sent into England could ever be wrought by them neither
by torments to yield in infirmity, nor yet by their subtle examinations to
be overreached so far, no not so much as out of simplicity to accuse the
least Catholic of his acquaintance, or so that any did come in trouble by
any undiscreet answer of theirs.
This long and sufficient trial hath made them so much malign the men of
that Society, that they have never ceased labouring by one means or other
to practise all hostility against them, as against their chief enemies.
From hence hath proceeded the many slanders they have sought to publish of
them: from hence the many false and foul reports in several kinds, which
they by themselves have published in books and procured the like to be
done by all others whom they could work unto their will, as namely those
of Mr. Watson’s writing, which he so much repented at his death, asking
humble pardon both of God and of the Society for the many falsehoods and
slanders fathered upon them in the same. From hence also did proceed the
disobedience of some scholars against the Fathers in the Seminaries,
secretly wrought in their minds by some instruments which the chief of
these Puritans had employed to that end and purpose. Finally, from hence
as from a troubled fountain have flowed all the streams of disgraces and
disturbance and persecutions both against the Fathers themselves, and
against the places where they have been presumed to be; yea, against all
those who have been conceived to be favourers or well-willers to them:
insomuch that in hatred of the Fathers, they would often show favour to
the places where other Priests were taken. But if the Priest were a
Jesuit, or but a friend of theirs, and one that were known to love them
and to follow some of their spiritual courses, of which number I
acknowledge myself to be; then should they and their receivers be sure to
drink of the whip and to have _summum jus_ instead of mercy. And as they
at the first, when Seminary Priests did come in apace and did much good,
made severe laws against them, punishing with pain of death the receivers
of them, in all which they exempted the old Queen Mary Priests, because
they saw the others, with their apostolical zeal and fervour, to work much
greater effect in the minds of men; so now in the practice of those laws,
they made a plain distinction between all Priests and Jesuits, whom they
esteemed the greatest enemies to the proceeding and increase of heresy.
And, but howsoever that is, would to God there were a divorce between them
and heresy (unto which as yet their minds are so much wedded) undoubtedly
they should then find they had no friends in the world more faithful, nor
any that would be more ready to serve them in the service of God, than
those whom now they hate and persecute so much, upon a contrary supposed
ground, and the same most contrary to all truth and justice.
But their minds being in this manner settled upon their courses, and so
grounded in opinion of chief resistance in the Fathers of the Society and
by their means, they resolved absolutely by one means or other to effect
that which they had so much desired and so many ways laboured for. And
having this opportunity of colour offered, of this late attempt of the
foresaid gentlemen, and knowing the same to be so odious not only to His
Majesty and the Council, but in like manner to all the graver and better
sort of Catholics both in England and elsewhere, they did imagine that if
they could with any little show of pretence but father this matter upon
those Fathers, they should by that means either have all, or at least some
of their desires performed against them. For if they could not convince
them to be guilty, yet because the matter was so hateful, they hoped
either in the meantime whilst the matter were in handling and not fully
cleared, to procure that they might be called out of England (which hath
long time been a chief part of their desires) or at least to make many
Catholics both shy of them and fearful to deal with them; whilst they by
extraordinary and exquisite searching might apprehend the most of them. Or
at the least, if none of these took effect (as thanks be to God, the
contrary through God’s providence was proved true), yet they might
hereupon ground the pretence of just occasion to enact those severe laws
against Catholics, which they had determined and prepared long before, as
I showed in the former chapters.
Now therefore they began with all diligence to seek out likely pretences
for their purpose: and it was no hard matter to find a staff to beat these
dogs prepared by Christ, the Chief Shepherd, against the wolves that seek
to devour His flock. For although they could not find in all the several
examinations and confessions of the conspirators now in prison any little
proof that they were in the Plot, but the contrary to be averred by them
all with solemn protestation, yet they would have it suffice for a
likelihood, that divers of these gentlemen were known unto divers of the
Fathers and did sometimes come unto them for helps in the Sacraments. But
so did many hundreds besides those gentlemen: and the Fathers dispense
faithfully those divine mysteries to all, without exception of any, if
they find them desirous and prepared, and without suspicion of any to bear
undutiful minds.(332) And if all the acquaintance, yea, or the familiar
and inward friends unto these gentlemen should have been called in
suspicion, not only many other Catholics in England, who neither are nor
can be appeached of any such matter, should be convented, but as well,
many of their own side, even some of those that sat as judges of them in
the Parliament. Briefly, a bad excuse must stand for good, where no better
can be found, and where the matter is resolved, and the parties condemned,
before the proof can be found or the witnesses produced. But behold one
single and he but a seeming witness was found, or rather was supposed to
be found; for he also failed them, as I shall after declare.
There was one Bates a servant to Mr. Robert Catesby, of whom I made
mention before; and this man having been employed by his master in the
whole action for provision of powder, &c., and seeing himself so far in
danger as the best, and yet not stored with so much grace and generous
mind as was needful, nor perhaps entering the action with so seeming good
motives as those gentlemen, who protested they did it merely for service
to God and exaltation of religion; which it may be feared was not the
motive to this fellow,(333) being but a serving-man and never of any
extraordinary capacity or devotion, but only trusty to his master, and
belike, in respect of that employed. Therefore now when he saw his master
gone, and all hopes by him failed, it may well be this wind would make his
house to shake, if it were so built upon the sand; and when he saw
likewise the likely storm coming of death which he was to expect, and of
torments also in likelihood, if he did not seek to please: these loe were
great temptations to the poor fellow and sufficient to toss and bend that
reed which way the wind would blow; especially those fears being seconded
with hopes of favour; which were also promised, as shall afterwards appear
in his words, when he repented his frailty before his death. And so
this(334) fellow being earnestly urged by persons of great authority to
confess some proofs or likelihood that the Jesuits were in this action,
the poor man, of frailty and desire of life (as afterwards himself
affirmed), told them that his master and another of those gentlemen had
been not past a fortnight before the action broke out, at a nobleman’s
house where three Jesuits were, to wit, Father Henry Garnett, Father
Osmund Tesimond, and Father John Gerard. He affirmed also that himself was
sent with a letter by his master after they were up in arms, to a house in
Warwickshire, where two of the said Jesuits were, _vidlt._, Father Garnett
and Father Tesimond: and that Father Tesimond then went with him to his
master, who was at Mr. Winter’s with the rest of the company; but that the
said Father Tesimond staid not with them, but rode presently away; yet did
the poor fellow in his weakness yield so far as to say, that he thought
Father Tesimond did know of the Plot, which yet he affirmed not of the
other two.
This was the ground and the only foundation upon which they built that
great and slanderous calumniation against all the Jesuits in England;
whereas this was no proof at all, but only the single conceit of one
simple man, and that only set down as a mere thought of his own head, and
but of one of the three. For as for the seeing of them all three at my
Lord Vaux’s, it is certain that was not true. For I have inquired of the
matter since, and so have found it, as I say, to be false; besides, Father
Gerard in his letters sent unto the Council in his own purgation, did
protest he had not seen that Bates of at least a twelve-month before, and
these letters were so sent, as they were received by the Council, whilst
Bates was living and in their hands. But Bates perhaps might think it true
that he was there at that time, that being the place which was generally
supposed to be his chief abode, and so esteemed by the Council themselves,
as appeared by the several searches had been made there for him, before as
well as after this false suspicion. Besides if he would be there at any
time, Bates might think it likely he would not be absent at that time,
when two aunts of the Lord Vaux that now is, were come thither in their
return from a long journey, who had not been there together of many years
before; especially because Bates did suppose that Father Garnett, who was
the Superior of all the Society in England, did continue with those two
sisters, and was then come with them unto the same house, as Bates did
imagine, and that Father Tesimond also did meet him there. All which might
be very likely, if Father Garnett did go along in that journey with those
devout gentlewomen; for it might well be supposed Father Gerard would not
then be missing, but would rather be there of purpose to give his Superior
the best entertainment he could procure, and this, if it were so, was
cause sufficient, without any thought of the other cause of meeting, which
I have heard Father Gerard himself protest, he did not so much as imagine
before the thing itself was known to all men. And as for Mr. Catesby his
being there, he was near cousin both unto the same Lord Vaux, and his
mother who kept the house, and to those two gentlewomen whom he met there
at that time, as he had done in many other places, both before and since
this conspiracy was dreamt of. And as for Sir Everard Digby, there was
more occasion of his being there, and there at that time (as I have since
learned), for that he was a near neighbour and a great and tried friend
unto the same Lord Vaux and his mother, as it was very well known unto
divers of the Council, and the same also allowed of and well liked by
them, with whom he had dealt concerning the said Lord and his mother about
a match that should have been between the Lord Chamberlain(335) his
daughter and the young Lord Vaux.
So that Sir Everard Digby had many serious occasions to come to my Lord
Vaux’s; and then in particular, as I have learned since, being come from
his ancient house and chief living which lay in Rutlandshire, from whence
he could not go unto the house(336) where his wife and family lay, but he
must pass by the door of my Lord Vaux his house, which also made him there
an ordinary guest.
So that all this supposal had been nothing if it had been true; and as
Bates neither did nor could affirm it to be true that the three Jesuits
were there, but only that the two gentlewomen were there, taking their
sister’s house in their way at their return, and his master also, and Sir
Everard Digby met them, of which one also came merely by chance; what the
other did I know not. And whereas I say that Bates did not affirm this of
the Jesuits, no, nor of their only being in the house, so absolutely as he
did affirm that he afterwards saw Father Garnett and Father Tesimond in
Warwickshire, shall appear in his own words, when I set down his letter,
whereof I have the true copy.
But yet this doubtful and uncertain affirmation of his, which, if it had
been most true and certain, had been also certain to be no proof at all or
just cause of presumption, where there were so many other causes
concurring which would have required the being of Father Gerard in that
house at that time (if that were the place of his most residence), yet was
this no cause made cause sufficient of great trouble to that noble family.
For presently there was commission granted out for a most severe search to
be made in that house of my Lord Vaux’s, and also in another house of the
said Lord’s three miles off, lest perhaps Father Gerard might be kept
there in that troublesome time. The commission was directed to the most
forward Puritans of the country, with strict charge not only to search
narrowly for the said Father, but whether they found him or not, to keep
possession of the house and the keys of the rooms, until the Commissioners
should have further order from the Council. All this and much more was
performed in so strict manner as might be. For although the Lord Vaux and
his mother were very much beloved and respected in all the country, he
being the most ancient Baron and first in place of all the shire, and so
linked to most houses of worth within the shire that it was hard to find
any man of account therein that was not either akin or allied or a dear
friend unto their house; yet all this notwithstanding, the search was most
severe, as I have been credibly informed by those that were present. The
house was beset with at least a hundred men, and those well appointed. The
young Lord made no resistance, as having no cause to fear, but brought the
Commissioners presently in to his mother, who delivered unto them all the
keys of her house, and willed them to use their pleasure. They searched
for two or three days continually, and searched with candles in cellars
and several dark corners. They searched every cabinet and box in her own
closet for letters, in hope to find some little scroll that might show
Father Gerard had been an actor in this treason, or that she or her son
had received some knowledge of it. But they found not with all this
diligence the least tittle of advantage in the matter, insomuch that the
chief man in commission for this search (though an earnest Puritan) yet
sent a very full information unto the Council that he had found the house
most clear, the young Lord and his mother very respective unto authority,
admitting any kind of search or inquiry that he could desire and yet very
confident in their own innocency; and that he found not any preparation in
the house for war, or any show at all that they had the least knowledge of
any such attempt intended.
Notwithstanding, this information sent after full trial made by search,
the Council sent for the young Lord and his mother up to London presently,
where they were both examined; the young Lord by my Lord Salisbury alone,
who cleared himself so by his answer that he was no further restrained,
but only commanded to stay in the city of London. His mother was examined
before the whole Council, where she did clear herself fully from all cause
of suspicion in that treason, and affirmed constantly, that although she
were a firm Catholic, and so would live and die by the grace of God, yet
that fact she did as much mislike and condemn as themselves; and that so
she had been taught by those that had care of her soul. They urged her
that she knew Father Gerard, and had received him many times into her
house. She answered she hoped none could justly accuse her that she had
received either him or any other Priest, and that she would not accuse
herself, the same being a Penal Law. They insisted she was bound to tell
of him, for that he was known to be a traitor and a chief plotter of this
action. She answered with serious protestation, that she had never the
least cause to think so of him (if she did know him, as they presupposed);
and said that she had heard so much good of the man (though she did not
know him) that she would pawn her whole estate, yea, and her life also,
that he was not guilty of that Plot, nor justly to be touched with it.
Then the Council produced a letter which she had written unto the Sheriff
of Warwickshire, her cousin, for the delivery of two Priests, who were
taken passing through the country after the stirs were begun, which letter
the sheriff had sent unto the Council (more like a Puritan as he is, than
a kinsman as he should be). This letter, said the Lords of the Council,
being written for the delivery of Strange, the Jesuit (now in the Tower,
and since very sore tortured, as I shall afterwards declare), and for
another Priest, one of Blackwell the Archpriest his assistants, and the
same also written in so earnest and effectual manner, doth convince you to
be guilty of treason in that Statute of aiding Priests.(337) She answered
that she wrote for them indeed, and that she desired much to set them
free, but she knew them not to be Priests, but took them for Catholic
gentlemen that came sometimes to her house as others did, and looked
nothing like Priests. Then finally, some of the Council said, that whereas
she was now in the King’s mercy to live or die, she should have her life
and lose nothing of her estate, if she would tell where Gerard the Jesuit
was to be found. She answered, she knew not; but if she did know she would
not tell it them to save her life and many lives. “Why then,” said they,
“Lady, you must die.” “Why then, I will die, my Lords,” said she, “for I
will never do the other.” So they sent her away to prison, not to an
ordinary gaol, but to a rich Alderman’s house in London, where she was
well respected, and yet kept so close that not her own son might come to
see her, only she had a gentlewoman of her own to attend her. There were
also divers of her servants committed to several prisons, and often and
strictly examined with many menacings if they would not confess Father
Gerard to have been at the Lord Vaux his house, but nothing could be wrung
out of them. The house in the country was all this while watched within
and without for nine or ten days together, that if Father Gerard were
still in the house hid in any secret place, he either might be starved to
death, or by famine forced to come out. And for two or three miles round
about the house there was watch kept in the country, and all passengers
examined in desire to find the said Father, but all in vain; for where God
will protect, man’s forces or policies are frustrate, “et deficient
scrutantes scrutinio.”(338)
Soon after this search was past, Father Gerard lying secretly in another
country, and understanding how that house had been severely searched for
him as for one of this conspiracy, he thought it fit and needful to show
his innocency in the matter by a public letter, which he performed
presently, and I have read the letter. It contained, first, some reasons
why he did seek to clear himself, and that by the way of protestation, the
matter being true and just and _in re gravi_. Then he did solemnly and
seriously protest before God and all the Court of Heaven, that he was
never privy to the matter, nor had heard so much as one word of that Plot
of Powder before the thing itself was discovered and the knowledge thereof
brought unto him by public fame; and that his meaning was, he had not
known of it either in secret or otherwise, no, not so much as in
confession. Also he did exclude all equivocation so far forth, that if he
did in any sort equivocate in this protestation, he did yield himself as
guilty of the whole both in the sight of God and men. Further he alleged
divers reasons why it was not likely he should know thereof, as in respect
of the badness of the matter, which he utterly disliked and condemned, no
man more. In respect of his estate and the prohibition he had received
from his Superiors, not to meddle with any State matters at all; and much
less with any such outrageous attempt. Also, that the Council had tried
him sufficiently in those matters in the time of Queen Elizabeth’s reign,
when they had him in their hands from three years and more, often
labouring to have found him guilty, or to have him confess he had dealt in
State matters; but he was ever found clear, insomuch that they could not
produce the least word of his writing or witness against him in all that
time of his imprisonment, nor find him guilty in the least point, although
they put him to the uttermost trials to see whether force or favour would
sooner prevail with him. Then further in this letter he alleged, that if
in Queen Elizabeth’s time it could not be proved he had meddled in any
matters of State, much more it was to be presumed he would be far from
dealing in this highest kind of treason, and that against this King, for
whom it was well known his father had suffered and lost much, whereof it
pleased His Majesty to take knowledge unto his brother at his first coming
to the Crown. And lastly, he said he was so far from ever consenting or
knowing of any such matter, that he offered freely, if either before his
taking or after,(339) it could be proved, that ever he had any kind of
knowledge of that Plot of Powder, that then he would freely give them
leave, whensoever it should please God to deliver him into their hands, to
put him to all the torments could be imagined, and pull one piece of him
from another, and withal that all men of what side or sect soever should
then repute him as a perjured creature, and to have neither faith to God
nor man. This was the effect of his letter in brief, the letter itself
containing a sheet or two of paper, which letter being published in
London, did give great satisfaction not only to Catholics (who could not
easily believe such reports of him before) but even to the Protestants
themselves. Yea, it was showed unto the King himself by an Earl in great
favour with His Majesty, and His Highness for that time was very well
satisfied therewith.
But notwithstanding this and the general opinion which most men conceived
of his innocency, and although there were no proof at all or sufficient
grounds to proceed against any of the rest, yet such was the settled
resolution of some to bring them into the suspicion and slander of this
treason, that they proposed it unto His Majesty as a thing very requisite,
to have a public proclamation sent forth against the Jesuits, and first to
begin with these three, meaning to bring in the rest also by degrees. The
King referred the matter unto the Council, as his manner is. The cause was
therefore discussed at the council-table, and being proposed by those that
were of great authority in that place, it was not much gainsaid, at least
for two of the three. But for the third, which was Father Gerard, it was
answered by some, that there was no reason he should be put in the number;
and one Earl at the table, being of great account both for wisdom and
learning, said that sith Gerard had so fully cleared himself by so ample a
protestation and was a gentleman, he thought it was very hard to lay so
severe a punishment upon him, upon the single accusation of one witness,
and he but a base fellow and in fear of his life. For it was then supposed
that Bates did accuse all these three, and perhaps so proposed also to
make the matter seem more justly grounded. But it was not so, as will
appear in the words of Bates his letter hereafter. But neither this pious
answer, nor truth itself, which I doubt not answered for all the three in
the conscience of those that most furthered this cruel course, could
anything at all prevail against the course which was before intended,
insomuch that it was there resolved a proclamation should presently be
sent forth against those three before named. Yea, and Father Gerard was
put in the first place, as if he had been the principal person of the
three, which though some do think to have been done only by the penner of
the proclamation in respect of his blood or kindred in the world, which
they (looking only with fleshly eyes) make more account of than of
spiritual dignities; yet sure it was done of purpose, to make him the more
odious thereby, and to hide the want of proof which they had against him:
that when all men did see him set before the other two, whereof one was
his Superior, and the other his ancient every way, they might the rather
think there was some great matter found out against him. And so all men
might be incensed the more to betray him or apprehend him, for that was
the chief intention of the proclamation against all the three. And to that
end in the proclamation, first the names of the persons and the nature of
their supposed offence was set down; then a subtle inducement joined with
a serious commandment unto all men to discover them and to help to
apprehend them, unto which also was annexed large promises to those that
should be found the particular instruments of their apprehension; and
lastly, a severe protestation that whosoever should presume to be a
harbourer, maintainer, or concealer of any of them, or should not do their
best for their discovery or apprehension, that they should hope for no
mercy, but that the laws should be most severely executed upon them, as
upon persons no less pernicious than the actors and concealers of the main
treason itself. In the end of all the three persons were described, that
they might the better be known, by their stature, their colour, and
countenance. By all which it may appear how violent a desire of their
apprehension those had who procured the proclamation, as the most forcible
and likely means to that effect. I pray God avert the violence of His
justice from their souls, and send them to find mercy, when this forcible
proceeding of theirs doth come to be examined. For otherwise a dreadful
doom must be expected, “quia potentes potenter tormenta patientur:
horrende et cito apparebit eis,”(340) saith the wise man. I pray God they
may prevent it, before it light upon them; otherwise this blow will hurt
and wound the strikers much more than them against whom it was
intended.(341)
This proclamation being published in London, it was presently carried into
all the market-towns of England (as the custom is) to be there proclaimed,
to the end that all men taking notice of the names and the description of
the persons of these three supposed traitors, it might be unpossible in
any short time for any of them to pass safely through any town, but that
they would be descried, discovered, and apprehended. So that they were now
to be esteemed in all human likelihood, “tanquam oves occisionis,” like
sheep designed to the slaughter. “Sed ira viri justitiam Dei non
operatur;”(342) and whom God will protect “nemo potest rapere de manu
illius.”(343) God provided for them such friends as knew their innocency
well, and did most willingly adventure with them, not regarding the
threats nor respecting the promises in the proclamation of a straw. Yea, I
know where some of them refused the earnest entreaties of some persons of
great worth instantly desiring to have had them in their houses. But they
were well and safely provided for, for insomuch that until this day two of
them were never in danger to fall into their enemies’ hands, “sed liberati
sunt de manu Herodis et de omni expectatione plebis Judæorum.”(344) And
the third was provided for sufficiently in a house of great safety, and
where he might have continued long enough without danger, if he had not
been by God’s permission betrayed into their hands as his Master was; “sed
advenerat hora ejus.”(345) And he that betrayed him for “Quid vultis mihi
dare?”(346) had a halter for his pains, as Judas had, though he died not
desperate, as Judas did, but very penitent for his fact, as the sequent
chapters shall declare.