CHAPTER III

CONVICT LIFE

Various conditions described--Arrival and treatment of

newcomers--Hyde Park barracks for males--Parramatta factory for

females--Behaviour of assignees to their convict

servants--Treatment at out-stations--Labour--How

enforced--Demeanour of convicts--Disciplinary methods--The lash the

chief penalty.

British transportation divides itself naturally into three periods. The

first comprises the early history of the penal colonies; the second

treats of the days when "assignment" flourished, then fell into

disrepute; the third saw the substitution of the "probation" system, its

collapse; and finally, the abandonment of transportation beyond the

seas. Transportation was really continued for some years after the

collapse of the probation system in Van Diemen's Land, but only to the

extent of sending a few hundreds annually to Western Australia, and in

keeping up the convict establishments at Bermuda and Gibraltar. Having

sketched this early history in the two preceding chapters, I propose to

draw now a picture of convict life, and the state of the colonies

generally during the second of these periods. I shall, in this, confine

myself chiefly to New South Wales, the details of management and the

results having been much the same in Van Diemen's Land, or Tasmania as

it is now called. But I shall refer more especially to that island in a

later page.

To the voyage out and the internal management of convict ships I intend

to devote a special chapter. Let us imagine that the anchor is dropped

in Sydney harbour, and that the surgeon superintendent has gone on shore

to make his bow to His Excellency the Governor of New South Wales and

its dependencies. There is already plenty of excitement in the town. The

ship had been signalled in the offing, and there are numbers of good

people on the look out for useful hands from among its cargo. The days

when convict labour was a drug in the market are past and gone; the rush

for "assigned" servants is now so great that requisitions far in excess

of the number available crowd the office of the assignment board. All

sorts of tricks have been put in practice to get early information as to

the qualifications of those on board: although the indent bearing the

names of the new convicts goes first to the governor and then to the

assignment officers, the cunning old stagers--not a few of them

themselves emancipists--have found out privately from the surgeon or the

master of the vessel whether there are upon the list any men likely to

be useful to them. Thus a watchmaker seeks to obtain a watchmaker; an

engraver, an engraver; printers, compositors; merchants want clerks, as

doctors do assistants, or as the genteel folk--"ancients" they love to

style themselves--do cooks, butlers, and ladies'-maids. Many got

convicts assigned to them who were distinctly unfit and unworthy of the

charge. Cases were indeed known of settlers, outwardly honest men, whose

only object in asking for servants was to get assistants in thieving,

cattle stealing, and other nefarious transactions. All who lived inland

came off second best in the general rush: unless they had some friend on

the spot to watch their interests they had to take their chance later

on. But these too are in want of skilled labourers: one requires a

carpenter to complete a new shed or roof to his house; another a

blacksmith for the farm forge; and all would be glad of men with any

agricultural training or skill. If the newly-arrived ship carries female

convicts, there is similar anxiety. At one time governesses were

frequently got from among these outcasts; but the practice of confiding

the education of innocent children to such teachers appeared so

monstrous that it was soon altogether discontinued. But nursemaids and

other household servants were in eager request, and it must be confessed

that the moral condition of the colony was such that many of the better

looking female convicts were obtained without disguise for distinctly

immoral purposes.

One and all were compelled to lodge their applications for assigned

servants with the assignment board, where practically the decision

rested. This board was governed latterly by the clear and explicit

rules laid down by Sir Richard Bourke, to which I have referred in the

last chapter, but before these regulations were framed many malcontents

among the settlers were ready to declare that assignment all depended

upon favour and affection. "If you had no friend on the board," says

one, "you might get a chimney-sweep when you wanted a cabinetmaker." In

the same way complaints were made that the members of this board, and

other officials in high place, were given as many assigned servants as

they asked for. Thus the Chief Justice of the colony had forty, the

Colonial Secretary fifty or sixty, the Brigade Major eight or ten. The

principal landowners, too, were liberally supplied. One, a salt

manufacturer, had sixty or seventy; another, with a farm of forty

thousand acres, employed a couple of hundred servants. Laing declares

that the assignment of useful hands depended often on petty services

rendered to government, and that many of the settlers succeeded in

getting on the weak side of the governor and his advisers.

But to return to the ship, which meanwhile lay out in the stream. No one

was allowed to communicate with her, except the Colonial Secretary or

his assistant. One of these officials having gone on board to muster all

hands, inspect them, and investigate any complaints, as soon as these

preliminaries were concluded the disembarkation took place at the

dockyard. Male convicts were at once marched to the Hyde Park barracks,

where they paraded for the inspection of His Excellency the governor.

Then the assignees, having been first informed of the numbers they were

to receive, waited in person or sent for them, paying on receipt one

pound per head for bedding and the convict clothes. Assignees failing to

appear, or to remove the lots assigned to them, forfeited the grant.

With the women the system was much the same. They were first mustered,

then they landed, decked out in their finest feathers. There was no

attempt to enforce a plain uniformity of attire; each woman wore silks

and satins if she had them, with gay bonnets, bright ribbons, and showy

parasols. Persons who had applied for female servants were present at

the dockyard to receive them. After that all who remained on government

charge--and their numbers were large, for female convicts were not in

great demand--passed on next to the great central depot or factory at

Parramatta.

As the Hyde Park barracks and the Parramatta factory were to a certain

extent depot prisons for males and females respectively, a word about

both will not be out of place here.

Until later years the men's barracks had been very negligently

supervised. There was no attempt to enforce discipline within the walls.

The convicts were not even kept under lock and key. Half at least were

absent as a general rule all night, which they spent in prowling about,

stealing anything they could lay hands upon. The officers at the

barracks were tampered with, and winked for substantial reasons at the

nightly evasions of the prisoners in their charge. Even in the day time,

and inside the walls, drunkenness was very rife, and with it perpetual

pilfering from one another, and much general misconduct. Naturally in

this universal slackness of control the lower officials fattened and

grew rich at the public expense. Gross peculation and embezzlement were

continually practised. The storekeeper was known to have abstracted

supplies from government stock; and others on small salaries were found

to have amassed considerable fortunes, building themselves fine villas

in the best part of the town, and living on the fat of the land. Having

thus full scope for license and depravity, it will be conceded that

there was no attempt at punishment and restraint in this the first

halting-place of the transport in the land of exile.

The condition of the Parramatta factory, the depot for females, was even

more disgraceful. The building, not unlike an English workhouse, was

large and stood amidst spacious courtyards and gardens. The

accommodation provided was of the best. There was plenty of food and

comfortable raiment. The women were not confined always within the

walls, they had money in plenty, and there was little or no work to be

done, even by those in the lower stages or classes. A few were made to

wheel sand or gravel for gardening purposes, but the barrows used were

of light construction, and the women laughed openly and made a joke of

the labour imposed. The administration of the establishment was

entrusted for years to a matron, whose character, to say the least of

it, hardly entitled her to so responsible a charge. It was alleged that

she misappropriated the labour of the convicts, keeping back the best

prisoners to employ them for the benefit of herself and her daughters.

It was openly said, also, that these daughters were not a bit better

than they should have been. There was some attempt at classification

among the female convicts according to conduct and character, but the

lowest of these classes was filled with women who had been returned from

service or who were sentenced to remain at Parramatta till further

orders. This was just what they wished. All the women much preferred to

be at the factory. It was far better, they said, than at service. If any

servant misbehaved, and was taken by her master before a magistrate, she

said at once, "Send me back to the factory. Send me back." These scenes

in court supply curious evidence of the condition of affairs. The women

constantly made use of the most desperate and disgusting language. One,

after threatening her master, suddenly spat in his face. Another, when

sentenced to ten days on bread and water, was so insolent that the

punishment was increased to thirty. "Oh! thank you," she said coolly;

"couldn't you make it thirty-one?"--knowing perfectly well that thirty

days was the limit of the magistrate's power. No wonder that, with such

material to choose from, decent people refused to receive convict

maid-servants into their families. As a rule their characters were so

bad, they gave so much annoyance, and disturbed to such an extent the

peace and quiet of households, that the settlers would rather be without

their assistance altogether. "They make execrable servants," says a Mr.

Mudie, speaking from long experience. In many years he had only met one

or two who were well behaved. Some were exceedingly savage, and thought

nothing of doing serious mischief to any one. The most flagrant case of

this was the assault on Captain Waldron, a retired officer and settler.

Having reason to find fault with a woman for not cleaning his veranda,

he threatened to send her back to the factory. "If you send her, you

must send me too," cried another woman coming forward directly. High

words followed; after which the two women threw themselves without

warning on their master, got him down, and mauled him so seriously that

he died of the injuries he received. Other servants, convicts also, were

within earshot, but not one stirred a finger to help their master.

Not a pleasant picture this of the actual consequences of female

transportation. Perhaps all the women were not originally bad, but the

voyage out was a terrible ordeal to those who had still some faint

glimmering left of the distinctions between right and wrong. Another

observer remarks that the character and condition of these women was

"as bad as it was possible for human beings to be; they were shockingly

dissolute and depraved, steeped to the very core in profligacy and

vice." But I will now leave them and return to the men, who formed the

bulk of the convict population.

Let us take first the case of those assigned to settlers in the

interior. The assignee, as I have said, attended and carried off his

quota to dispose of them on his station, or otherwise, according to his

discretion. To get the men home--often a long way off--was no easy

matter. Sometimes the convict was given money and told to find his own

way, and again the master assumed charge, and they marched in company.

Then it happened, either that those left to themselves made straight for

the nearest public-house, or that those under escort gave their masters

the slip and traveled in the same direction. The next the assignee heard

of his new servants was a demand made upon him to take them "out of

pawn." Joining with old pals, these new chums, fresh from the restraint

of the convict ship, had soon launched out into drunkenness or worse. As

often as not, the master found them in the lock-up, with half their

clothing gone, and charged with felony. Having cost money already, they

now cost more; and the process might be repeated over and over again.

Nevertheless, sooner or later, all or a part of the new labourers

reached their destination. Here their position was quite that of

slaves. The Transportation Act gave the governor of the colony a

property in the services of every convict, and this property he made

over to the assignee. The authority with which the settler became

thereupon vested was not exactly absolute, but it was more than an

ordinary master has over his apprentice. Nevertheless, the Australian

master was bound to maintain and to protect his convict servant. He

could not flog him, nor was he supposed to ill-treat him; besides, the

law gave the convict the right of appeal and complaint against

ill-usage. Maintenance was likewise provided by law. The regulation

rations consisted weekly of seven pounds of fresh meat--beef or

mutton--and eight pounds of flour, with salt, also soap and other

necessaries; but this minimum allowance was often largely increased. The

meat issue rose to eight or nine pounds; the flour to fourteen pounds;

tea and sugar were added, and occasionally rum and tobacco. In spite of

the danger of supplying such men with spirits, rum was openly given--as

at time of sheep shearing, and so forth, when it was supposed to be

needed medicinally. The occasion of a harvest-home was often the excuse

for a general jollification. Many masters found that it was to their

interest to feed their convict servants well. This was bribing them to

do good work, and not a few people had more confidence in the efficacy

of such treatment than in purely strict and coercive measures. Mr.

Mudie, again, when before the Parliamentary Committee of 1837,

confessed to having provided one servant with a flute, just to keep him

in good humour. A good master was anxious to make his servants forget,

if possible, that they were convicts. Really profitable labour, they

argued, could only be got out of them by making them comfortable. Here

at once was a departure from the very first principles of penal

discipline. It was hardly intended that the felons who were transported

as a punishment beyond the seas should be pampered and made much of,

simply to put money into the pockets of private individuals. As a matter

of fact the average actual condition of the convict servant, as far as

food and lodging were concerned, was far superior to that of the honest

field labourer at home, and under a good master, as we have seen, he was

much better off than a soldier. He might be under some personal

restraint, and there was a chance of being flogged if he misbehaved, but

he had a great many comforts. He was allowed to marry, could never

starve, and if industrious, might look forward in no remote period of

time to rise to a position of ease, if not of actual affluence.

At all the large stations the daily routine of life was somewhat as

follows: The big bell on the farm rang out an hour before sunrise, a

second bell half an hour later, and a third when the sun appeared. It

was the night watchman's business to ring the bells. At the last summons

all hands turned out. The mechanics went to their various works, the

bullock drivers to their carts, the herdsmen to their cattle and pigs.

As a general rule the heaviest labour to be performed was kept for the

newest comers, so as to break them in. It was their business to clear

the land, fell timber, and burn it. At eight came the breakfast bell,

and with it an hour's rest. Dinner was at one, after which work was

continued until sunset. At 8 or 9 P. M., according to the season, a

night bell recalled every one, and after that no convict was supposed to

leave his hut. On the surface, then, no great amount of rest appeared to

be allowed, except at actual meal times or after sundown; but the whole

character of the work performed was desultory and far from satisfactory.

A convict servant's value was estimated by people of experience at

something much less than that of a free labourer; so much so that there

were settlers who declared they would rather pay wages, as they lost

rather than saved by this gratuitous labour. The convicts worked

unwillingly almost always; sometimes they executed their tasks as badly

as they could, on purpose to do injury. What leisure they had was not

very profitably employed. One convict in twenty might read, and some few

spent their time in plaiting straw hats for sale; but the greater number

preferred to be altogether idle, unless they could get a pack of

cards--forbidden fruit at every station, and yet generally

attainable--in which case they were prepared to gamble and quarrel all

the night through. There was little or no supervision over them in

their huts. It was quite impossible to keep them inside. No kind of

muster was feasible or even safe. The overseers were really afraid to

visit the men's huts much after dark, fearing to be attacked or openly

maltreated. It would have been far better if a strong stockade, with

high palisading, had been in all cases substituted for the huts. The

latter were open always, so that after the last bell at night, any--and

they were not a few--who chose crept out and spent the whole of the dark

hours on the prowl. Of course the convicts were incorrigible thieves,

and the whole country side was laid under contributions by them while

thus nightly at large. Sunday was another day which gave these idle

hands abundant opportunities for mischief. Of course there was no

regular work done on the farm on that day; but there was no attempt,

either, to enforce religious observances in lieu thereof. The want of

provision for public worship was at this time largely felt throughout

the colony, and seldom were churches at hand for the convicts to attend,

even if such attendance had been insisted upon. Some few superintendents

of farms took their convicts to church, if there was one in the

neighbourhood, but cases of this were few and far between. Even if there

was a church, all who could do so, sneaked out of the way on pretence of

going to bathe, and so escaped the service.

Thus far I have described only the pleasant side of a convict's life up

the country. On the whole it was far from irksome. Nevertheless, as a

set-off against the home comforts and the comparative idleness, there

was the total want of freedom of action, coupled with strictly enforced

submissiveness of demeanour. A convict was expected to be even

cringingly subservient in manner. For insolent words, nay, looks, as

betraying an insubordinate and insurgent spirit, he might be

incontinently scourged. In this way he was subject to the capricious

temper, not only of his master, but of the whole of the master's family.

Then the local magistrates had great powers. Singly a magistrate could

sentence any man to be flogged for drunkenness, disobedience, neglect of

work, or absconding; with others assembled in petty sessions, they had

power, however, to inflict heavier punishments for graver offences. In

"Byrne's Travels" I find mention made of several convicts who had

received in the aggregate many thousand lashes. The same writer asserts

that he once had an assigned servant upon whom 2,275 had been inflicted.

This man was said to have grown so callous that he was heard to declare

he would rather suffer a thousand lashes than the shortest term of

imprisonment. Life could not be very enjoyable to men liable to such

treatment. And this code was for the convicts and for them alone.

Another law applied to the masters, in whom, indeed, was vested a

tremendous power for good or evil. Some, as I have before remarked, were

quite unfit persons to have the charge of felon servants, being

themselves little better than convicts, and prepared at any time to

consort with them and make them their intimate friends. Others of the

better classes often delegated their authority to overseers, being

either non-resident on their farms, or not caring to exercise personal

control. In many cases these overseers were ex-convicts, and although it

might be considered advisable that the master should not make himself

too cheap, and that a middleman should be employed to come into direct

communion with the convict himself, still every precaution should have

been taken to prevent any abuse of power. In point of fact every

well-ordered establishment should have been uniformly under the eye of

its resident owner.

But in reality the lot of the convict in assignment was left altogether

to chance. According to his luck in masters, he might be very miserable,

or as happy as the day was long: one master might be lenient, giving

good food and exacting but little labour in return; another, a perfect

fiend. It was quite a lottery into which sort of hands the convict fell,

for until 1835 there was little or no inquiry into the character of

applicants for servants, and except in the most flagrant cases

requisitions were never refused.

This, indeed, comprised one of the chief objections to the system of

assignment. It was altogether too much a matter of haphazard. No system

of penal discipline ought to be left thus to chance; yet as we have

seen, there was no supervision and little attempt to enforce hard labour

or any stringent code of discipline. This neglect fostered evil courses,

and tended to increase the temptations to crime. Nor was the style of

labour provided that which was always most suited to the persons for

whom it was intended. In some few cases it was proper enough. Men

employed as shepherds were perforce compelled to drop into regular

habits from being obliged to go out and return with their herds at fixed

hours, and they lived much alone. But these were only a small proportion

of the whole number, and the balance working in association had many

opportunities for developing vicious qualities by this corrupting

intercourse. Especially was this the case with the mounted herdsmen, who

were free to gallop about the country, collecting together in large

numbers at the squatters' huts to drink and gamble and plot schemes of

depredation.

These squatters, who about this period--1825-35--sprang up in rank

growth round about the principal stations, did much to give annoyance,

and to increase the difficulties of the settlers. They were mostly

emancipists or ticket-of-leave men, who occupied crown pastures without

paying for them, or spent their energies in stealing horses and cattle.

Sometimes they established themselves at the corners of the settlers'

own grants of land, getting as near to estates as they could without

detection. Their principal object in life seemed to make themselves

useful to the convicts employed near them, for whom they kept "sly

grog-shops," where they sold or bartered liquor for stolen goods. This

ready market for stolen property was a source of great loss to the

settlers. One calculated that it cost him £200 or £300 a year. Pigs,

sheep, harness in bags, flour on its way to market--all these were

purloined in large quantities, and passed at once to the receivers, who

gave rum in exchange, and sometimes tea, sugar, and tobacco. The

squatters were fined if caught at these illicit practices, but to

recover money from them was like getting blood out of a stone. Another

favourite _modus operandi_ was to knock up a sort of shanty close by

some halting-place on the main line of road, where there was water handy

and the drays could be made snug for the night. The draymen naturally

flocked to the grog-shop, and naturally also obtained the sinews of war

by making free with their masters' property.

In the foregoing pages I have dwelt chiefly on assignment to the country

districts. But every convict did not of course go to the interior. Many

were assigned in the towns. Now, whatever evils may have surrounded the

system as carried out inland, the practice of town assignment was

infinitely worse in every respect. In the first place, it led to the

congregation of large numbers in places where there were many more

temptations to profligacy and crime. And just as these were increased,

so were the supervision and control that would check them diminished

till they sank to almost nothing at all. Country convicts, as we have

seen, were not much hampered by rules; but those in towns were free to

do just as they pleased. It was impossible for the masters to enforce

any regulations. In the hours of work, such as they were, the convicts

might perhaps be kept out of harm's way more or less, according to the

character and style of their employment; but labour over, they had great

license and were practically free men. Household servants were as well

off as servants at home in England: they frequented theatres and places

of amusement, and the badge of their disgrace was kept altogether in the

background. Masters were not compelled by law to enforce any particular

discipline; nor would the most strict among them dare to exercise much

surveillance over their servants. Such conduct would have been rare and

singular, and it would have drawn down upon them the animosity, or

worse, of the whole convict class. Such was the state of affairs that

this body really possessed some power, and could not openly be

affronted.

Convicts were required in the towns, as in the country, to be within

doors by 8 P. M.; but unhappily this rule was quite a dead letter. The

Sydney police was miserably inefficient. Recruited from the convict

ranks, they were known on all occasions to favour openly their old

associates. If they gave information they were called "noses," which

they disliked; or worse, they were hooted, sometimes attacked and half

killed. They were known, too, to take bribes, and to be generally most

neglectful of their duties. It was not to be expected, therefore, that

from them would come any zealous supervision of the convicts still in

assignment, even to the extent of sending all such to their homes after

8 P. M., or of preventing the commission of petty offences. But as a

matter of fact, the police were never certain whether half the men they

met were convicts in assigned service or people actually free. Sydney

was by this time so large, and the convicts so numerous, that it was

next to impossible for a constable to know every one he met, by sight.

None of the assigned servants in towns wore any distinctive dress. Those

in government hands wore gray, and the chain-gangs a parti-coloured suit

of yellow and brown cloth, but the assigned servants appeared in their

masters' liveries, or clothed just as it pleased them. Recognition was

not likely to be easy or frequent. Even in our own day, with admirable

police machinery, the thorough supervision of criminals at large is not

always obtained. In Sydney, seventy years ago, it was lamentably below

the mark. Often enough men who had arrived in recent ships, having been

assigned in due course, were soon lost sight of, to reappear presently

under another name, as men quite free. They had proved themselves so

useful that their masters wished to give them sole charge of a

business, which, if still convicts, they could not assume. In this way

it was discovered that an assigned convict servant had charge of a

tan-yard close under the eyes of the police, but here it was proved that

the police had connived at a grave neglect of duty.

It followed, too, from the nature of their previous vocations, that the

convicts assigned in towns were the sharpest and most intelligent of

their class. They were therefore the more prone to dissipation, and the

more difficult to restrain within bounds. Knowing their value, they

presumed on it, and felt that they were too useful to be sent off as

rough farm hands into the interior. Here was another blot in the system

of assignment, and generally on the whole principle of transportation.

The punishment fell quite unequally on offenders. The biggest villains

and the most hardened offenders fell naturally into the lightest

"billets;" while the half-educated country bumpkin, whose crime may have

been caused by ignorance or neglect, was made a hewer of wood and drawer

of water. Prominent among those of the first class were specials, or

gentlemen convicts, as they were styled; men sentenced for "genteel"

crimes, forgery only, or embezzlement, but whose delicate fingers had

never handled the cracksman's jimmy, or tampered with foil or blow.

These genteel criminals were forever, through all the days of

transportation, a thorn in the side of the administration, and they were

always treated with far more consideration than they deserved. Some of

these were well-known men, like one who had been a captain in the royal

navy, and whose proclivities were so ineradicable that he suffered a

second sentence at Norfolk Island for forgery, his favourite crime. From

among this class the lawyers selected their clerks, and the auctioneers

their assistants. If unusually well-educated they became teachers in

schools, and were admitted as such even into the public seminaries of

Sydney. A flagrant instance of the consequences of this injudicious

practice is quoted by Laing--a clergyman's son, who had a convict tutor,

coming himself, under the influence of such a man's teaching, to be also

a convict sentenced to transportation for life.

There was another very improper proceeding which for a long time held

among the convicts of this superior or more wealthy class. Their wives

followed them out to the antipodes, bringing with them often the bulk of

their ill-gotten gains. Having thus ample funds, they established

themselves well on arrival, and applied for a grant of convicts like the

rest of their neighbours. Naturally they took care to secure that their

own husbands should be among the number. There was one man who had

received a very heavy sentence for the robbery of a custom house, who

should have gone direct to Norfolk Island. Through some bribery he was

landed at Sydney, and was made overseer at once of a gang working in the

street. Within a day or two he absconded. His wife had joined him with

the proceeds of the robbery, and they went off together. Mr. Macarthur

gives another case of a farrier who was assigned to him. This convict's

wife followed him, and asked permission to live with him on Mr.

Macarthur's farm. When this was refused the man managed to get returned

to Sydney, and was there reassigned to his wife. To something of this

kind some of the largest shops in Sydney owed their origin.

Among the many lighter and more remunerative kinds of employment into

which the convict of the special class readily fell, was employment on

the public press. As time passed there had grown up a strong antagonism

between bond and free, and both sides had their newspapers. The organs

which were emancipist in tone were not of the highest class, but they

were often conducted with considerable ability. Their staff was of

course recruited from the convict ships as they arrived, where

compositors, leader writers, and even sub-editors were occasionally to

be found. The most notorious instance of this description, was the case

of W., who was originally assigned as a servant to the proprietor of the

_Sydney Gazette_. This paper, which was then published only three times

a week, was an able and influential journal, and its editor and owner

was a certain O'S., who had himself been assigned to a former

proprietor, and by him employed as a reporter. To him came W., and these

two, according to Dr. Laing, bent all their energies to compass "the

abolition of all the moral distinctions that the law of God has

established in society; to persuade the public that the free emigrant

was no better than the convict, that the whole community was equally

corrupt, and those of the convict class were no worse than the best in

the colony, their situation being the result of misfortune, as they

pretended, and not of misconduct."

W. was a Scotchman, who had been outlawed for some misdemeanour in the

office of a solicitor by whom he had been employed in Edinburgh; he then

went to London, and was taken into a large mercantile house, Morrison's;

from which, for embezzlement, he was transported for fourteen years. He

was sent out in Governor Darling's time, and was sent to Wellington

Valley, then a penal settlement for educated convicts. He stayed there

but a short time, thanks to his interest with the superintendent, and

returning to Sydney obtained a ticket-of-leave, being afterwards

employed as a clerk in the corporation office, under the archdeacon of

the colony. On the dissolution of the corporation he was no longer

required there, but he found great demand for his services from editors

of newspapers, having two sub-editorships offered to him at the same

time. He went to the _Sydney Gazette_, and thenceforward had it under

his entire control, the ostensible editor being a person of dissipated

habits, who let him do as he pleased. This W. was a man of considerable

talent. From that time forth he proved a source of prodigious

demoralisation from the sentiments he disseminated, and the use he made

of the powerful engine he had under his control, in endeavouring to

exasperate the prison part of the population against the free emigrants.

He was tried at length on a charge of having bribed a compositor to

steal a printed slip from another newspaper office in the colony. The

printed slip was a proof of a letter that had been sent for publication

to the editor of the paper, and which contained libellous matter,

reflecting on the character of a certain emancipist. The letter was not

very carefully examined by the editor until it had been set up in type,

but on discovering the nature of its contents he considered that he

ought not to publish it. Though actually printed, it never appeared in

the paper. W. came to know that such a paper was in type, and he bribed

a convict compositor in the office to which the letter had been sent to

purloin a copy, or one of the proofs of the letter. He then sent the

letter in an envelope through the post to the person libelled, in order

that there might be proof of its publication. The person to whom the

letter referred thereupon brought an action against the editor of the

paper to which it had been sent, and endeavoured to establish the fact

of publication from the circumstance of his having received the letter

through the public post; but the action failed. On inquiry, W.'s

complicity in the matter was discovered, and he was tried for being a

party to the theft. Of this he was acquitted, as the property found was

not of value sufficient to constitute grand larceny; but the judge

considered that he should not be allowed to remain at Sydney, and the

governor sent him to Port Macquarie, a station for gentlemen convicts.

Though now two hundred and fifty miles from Sydney, he still continued

to contribute articles to the _Sydney Gazette_; and soon afterwards the

widow of the late proprietor of the paper, into whose good graces he had

insinuated himself, went down to Port Macquarie and married him. He then

got into trouble by stirring up a feud between the harbour master and a

police magistrate. In the investigation which followed, both these

officials were dismissed and W.'s ticket-of-leave was cancelled. He was

sentenced to be classed again with the convicts in government hands, and

on hearing this he absconded. Nothing more was heard of him.

I think it will be evident from what I have said that the actual

condition of men who were in assigned service was not very disagreeable

if they were skilful hands and useful to their masters. This much

established, they found their lives were cast in pleasant places. They

did not want for money: they were allowed openly a portion of their

earnings, and these gains were often largely increased by illegal

methods. Besides this, many masters gave their servants funds to provide

for themselves. They even went so far as to allow their men to

marry--saddling themselves with the responsibility of having perhaps to

keep both convict and his family. These convict marriages, when

permitted, took place generally in the convict class, though cases were

known of free women who had married assigned servants, and _vice versa_.

Among the latter, Byrne, in his "Travels," speaks of a certain old lady,

the mother of very respectable people, who had married when a convict,

and who did not, to the day of her death, quite abandon the habits of

her former condition. Her husband had been an officer of high rank, and

her sons rose to wealth and prosperity in the colony; but no

considerations for the feelings of those belonging to her were

sufficient to wean her from her evil propensities. She was so

passionately addicted to drink, that it was in vain her children sought

to keep her with them: she always escaped, taking with her all on which

she could lay hands, and returned to her favorite associates--the

brick-makers in the suburbs of Sydney.

But such marriages as these were the exception. As a general rule the

assigned servant, whether in town or country, paid a visit to Parramatta

factory, and made his case known to the matron by whom it was governed.

"Turn out the women of such and such a class," forthwith cries Mrs. G.,

and the marriageable ladies come trooping down, to be ranked up in a row

like soldiers, or like cattle at a fair. Benedict walks down and

inspects, then throws his handkerchief, and if the bride be willing, the

two retire to a corner to talk a little together. If the conversation

is not quite satisfactory to "Smith, _Aboukir_," or "Jones, _Lady

Dacre_,"[1] he makes a second selection; and so on, perhaps, with three

or four. Cases were known of fastidious men who had run through several

hundreds, and had declared in the end that there was not a single woman

to suit. Others were less particular. Men up country have been known to

leave the choice to their masters, upon the latter's next visit to

Sydney. There was of course no security against bigamy: often both

parties to the colonial marriage had wife or husband alive at home, and

just as inevitably the conduct of these factory brides was most

questionable after the new knot was tied.

FOOTNOTE:

[1] A convict in Australia was always known by his name and the name of

the ship in which he had come out.

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