MY DEAR SIR: Your criticism of the President is hasty. I am confident
that, if you knew him as I do, you would not make it.
Of course, the President cannot be held responsible for the
malfeasances of subordinates, unless adopted, or at least tolerated
by him. And I am sure that nothing unjust or ungenerous will be
tolerated, much less adopted, by him.
I am happy to let you know that he has no sympathy with Stanly in his
absurd wickedness, closing the schools, nor again in his other act
of turning our camp into a hunting ground for slaves. He repudiates
both—positively. The latter point has occupied much of his thought;
and the newspapers have not gone too far in recording his repeated
declarations, which I have often heard from his own lips, that slaves
finding their way into the national lines are never to be re-enslaved.
This is his conviction, expressed without reserve.
Could you have seen the President—as it was my privilege often—while
he was considering the great questions on which he has already
acted—the invitation to emancipation in the States, emancipation in
the District of Columbia, and the acknowledgment of the independence
of Hayti and Liberia—even your zeal would have been satisfied, for you
would have felt the sincerity of his purpose to do what he could to
carry forward the principles of the Declaration of Independence. His
whole soul was occupied, especially by the first proposition, which
was peculiarly his own. In familiar intercourse with him, I remember
nothing more touching than the earnestness and completeness with which
he embraced this idea. To his mind it was just and beneficent, while
it promised the sure end of slavery. Of course to me, who had already
proposed a bridge of gold for the retreating fiend, it was most
welcome. Proceeding from the President, it must take its place among
the great events of history.
If you are disposed to be impatient at any seeming short-comings,
think, I pray you, of what has been done in a brief period, and from
the past discern the sure promise of the future. Knowing something
of my convictions and of the ardor with which I maintain them, you
may perhaps derive some assurance from my confidence. I say to you,
therefore, stand by the administration. If need be, help it by word
and act, but stand by it and have faith in it.
I wish that you really knew the President, and had heard the artless
expression of his convictions on those questions which concern you so
deeply. You might perhaps wish that he were less cautious, but you
would be grateful that he is so true to all that you have at heart.
Believe me, therefore, you are wrong, and I regret it the more because
of my desire to see all our friends stand firmly together.
If I write strongly, it is because I feel strongly; for my constant
and intimate intercourse with the President, beginning with the 4th of
March, not only binds me peculiarly to his administration, but gives
me a personal as well as a political interest in seeing that justice
is done him.
Believe me, my dear sir, with much regard, ever faithfully yours.