THE FIGHT AT WINCHESTER.

The strength and purpose of the enemy were to us unknown when we

reached Winchester, except upon surmise and vague rumors from Front

Royal. These rumors were strengthened by the vigor with which the

enemy had pressed our main column, and defeated at every point efforts

of detachments to effect a junction with the main column.

At Winchester, however, all suspicion was relieved on that subject,

all classes—Secessionists, Unionists, Refugees and Prisoners—agreed

that the enemy’s force at or near Winchester was overwhelming, ranging

from 25,000 to 30,000. Rebel officers, who came into our camp with

entire unconcern, supposing that their own troops occupied the town,

as a matter of course, and were captured, confirmed these statements,

and added that an attack would be made on us at daybreak. I determined

to test the substance and strength of the enemy by actual collision,

and measures were promptly taken to prepare our troops to meet them.

They had taken up their positions on entering the town after dark,

without expectation of a battle, and were at disadvantage, as compared

with the enemy.

The rolling of musketry was heard during the latter part of the

night, and before the break of day a sharp engagement occurred at the

outposts. Soon after four o’clock the artillery opened its fire, which

continued without cessation till the close of the engagement.

The right of our line was occupied by the third brigade, Colonel

George H. Gordon commanding. The regiments were strongly posted, and

near the centre covered by stone walls from the fire of the enemy.

Their infantry opened on the right, and soon both lines were under

heavy fire.

The left was occupied by the third brigade, Colonel Dudley Donnelly

commanding.

The line was weak, compared with that of the enemy, but the troops

were posted, and patiently awaited, as they nobly improved their

coming opportunity. The earliest movements of the enemy were on

our left, two regiments being sent to move, as with the purpose of

occupying a position in flank or rear. General Hatch sent a detachment

of cavalry to intercept this movement, when it was apparently

abandoned. The enemy suffered very serious loss from the fire of

our infantry on the left. One regiment is represented by persons

present during the action and after the field was evacuated as nearly

destroyed.

The main body of the enemy was hidden during the early part of the

action by the crest of the hill and the woods in the rear.

Their force was massed apparently upon our right, and their manœuvres

indicated a purpose to turn us upon the Berryville road, where it

appeared subsequently they had placed a considerable force, with a

view of preventing reinforcements from Harper’s Ferry. But the steady

fire of our lines held them in check, until a small portion of the

troops, on the right of our line, made a movement to the rear. It is

but just to add that this was done under the erroneous impression

that an order to withdraw had been given. No sooner was this observed

by the enemy, than its regiments swarmed upon the crest of the hill,

advancing from the woods upon our right, which, still continuing its

fire steadily, withdrew towards the town.

The overwhelming force of the enemy, now suddenly showing itself,

making further resistance unwise, orders were sent to the left by

Captain De Hauteville to withdraw, which was done reluctantly, but in

order, the enemy having greatly suffered in the wing. A portion of the

troops passed through the town in some confusion, but the column was

soon reformed, and continued its march in order. This engagement held

the enemy in check five hours.

The forces engaged were greatly unequal. Indisposed to accept the

early rumors concerning the enemy’s strength, I reported to the

department that it was about 15,000. It is now conclusively shown that

not less than 25,000 men were in position, and could have been brought

into action. On the right and left their great superiority of numbers

was plainly felt and seen, and the signal officers, from elevated

positions, were enabled to count regimental standards, indicating a

strength equal to that above stated.

My own command consisted of two brigades of less than four thousand

men, all told, with nine hundred cavalry, ten Parrott guns, and one

battery of six-pounders, smooth bore cannon. To this should be added

the tenth Maine regiment of infantry, and five companies of Maryland

cavalry, stationed at Winchester, which were engaged in the action.

The loss of the enemy was treble that of ours in killed and wounded.

In prisoners ours greatly exceeded theirs.

Officers, whose word I cannot doubt, have stated, as the result of

their own observation, that our men were fired upon from private

dwellings in passing through Winchester; but I am credibly informed,

and gladly believe, that the atrocities said to have been perpetrated

upon our wounded soldiers by the rebels are greatly exaggerated, or

entirely untrue.

Our march was turned in the direction of Martinsburg, hoping there to

meet with reinforcements—the troops moving in three parallel columns,

each protected by an efficient rear guard. Pursuit by the enemy was

prompt and vigorous, but our movements were rapid, and without loss.

A few miles from Winchester the sound of a steam whistle, heard in the

direction of Martinsburg, strengthened the hope of reinforcements,

and stirred the blood of the men like a trumpet. Soon after two

squadrons of cavalry came dashing down the road with wild hurrahs.

They were thought to be the advance of the anticipated support, and

were received with deafening cheers. Every man felt like turning back

upon the enemy. It proved to be the first Maryland cavalry, Lieutenant

Colonel Metschky, sent out in the morning as a train guard. Hearing

the guns, they had returned to participate in the fight.

Advantage was taken of this stirring incident to reorganize our

column, and the march was continued with renewed spirit and order. At

Martinsburg the column halted two and a half hours, the rear guard

remaining until seven in the evening in rear of the town, and arrived

at the river at sundown, forty-eight hours after the first news of

the attack on Front Royal. It was a march of fifty-three miles,

thirty-five of which were performed in one day. The scene at the river

when the rear guard arrived was of the most animating and exciting

description. A thousand camp fires were burning on the hill side; a

thousand carriages of every description were crowded upon the banks of

the broad river between the exhausted troops and their coveted rest.

The ford was too deep for the teams to cross in regular succession;

only the strongest horses, after a few experiments, were allowed

to essay the passage of the river before morning. The single ferry

was occupied by the ammunition trains, the ford by the wagons. The

cavalry was secure in its form of crossing. The troops only had no

transportation. Fortunately the train we had so sedulously guarded

served us in turn. Several boats belonging to the pontoon train, which

we had brought from Strasburg, were launched, and devoted exclusively

to their service. It is seldom that a river crossing of such magnitude

is achieved with greater success. There never were more grateful

hearts in the same number of men then when at midday on the 20th we

stood on the opposite shore.

My command had not suffered an attack and rout, but accomplished a

premeditated march of nearly sixty miles in the face of the enemy,

defeating his plans and giving him battle wherever he was found.

Our loss is stated in detail, with the names of the killed, wounded

and missing, in the full report of Brigadier General A. S. Williams,

commanding division, to which reference is made. The whole number in

killed is 38, wounded 155, missing 711. Total loss 905.

It is undoubtedly true that many of the missing will yet return, and

the entire loss may be assumed as not exceeding seven hundred. It is

also probable that the number of killed and wounded may be larger than

that above stated, but the aggregate loss will not be changed thereby.

All our guns were saved.

Our wagon train consisted of nearly five hundred wagons. Of this

number fifty-five were lost. They were not, with a few exceptions,

abandoned to the enemy, but were burned upon the road. Nearly all of

our supplies were thus saved. The stores at Front Royal, of which I

had no knowledge until my visit to that position on the 21st instant,

and those at Winchester, of which a considerable portion was destroyed

by our troops, are not embraced in this statement.

The number of sick men in the hospital at Strasburg, belonging to

General Williams’s division, was 189, 125 of whom were left in the

hospital at Winchester, under charge of surgeon Lincoln R. Stone,

second Massachusetts, or were left in hospital at Strasburg, including

attendants, under charge of surgeon Gillespie, seventh Indiana, and

assistant surgeon Porter, United States army.

Eight of the surgeons of this division voluntarily surrendered

themselves to the enemy, in the hospitals and on the field, for

the care of the sick and wounded placed under their charge. They

include, in addition to those above named, brigade surgeon Peale, at

Winchester; surgeon Mitchell, first Maryland, at Front Royal; surgeon

Adolphus, Bests’s battery, United States army; surgeon Johnson,

sixteenth Indiana; and surgeon Francis Leland, second Massachusetts,

on the field.

It is seldom that men are called upon to make a greater sacrifice of

comfort, health and liberty, for the benefit of those entrusted to

their charge. Services and sacrifices like these ought to entitle them

to some more important recognition of their devotion to public duty

than the mere historical record of the fact.

The report of the medical director, surgeon W. S. King, exhibits the

disposition of nearly one thousand sick and disabled men left at

Strasburg by Shields’s division upon its removal to the Rappahannock

valley.

My warmest thanks are due to the officers and men of my command for

their unflinching courage and unyielding spirit exhibited on the

march and its attendant combats. Especially to Brigadier General

A. S. Williams, commanding the division, General George S. Greene,

and General L. W. Crawford, who had reported for duty, but were

yet unassigned to separate commands. They accompanied the column

throughout the march, and rendered me most valuable assistance.

My thanks are also due to the gentlemen of my staff—Major D. D.

Perkins, chief of staff; Captain James W. Albert, of the Topographical

Engineers; Captain Wm. Sheffler, Captain Frederick Munther, and

Captain Frederick De Hauteville—for their arduous labors.

It gives me pleasure also to commend the conduct of Colonel Donnelly

and Colonel Gordon, commanding the two brigades. I would also

respectfully ask the attention of the department to the reports of the

several officers commanding detachments separate from the main column,

and to the officers named in the report of General Williams, as worthy

of commendation for meritorious conduct.

The signal corps, Lieutenant W. W. Rowley commanding, rendered most

valuable service on the field and in the march. There should be some

provision for the prompt promotion of officers and men so brave and

useful as those composing this corps. The safety of the train and

supplies is, in a great degree, due to the discretion, experience, and

unfailing energy of Captain S. B. Holabird and Captain E. G. Beckwith,

United States army.

I have the honor to be, with great respect,

Your obedient servant,

N. P. BANKS,

_Major General Commanding_.

_June 24th, 1862._ Subjoined is a letter from that Southern traitor

and unscrupulous scoundrel, “Parson Brownlow,” to the “Philadelphia

Enquirer:”

_Extracts from Northern papers._

Experience of a Confederate States Prisoner Being an Ephemeris Regularly Kept by an Officer of the Confederate States Army · 第 13 / 35 题