severely and they were unable to institute any siege, they turned to
Antigonea. The neighborhood of the city was overgrown with wood and they
were dismayed, not being able to march into it. They then formed a plan
to cut down the trees and lay bare the whole place so that they might
approach the town with boldness and safety. Finding themselves unable to
do this, because the task was a great one and their time was spent in
vain, while Cassius harassed those scattered about, they retired
apparently with the intention of proceeding against some other position.
Meanwhile Cassius set an ambush on the road along which they were to
depart, and confronting them there with a few men he induced them to
pursue, led them into the trap, and killed Osaces and others. Upon the
latter's death Pacorus abandoned all of Syria and never invaded it
again.
[-30-] He had scarcely retired when Bibulus arrived to govern Syria. His
coming, to be sure, was in contravention of a decree intended to prevent
rivalry for office, so productive of seditions, that no praetor nor
consul, at once or at any time within four years, should go abroad to
hold office. He administered the subject country in peace, and turned
the Parthians against one another. Having won the friendship of
Orondapates, a satrap, who had a grudge against Orodes, he persuaded him
through messengers to set up Pacorus as king, and with him to conduct a
campaign against the other.
[B.C. 51 (_a.u._ 703)]
This war came to an end in the fourth year from the time when it had
begun, and while Marcus Marcellus and Sulpicius Rufus were consuls.
[-31-] In that same period Caesar by battle again gained control of
Gallic affairs, which were in an unsettled state. He accomplished very
much himself and some things through his lieutenants, of which I will
state only the most important.
[B.C. 54 (_a.u._ 700)]
Ambiorix won the confidence of the Treveri, who at this time were still
smarting under the setback of Indutiomarus's death, raised a greater
conspiracy in that quarter, and sent for a mercenary force from the
Celtae. Labienus wishing to join issue with them before this last
contingent should be added to their number invaded the country of the
Treveri in advance. The latter did not defend themselves, as they were
awaiting reinforcements, but put a river between the two armies and
remained quiet. Labienus then gathered his soldiers and addressed them
in words of such a nature as were likely to alarm his own men and
encourage the others: they must, he said, before the Celtae repelled
them, withdraw to Caesar and safety; and he immediately gave the signal
to pack up the baggage. Not much later he began actually to withdraw,
expecting that that would occur which really did. The barbarians heard
of his speech,--they took very good care in such matters and it was for
just that reason that it had been delivered publicly,--and thought he
was really afraid and truly taking to flight. Hence they eagerly crossed
the river and started toward the Romans with spirit, as fast as each one
could. So Labienus received their attack while they were scattered, and
after terrifying the foremost easily routed the rest because of the
action of the men in front. Then as they were fleeing in disorder,
falling over one another and crowding toward the river, he killed many
of them.
[B.C. 53 (_a.u._ 701)]
[-32-] Not a few of them escaped even so, of whom Caesar made no account,
except of Ambiorix: this man by hurrying now one way and now another and
doing much injury caused Caesar trouble in seeking and pursuing him. Not
being able to catch him by any device the Roman commander made an
expedition against the Celtae, alleging that they had wished to help the
Treveri. On this occasion likewise he accomplished nothing, but retired
rapidly through fear of the Suebi: he gained the reputation, however, of
having crossed the Rhine again, and of the bridge he destroyed only the
portions near the barbarians, constructing upon it a guard-house, as if
he might at any time have a desire to cross. Then, in anger at the
successful flight of Ambiorix, he delivered his country, though guilty
of no rebellion, to any one who wished, to be plundered. He gave public
notice of this in advance, that as many as possible might assemble,
wherefore many Gauls and many Sugambri came for the plunder. It did not
suffice the Sugambri, however, to make spoil of Gallic territory, but
they attacked the Romans themselves. They watched until the Romans were
absent getting provender and made an attempt upon their camp; but
meanwhile the other soldiers, perceiving it, came to the rescue and
killed a number of the assailants. Inspired with a fear of Caesar by this
encounter they hurriedly withdrew homeward: he inflicted no punishment
upon any one of them because of the winter and the political disputes in
Rome, but after dismissing the soldiers to their winter-quarters, went
himself to Italy on the plea of caring for Hither Gaul, but really in
order that he might be located close to what was taking place in the
city.
[B.C. 52 (_a.u._ 702)]
[-33-] Meantime the Gauls made another outbreak. The Arverni under the
leadership of Vercingetorix revolted, killed all the Romans they found
in their country, and proceeding against the tribes in alliance with the
foreigner bestowed favors upon such as were willing to join their
revolt, and injured the rest. Caesar, on ascertaining this, returned and
found that they had invaded the Bituriges. He did not try to repel them,
all his soldiers not being at hand as yet, but by invading the Arvernian
country in his turn drew the enemy home again, whereupon, not deeming
himself yet a match for them, he retired in good season. [-34-] They
accordingly went back to the Bituriges, captured Avaricum, a city of
theirs, and in it maintained a resistance a long time, for the wall was
hard to approach, being bordered on one side by almost trackless swamps
and on the other by a river with a swift current. When, therefore, later
they were besieged by the Romans, their great numbers made it easy for
them to repel assaults, and they made sallies, inflicting great damage.
Finally they burned over everything in the vicinity, not only fields and
villages but also cities from which they thought assistance could come
to the foe, and if anything was being brought to them from allies at a
distance, they seized it for booty. Therefore the Romans, while
appearing to besiege the city, really suffered the fate of besieged,
until a furious rain and great wind sprang up (the winter having already
set in) during their attack on one point in the wall, which first drove
the assailants back, making them seek shelter in their tents, and then
confined the barbarians, too, in their houses. When they had gone from
the battlements the Romans suddenly attacked again, while there were no
men there: and first capturing a tower, before the enemy became aware of
their presence, they then without difficulty got possession of the
remaining works, plundered the whole city, and in anger at the siege and
their hardship slew all the men.
[-35-] After effecting this Caesar conducted a campaign against their
territory. The rest of the Arverni in view of the war being made upon
them had gained possession in advance of the bridges which he had to
cross; and he being in doubt as to how he should pass over, proceeded a
considerable distance along the bank to see if he could find any place
suitable for going over on foot through the water itself. Soon after he
reached a woody and overshadowed spot, from which he sent forward the
baggage-carriers and most of his army a long way, with line stretched
out: he bade them go forward so that all his troops might appear to be
in that one division. He himself with the strongest portion remained
behind, cut down the wood, made rafts, and on them crossed the stream
while the barbarians still had their attention fixed on those going
along in front and calculated that Caesar was among them. After this he
called back the advance party by night, transferred them across in the
same way, and conquered the country. The people fled in a body to
Gergovia, carrying there all their most valued possessions, and Caesar
had a great deal of toil to no purpose in besieging them. [-36-] Their
fort was on a strong hill and they had strengthened it greatly with
walls; also the barbarians round about had seized all the high ground
and were keeping guard over it, so that if they remained in position
they could safely hold their own, and if they charged down they would
gain the greater advantage. For Caesar, not having any sure position to
choose, was encamped in the plain and never knew beforehand what was
going on: but the barbarians, higher up, could look down upon his camp
and kept making opportune charges. If they ever advanced farther than
was fitting and were beaten back, they quickly got within their own
domain again; and the Romans in no way could come as near to the places
as stones and javelins could be hurled. The time was in general spent
uselessly: often when he assaulted the very height upon which their
fortress was located, he would capture a certain portion of it so that
he could wall it in and continue thence more easily his progress against
the rest of it, but on the whole he met with reverses. He lost a number
of his soldiers, and saw that the enemy could not be captured. Moreover,
there was at this time an uprising among the Aedui, and while he was
absent attending to them, the men left behind fared badly. All these
considerations led Caesar to raise the siege.
[-37-] The Aedui in the beginning abode by their agreements and sent him
assistance, but later they made war rather involuntarily, being deceived
by Litaviccus and others. He, having been unable by any other course to
persuade them to adopt a hostile attitude, managed to get the
appointment of conveying some men to Caesar to be the latter's allies. He
started off as if to fulfill this mission, but sent ahead also some
horsemen and bade some of them return and say that their companions and
the rest of their men in the camp of the Romans had been arrested by the
latter and put to death. Then he further excited the wrath of his
soldiers by delivering a speech appropriate to the message. In this way
the Aedui themselves rose and led others to revolt with them. Caesar, as
soon as he ascertained this, sent to them the Aedui whom he had and was
thought to have slain, so that they might be seen by all to be alive,
and followed on with his cavalry. On this occasion, then, they repented
and made terms. [-38-] The Romans were later, by reason of Caesar's
absence, defeated close to Gergovia and then entirely withdrew from that
country; wherefore those who had caused the uprising and were always
desirous of a change in politics feared that if they delayed the Romans
might exact vengeance[64] from them, and consequently rebelled entirely.
Members of their tribe who were campaigning with Caesar, when they
learned of this, asked him to allow them to return home, promising that
they would arrange everything. Released on these conditions they came to
Noviodunum where the Romans had deposited money and grain and many
hostages, and with the coöperation of the natives destroyed the
garrisons, who were not expecting hostility, and became masters of all
of them. That city, because advantageous, they burned down, to prevent
the Romans from making it a starting point for the war, and they next
caused the remainder of the Aedui to revolt. Caesar, therefore, attempted
to march against them at once, but not being able, on account of the
river Liger he turned his attention to the Lingones. And not even there
did he meet with success. Labienus, however, occupied the island in the
Sequana river by conquering its defenders on the shore, and crossed over
at many points at once, both down stream and up, in order that his
troops might not be hindered by all crossing at one spot.
[-39-] Before this happened Vercingetorix, filled with contempt for
Caesar because of his reverses, had marched against the Allobroges. And
he intercepted the Roman leader, who had meantime started out evidently
to aid them, when he was in Sequania, and surrounded him but did him no
damage: on the contrary he compelled the Romans to be brave through
despair of safety, but he failed himself by reason of his numbers and
audacity and was even defeated to a certain extent by the Celtae that
were allies of the Romans; for to their charges with unwearying bodies
they added the strength of daring and so broke through the enclosing
ranks. Having discovered this device Caesar did not give ground, but shut
up in Alesia such of the foe as fled, and besieged them. [-40-]Now
Vercingetorix at first, before the wall had entirely cut off his
followers, had sent out the horsemen to get fodder for the horses (there
being none on hand), and in order to let them disperse, each to his
native land, and bring thence provisions and assistance. As these
delayed and food supplies began to fail the beleaguered party, he thrust
out the children and the women and the most useless among the rest,
vainly hoping that either the outcasts would be saved as booty by the
Romans or else those left in the town might perhaps survive by enjoying
for a longer time the supplies that would have belonged to their
companions. But Caesar to begin with had not sufficient himself to feed
others. Thinking, therefore, that by their return he could make the
deficiency of food seem more severe to the enemy (for he expected that
the expelled would without doubt be received), he forced them all back.
So these perished most miserably between the city and the camp, because
neither party would receive them. The relief looked for from the
horsemen and such others as they were conducting reached the barbarians
before long, but it was then defeated[65] by the onset of the Romans in
a cavalry battle. Thereupon the relief party tried by night to enter the
city through the enclosing wall but was bitterly disappointed: for the
Romans had made hidden pits in those roads which were used by horses and
had fixed stakes in them, afterward making the whole surface resemble
the surrounding country; thus horse and man, falling into them
absolutely without warning, were mangled. These reinforcements did not,
however, give up until, marshaled once more in battle array beside the
very walls, they themselves and at the same time the men in the city who
came out to fight had met with failure.
[-41-] Now Vercingetorix might have escaped, for he had not been
captured and was unwounded, but he hoped because he had once been on
friendly terms with Caesar, that he would obtain pardon from him. So he
came to him without any announcement by herald, but appeared before him
suddenly, as Caesar was seated on a platform, and threw some that were
present into alarm; he was first of all very tall, and in a suit of
armor he made an extremely imposing figure. When quiet had been
restored, he uttered not a word, but fell upon his knees and remained
so, with clasped hands. This inspired many with pity at remembrance of
his former fortune and at the distressing state in which he now
appeared. But Caesar reproached him in this very matter on which he most
relied for ultimate safety, and by setting before him how he had repaid
friendliness with the opposite treatment proved his offence to have been
the more abominable. Therefore he did not pity him even for one moment,
but immediately confined him in bonds, and later, after sending him to
his triumph, put him to death.
[B.C. 51 (_a.u._ 703)]
[-42-] This was really a later occurrence. At the time previously
mentioned he gained some of the survivors by capitulation and enslaved
the rest, after conquering them in battle. The Belgae, who live near by,
put at their head Commius, an Atrebatian, and resisted for a great
while. They fought two close cavalry battles and the third time in an
infantry battle they showed themselves at first an equal match, but
later, attacked unexpectedly in the rear by cavalry, they turned to
flight. [-43-] After this the remainder abandoned the camp by night, and
as they were passing through a wood set fire to it, leaving behind only
the wagons, in order that the enemy might be delayed by these and by the
fire, and they retire to safety. Their hopes, however, were not
realized. The Romans, as soon as they perceived their flight, pursued
them and on encountering the fire they extinguished part of it and hewed
their way through the rest. Some even ran right through the flame,
overtook the fugitives without warning and slaughtered great numbers.
Thereafter some of them capitulated, but the Atrebatian, who escaped,
would not keep quiet even after this experience. He undertook at one
time to ambush Labienus, and after a defeat in battle was persuaded to
hold a conference with him. Before any terms were made he was wounded by
one of the Romans who surmised that it was not his real intention to
make peace, but he escaped and again proved troublesome to them. At
last, despairing of his project, he secured for his associates entire
amnesty extending to all their people, and for himself, as some say, on
condition of never appearing again within sight of any Roman. So the
contending parties became reconciled and subsequently the rest, some
voluntarily and others overcome in war, were subdued. Then Caesar by
garrisons and legal penalties and levies of money and assignment of
tribute humbled some and tamed others.
[B.C. 50 (_a.u._ 704)]
[-44-] Thus this trouble came to an end in the consulship of Lucius
Paulus and Gaius Marcellus. Caesar in the interest of the Gauls and to
see about the term allowed him for leadership had to leave Gaul and
return to Rome. His office was about to terminate, the war had ceased,
and he had no longer any satisfactory excuse for not disbanding his
troops and returning to private life. Affairs in the city at this time
were in turmoil, Crassus was dead, and Pompey had again come to power,
after being three times consul and having managed to get the government
of Spain granted to him for five years more. The latter had no longer
any bond of alliance with Caesar, especially now that the child, who
alone had kept them on friendly terms, had passed away. The returning
general therefore was afraid that stripped of his soldiers he might fall
into the power of Pompey and of his other enemies, and therefore did not
dismiss them.
[B.C. 53 (_a.u._ 701)]
[-45-] In these same years many tumults of a seditious character had
arisen in the city, and especially in connection with the elections, so
that it was fully six months before Calvinus and Messala could be
appointed consuls. And not even then would they have been chosen, had
not Quintus Pompeius Rufus, though the grandson of Sulla and serving as
tribune, been cast into prison by the senate, whereupon the measure was
voted by the rest who were anxious to commit some outrages, and the
campaign against opposition was handed over to Pompey. Sometimes the
birds had prevented elections, refusing to allow the offices to belong
to interreges; above all the tribunes, by managing affairs in the city
so that they instead of the praetors conducted games, hindered the
remaining offices from being filled. This also accounts for Rufus having
been confined in a cell. He later on brought Favonius the aedile to the
same place on some small charge, in order that he might have a companion
in his disgrace. But all the tribunes introduced various obstructive
pleas, proposing, among other things, to appoint military tribunes, so
that more persons, as formerly, might come to office. When no one would
heed them, they declared that Pompey, at all events, must be chosen
dictator. By this pretext they secured a very long delay: for he was out
of town, and of those on the spot there was no one who would venture to
vote for the demand (for in remembrance of Sulla's cruelty they all
hated that policy), nor yet venture to refuse to choose Pompey, on
account of their fear of him.[-46-] At last, quite late, he came
himself, refused the dictatorship offered to him, and made preparation
to have the consuls named. These likewise on account of the turmoil from
assassinations did not appoint any successors, though they had laid
aside their senatorial garb and in the dress of knights convened the
senate as if on the occasion of some great calamity. They also passed a
decree that no one,--either an ex-praetor or an ex-consul,--should assume
foreign office until five years should have elapsed: this they did to
see if people when it was no longer in any one's power to be immediately
elected would cease their craze for office. For no moderation was being
shown and there was no purity in their methods, but they vied with one
another in expending great sums and fighting more than ever, so that
once the consul Calvinus was wounded. Hence no consul nor praetor nor
prefect of the city had any successor, but at the beginning of the year
the Romans were absolutely without a government in these branches.
[B.C. 52 (_a.u._ 702)]
[-47-] Nothing good resulted from this, and among other things the
market recurring every ninth day was held on the very first of January.
This seemed to the Romans to have taken place not by accident, and being
considered in the light of a portent it caused trepidation. The same
feeling was increased when an owl was both seen and caught in the city,
a statue exuded perspiration for three days, a flash darted from the
south to the east, and many thunderbolts, many clods, stones, tiles and
blood descended through the air. It seems to me that that decree passed
the previous year, near the close, with regard to Serapis and Isis, was
a portent equal to any: the senate decided to tear down their temples,
which some private individuals had built. For they did not reverence
these gods any long time and even when it became the fashion to render
public devotion to them, they settled them outside the pomerium.