Chapter 1

Produced by Charles Keller. HTML version by Al Haines.

LOOKING BACKWARD

From 2000 to 1887

by

Edward Bellamy

AUTHOR'S PREFACE

Historical Section Shawmut College, Boston,

December 26, 2000

Living as we do in the closing year of the twentieth century, enjoying

the blessings of a social order at once so simple and logical that it

seems but the triumph of common sense, it is no doubt difficult for

those whose studies have not been largely historical to realize that

the present organization of society is, in its completeness, less than

a century old. No historical fact is, however, better established than

that till nearly the end of the nineteenth century it was the general

belief that the ancient industrial system, with all its shocking social

consequences, was destined to last, with possibly a little patching, to

the end of time. How strange and wellnigh incredible does it seem that

so prodigious a moral and material transformation as has taken place

since then could have been accomplished in so brief an interval! The

readiness with which men accustom themselves, as matters of course, to

improvements in their condition, which, when anticipated, seemed to

leave nothing more to be desired, could not be more strikingly

illustrated. What reflection could be better calculated to moderate the

enthusiasm of reformers who count for their reward on the lively

gratitude of future ages!

The object of this volume is to assist persons who, while desiring to

gain a more definite idea of the social contrasts between the

nineteenth and twentieth centuries, are daunted by the formal aspect of

the histories which treat the subject. Warned by a teacher's experience

that learning is accounted a weariness to the flesh, the author has

sought to alleviate the instructive quality of the book by casting it

in the form of a romantic narrative, which he would be glad to fancy

not wholly devoid of interest on its own account.

The reader, to whom modern social institutions and their underlying

principles are matters of course, may at times find Dr. Leete's

explanations of them rather trite--but it must be remembered that to

Dr. Leete's guest they were not matters of course, and that this book

is written for the express purpose of inducing the reader to forget for

the nonce that they are so to him. One word more. The almost universal

theme of the writers and orators who have celebrated this bimillennial

epoch has been the future rather than the past, not the advance that

has been made, but the progress that shall be made, ever onward and

upward, till the race shall achieve its ineffable destiny. This is

well, wholly well, but it seems to me that nowhere can we find more

solid ground for daring anticipations of human development during the

next one thousand years, than by "Looking Backward" upon the progress

of the last one hundred.

That this volume may be so fortunate as to find readers whose interest

in the subject shall incline them to overlook the deficiencies of the

treatment is the hope in which the author steps aside and leaves Mr.

Julian West to speak for himself.

JTABLE 5 28 1

Chapter 1

I first saw the light in the city of Boston in the year 1857. "What!"

you say, "eighteen fifty-seven? That is an odd slip. He means nineteen

fifty-seven, of course." I beg pardon, but there is no mistake. It was

about four in the afternoon of December the 26th, one day after

Christmas, in the year 1857, not 1957, that I first breathed the east

wind of Boston, which, I assure the reader, was at that remote period

marked by the same penetrating quality characterizing it in the present

year of grace, 2000.

These statements seem so absurd on their face, especially when I add

that I am a young man apparently of about thirty years of age, that no

person can be blamed for refusing to read another word of what promises

to be a mere imposition upon his credulity. Nevertheless I earnestly

assure the reader that no imposition is intended, and will undertake,

if he shall follow me a few pages, to entirely convince him of this. If

I may, then, provisionally assume, with the pledge of justifying the

assumption, that I know better than the reader when I was born, I will

go on with my narrative. As every schoolboy knows, in the latter part

of the nineteenth century the civilization of to-day, or anything like

it, did not exist, although the elements which were to develop it were

already in ferment. Nothing had, however, occurred to modify the

immemorial division of society into the four classes, or nations, as

they may be more fitly called, since the differences between them were

far greater than those between any nations nowadays, of the rich and

the poor, the educated and the ignorant. I myself was rich and also

educated, and possessed, therefore, all the elements of happiness

enjoyed by the most fortunate in that age. Living in luxury, and

occupied only with the pursuit of the pleasures and refinements of

life, I derived the means of my support from the labor of others,

rendering no sort of service in return. My parents and grand-parents

had lived in the same way, and I expected that my descendants, if I had

any, would enjoy a like easy existence.

But how could I live without service to the world? you ask. Why should

the world have supported in utter idleness one who was able to render

service? The answer is that my great-grandfather had accumulated a sum

of money on which his descendants had ever since lived. The sum, you

will naturally infer, must have been very large not to have been

exhausted in supporting three generations in idleness. This, however,

was not the fact. The sum had been originally by no means large. It

was, in fact, much larger now that three generations had been supported

upon it in idleness, than it was at first. This mystery of use without

consumption, of warmth without combustion, seems like magic, but was

merely an ingenious application of the art now happily lost but carried

to great perfection by your ancestors, of shifting the burden of one's

support on the shoulders of others. The man who had accomplished this,

and it was the end all sought, was said to live on the income of his

investments. To explain at this point how the ancient methods of

industry made this possible would delay us too much. I shall only stop

now to say that interest on investments was a species of tax in

perpetuity upon the product of those engaged in industry which a person

possessing or inheriting money was able to levy. It must not be

supposed that an arrangement which seems so unnatural and preposterous

according to modern notions was never criticized by your ancestors. It

had been the effort of lawgivers and prophets from the earliest ages to

abolish interest, or at least to limit it to the smallest possible

rate. All these efforts had, however, failed, as they necessarily must

so long as the ancient social organizations prevailed. At the time of

which I write, the latter part of the nineteenth century, governments

had generally given up trying to regulate the subject at all.

By way of attempting to give the reader some general impression of the

way people lived together in those days, and especially of the

relations of the rich and poor to one another, perhaps I cannot do

better than to compare society as it then was to a prodigious coach

which the masses of humanity were harnessed to and dragged toilsomely

along a very hilly and sandy road. The driver was hunger, and permitted

no lagging, though the pace was necessarily very slow. Despite the

difficulty of drawing the coach at all along so hard a road, the top

was covered with passengers who never got down, even at the steepest

ascents. These seats on top were very breezy and comfortable. Well up

out of the dust, their occupants could enjoy the scenery at their

leisure, or critically discuss the merits of the straining team.

Naturally such places were in great demand and the competition for them

was keen, every one seeking as the first end in life to secure a seat

on the coach for himself and to leave it to his child after him. By the

rule of the coach a man could leave his seat to whom he wished, but on

the other hand there were many accidents by which it might at any time

be wholly lost. For all that they were so easy, the seats were very

insecure, and at every sudden jolt of the coach persons were slipping

out of them and falling to the ground, where they were instantly

compelled to take hold of the rope and help to drag the coach on which

they had before ridden so pleasantly. It was naturally regarded as a

terrible misfortune to lose one's seat, and the apprehension that this

might happen to them or their friends was a constant cloud upon the

happiness of those who rode.

But did they think only of themselves? you ask. Was not their very

luxury rendered intolerable to them by comparison with the lot of their

brothers and sisters in the harness, and the knowledge that their own

weight added to their toil? Had they no compassion for fellow beings

from whom fortune only distinguished them? Oh, yes; commiseration was

frequently expressed by those who rode for those who had to pull the

coach, especially when the vehicle came to a bad place in the road, as

it was constantly doing, or to a particularly steep hill. At such

times, the desperate straining of the team, their agonized leaping and

plunging under the pitiless lashing of hunger, the many who fainted at

the rope and were trampled in the mire, made a very distressing

spectacle, which often called forth highly creditable displays of

feeling on the top of the coach. At such times the passengers would

call down encouragingly to the toilers of the rope, exhorting them to

patience, and holding out hopes of possible compensation in another

world for the hardness of their lot, while others contributed to buy

salves and liniments for the crippled and injured. It was agreed that

it was a great pity that the coach should be so hard to pull, and there

was a sense of general relief when the specially bad piece of road was

gotten over. This relief was not, indeed, wholly on account of the

team, for there was always some danger at these bad places of a general

overturn in which all would lose their seats.

It must in truth be admitted that the main effect of the spectacle of

the misery of the toilers at the rope was to enhance the passengers'

sense of the value of their seats upon the coach, and to cause them to

hold on to them more desperately than before. If the passengers could

only have felt assured that neither they nor their friends would ever

fall from the top, it is probable that, beyond contributing to the

funds for liniments and bandages, they would have troubled themselves

extremely little about those who dragged the coach.

I am well aware that this will appear to the men and women of the

twentieth century an incredible inhumanity, but there are two facts,

both very curious, which partly explain it. In the first place, it was

firmly and sincerely believed that there was no other way in which

Society could get along, except the many pulled at the rope and the few

rode, and not only this, but that no very radical improvement even was

possible, either in the harness, the coach, the roadway, or the

distribution of the toil. It had always been as it was, and it always

would be so. It was a pity, but it could not be helped, and philosophy

forbade wasting compassion on what was beyond remedy.

The other fact is yet more curious, consisting in a singular

hallucination which those on the top of the coach generally shared,

that they were not exactly like their brothers and sisters who pulled

at the rope, but of finer clay, in some way belonging to a higher order

of beings who might justly expect to be drawn. This seems

unaccountable, but, as I once rode on this very coach and shared that

very hallucination, I ought to be believed. The strangest thing about

the hallucination was that those who had but just climbed up from the

ground, before they had outgrown the marks of the rope upon their

hands, began to fall under its influence. As for those whose parents

and grand-parents before them had been so fortunate as to keep their

seats on the top, the conviction they cherished of the essential

difference between their sort of humanity and the common article was

absolute. The effect of such a delusion in moderating fellow feeling

for the sufferings of the mass of men into a distant and philosophical

compassion is obvious. To it I refer as the only extenuation I can

offer for the indifference which, at the period I write of, marked my

own attitude toward the misery of my brothers.

In 1887 I came to my thirtieth year. Although still unmarried, I was

engaged to wed Edith Bartlett. She, like myself, rode on the top of the

coach. That is to say, not to encumber ourselves further with an

illustration which has, I hope, served its purpose of giving the reader

some general impression of how we lived then, her family was wealthy.

In that age, when money alone commanded all that was agreeable and

refined in life, it was enough for a woman to be rich to have suitors;

but Edith Bartlett was beautiful and graceful also.

My lady readers, I am aware, will protest at this. "Handsome she might

have been," I hear them saying, "but graceful never, in the costumes

which were the fashion at that period, when the head covering was a

dizzy structure a foot tall, and the almost incredible extension of the

skirt behind by means of artificial contrivances more thoroughly

dehumanized the form than any former device of dressmakers. Fancy any

one graceful in such a costume!" The point is certainly well taken, and

I can only reply that while the ladies of the twentieth century are

lovely demonstrations of the effect of appropriate drapery in accenting

feminine graces, my recollection of their great-grandmothers enables me

to maintain that no deformity of costume can wholly disguise them.

Our marriage only waited on the completion of the house which I was

building for our occupancy in one of the most desirable parts of the

city, that is to say, a part chiefly inhabited by the rich. For it must

be understood that the comparative desirability of different parts of

Boston for residence depended then, not on natural features, but on the

character of the neighboring population. Each class or nation lived by

itself, in quarters of its own. A rich man living among the poor, an

educated man among the uneducated, was like one living in isolation

among a jealous and alien race. When the house had been begun, its

completion by the winter of 1886 had been expected. The spring of the

following year found it, however, yet incomplete, and my marriage still

a thing of the future. The cause of a delay calculated to be

particularly exasperating to an ardent lover was a series of strikes,

that is to say, concerted refusals to work on the part of the

brick-layers, masons, carpenters, painters, plumbers, and other trades

concerned in house building. What the specific causes of these strikes

were I do not remember. Strikes had become so common at that period

that people had ceased to inquire into their particular grounds. In one

department of industry or another, they had been nearly incessant ever

since the great business crisis of 1873. In fact it had come to be the

exceptional thing to see any class of laborers pursue their avocation

steadily for more than a few months at a time.

The reader who observes the dates alluded to will of course recognize

in these disturbances of industry the first and incoherent phase of the

great movement which ended in the establishment of the modern

industrial system with all its social consequences. This is all so

plain in the retrospect that a child can understand it, but not being

prophets, we of that day had no clear idea what was happening to us.

What we did see was that industrially the country was in a very queer

way. The relation between the workingman and the employer, between

labor and capital, appeared in some unaccountable manner to have become

dislocated. The working classes had quite suddenly and very generally

become infected with a profound discontent with their condition, and an

idea that it could be greatly bettered if they only knew how to go

about it. On every side, with one accord, they preferred demands for

higher pay, shorter hours, better dwellings, better educational

advantages, and a share in the refinements and luxuries of life,

demands which it was impossible to see the way to granting unless the

world were to become a great deal richer than it then was. Though they

knew something of what they wanted, they knew nothing of how to

accomplish it, and the eager enthusiasm with which they thronged about

any one who seemed likely to give them any light on the subject lent

sudden reputation to many would-be leaders, some of whom had little

enough light to give. However chimerical the aspirations of the

laboring classes might be deemed, the devotion with which they

supported one another in the strikes, which were their chief weapon,

and the sacrifices which they underwent to carry them out left no doubt

of their dead earnestness.

As to the final outcome of the labor troubles, which was the phrase by

which the movement I have described was most commonly referred to, the

opinions of the people of my class differed according to individual

temperament. The sanguine argued very forcibly that it was in the very

nature of things impossible that the new hopes of the workingmen could

be satisfied, simply because the world had not the wherewithal to

satisfy them. It was only because the masses worked very hard and lived

on short commons that the race did not starve outright, and no

considerable improvement in their condition was possible while the

world, as a whole, remained so poor. It was not the capitalists whom

the laboring men were contending with, these maintained, but the

iron-bound environment of humanity, and it was merely a question of the

thickness of their skulls when they would discover the fact and make up

their minds to endure what they could not cure.

The less sanguine admitted all this. Of course the workingmen's

aspirations were impossible of fulfillment for natural reasons, but

there were grounds to fear that they would not discover this fact until

they had made a sad mess of society. They had the votes and the power

to do so if they pleased, and their leaders meant they should. Some of

these desponding observers went so far as to predict an impending

social cataclysm. Humanity, they argued, having climbed to the top

round of the ladder of civilization, was about to take a header into

chaos, after which it would doubtless pick itself up, turn round, and

begin to climb again. Repeated experiences of this sort in historic and

prehistoric times possibly accounted for the puzzling bumps on the

human cranium. Human history, like all great movements, was cyclical,

and returned to the point of beginning. The idea of indefinite progress

in a right line was a chimera of the imagination, with no analogue in

nature. The parabola of a comet was perhaps a yet better illustration

of the career of humanity. Tending upward and sunward from the aphelion

of barbarism, the race attained the perihelion of civilization only to

plunge downward once more to its nether goal in the regions of chaos.

This, of course, was an extreme opinion, but I remember serious men

among my acquaintances who, in discussing the signs of the times,

adopted a very similar tone. It was no doubt the common opinion of

thoughtful men that society was approaching a critical period which

might result in great changes. The labor troubles, their causes,

course, and cure, took lead of all other topics in the public prints,

and in serious conversation.

The nervous tension of the public mind could not have been more

strikingly illustrated than it was by the alarm resulting from the talk

of a small band of men who called themselves anarchists, and proposed

to terrify the American people into adopting their ideas by threats of

violence, as if a mighty nation which had but just put down a rebellion

of half its own numbers, in order to maintain its political system,

were likely to adopt a new social system out of fear.

As one of the wealthy, with a large stake in the existing order of

things, I naturally shared the apprehensions of my class. The

particular grievance I had against the working classes at the time of

which I write, on account of the effect of their strikes in postponing

my wedded bliss, no doubt lent a special animosity to my feeling toward

them.

Looking Backward, 2000 to 1887 · 第 1 / 28 章