THE VANDALIC WAR (_Continued_)
I
Gelimer, seeing all the Vandals gathered together, led his army against
Carthage. And when they came close to it, they tore down a portion of
the aqueduct,--a structure well worth seeing--which conducted water into
the city, and after encamping for a time they withdrew, since no one of
the enemy came out against them. And going about the country there they
kept the roads under guard and thought that in this way they were
besieging Carthage; however, they did not gather any booty, nor plunder
the land, but took possession of it as their own. And at the same time
they kept hoping that there would be some treason on the part of the
Carthaginians themselves and such of the Roman soldiers as followed the
doctrine of Arius. They also sent to the leaders of the Huns, and
promising that they would have many good things from the Vandals,
entreated them to become their friends and allies. Now the Huns even
before this had not been well-disposed toward the cause of the Romans,
since they had not indeed come to them willingly as allies (for they
asserted that the Roman general Peter had given an oath and then,
disregarding what had been sworn, had thus brought them to Byzantium),
and accordingly they received the words of the Vandals, and promised
that when they should come to real fighting they would turn with them
against the Roman army. But Belisarius had a suspicion of all this (for
he had heard it from the deserters), and also the circuit-wall had not
as yet been completed entirely, and for these reasons he did not think
it possible for his men to go out against the enemy for the present, but
he was making his preparations within as well as possible. And one of
the Carthaginians, Laurus by name, having been condemned on a charge of
treason and proved guilty by his own secretary, was impaled by
Belisarius on a hill before the city, and as a result of this the others
came to feel a sort of irresistible fear and refrained from attempts at
treason. And he courted the Massagetae with gifts and banquets and every
other manner of flattering attention every day, and thus persuaded them
to disclose to him what Gelimer had promised them on condition of their
turning traitors in the battle. And these barbarians said that they had
no enthusiasm for fighting, for they feared that, if the Vandals were
vanquished, the Romans would not send them back to their native land,
but they would be compelled to grow old and die right there in Libya;
and besides they were also concerned, they said, about the booty, lest
they be robbed of it. Then indeed Belisarius gave them pledges that, if
the Vandals should be conquered decisively, they would be sent without
the least delay to their homes with all their booty, and thus he bound
them by oaths in very truth to assist the Romans with all zeal in
carrying through the war.
And when all things had been prepared by him in the best way possible,
and the circuit-wall had been already completed, he called together the
whole army and spoke as follows: "As for exhortation, fellow Romans, I
do not know that it is necessary to make any to you,--men who have
recently conquered the enemy so completely that Carthage here and the
whole of Libya is a possession of your valour, and for this reason you
will have no need of admonition that prompts to daring. For the spirits
of those who have conquered are by no means wont to be overcome. But I
think it not untimely to remind you of this one thing, that, if you on
the present occasion but prove equal to your own selves in valour,
straightway there will be an end for the Vandals of their hopes, and for
you of the battle. Hence there is every reason why you should enter into
this engagement with the greatest eagerness. For ever sweet to men is
toil coming to an end and reaching its close. Now as for the host of the
Vandals, let no one of you consider them. For not by numbers of men nor
by measure of body, but by valour of soul, is war wont to be decided.
And let the strongest motive which actuates men come to your minds,
namely, pride in past achievement. For it is a shame, for those at least
who have reason, to fall short of one's own self and to be found
inferior to one's own standard of valour. For I know well that terror
and the memory of misfortunes have laid hold upon the enemy and compel
them to become less brave, for the one fills them with fear because of
what has already happened, and the other brushes aside their hope of
success. For Fortune, once seen to be bad, straightway enslaves the
spirit of those who have fallen in her way. And I shall explain how the
struggle involves for you at the present time a greater stake than
formerly. For in the former battle the danger was, if things did not go
well for us, that we should not take the land of others; but now, if we
do not win the struggle, we shall lose the land which is our own. In
proportion, then, as it is easier to possess nothing than to be deprived
of what one has, just so now our fear touches our most vital concerns
more than before. And yet formerly we had the fortune to win the victory
with the infantry absent, but now, entering the battle with God
propitious and with our whole army, I have hopes of capturing the camp
of the enemy, men and all. Thus, then, having the end of the war ready
at hand, do not by reason of any negligence put it off to another time,
lest you be compelled to seek for the opportune moment after it has run
past us. For when the fortune of war is postponed, its nature is not to
proceed in the same manner as before, especially if the war be prolonged
by the will of those who are carrying it on. For Heaven is accustomed to
bring retribution always upon those who abandon the good fortune which
is present. But if anyone considers that the enemy, seeing their
children and wives and most precious possessions in our hands, will be
daring beyond reason and will incur risks beyond the strength which they
have, he does not think rightly. For an overpowering passion springing
up in the heart in behalf of what is most precious is wont to diminish
men's actual strength and does not allow them to make full use of their
present opportunities. Considering, then, all these things, it behooves
you to go with great contempt against the enemy."
II
After such words of exhortation, Belisarius sent out all the horsemen on
the same day, except five hundred, and also the guardsmen and the
standard, which the Romans call "bandum,"[1] entrusting them to John the
Armenian, and directing him to skirmish only, if opportunity should
arise. And he himself on the following day followed with the infantry
forces and the five hundred horsemen. And the Massagetae, deliberating
among themselves, decided, in order to seem in friendly agreement with
both Gelimer and Belisarius, neither to begin fighting for the Romans
nor to go over to the Vandals before the encounter, but whenever the
situation of one or the other army should be bad, then to join the
victors in their pursuit of the vanquished. Thus, then, had this matter
been decided upon by the barbarians. And the Roman army came upon the
Vandals encamped in Tricamarum, one hundred and fifty stades distant
from Carthage. So they both bivouacked there at a considerable distance
from one another. And when it was well on in the night, a prodigy came
to pass in the Roman camp as follows. The tips of their spears were
lighted with a bright fire and the points of them seemed to be burning
most vigorously. This was not seen by many, but it filled with
consternation the few who did see it, not knowing how it would come out.
And this happened to the Romans in Italy again at a much later time. And
at that time, since they knew by experience, they believed it to be a
sign of victory. But now, as I have said, since this was the first time
it had happened, they were filled with consternation and passed the
night in great fear.
And on the following day Gelimer commanded the Vandals to place the
women and children and all their possessions in the middle of the
stockade, although it had not the character of a fort, and calling all
together, he spoke as follows: "It is not to gain glory, or to retrieve
the loss of empire alone, O fellow Vandals, that we are about to fight,
so that even if we wilfully played the coward and sacrificed these our
belongings we might possibly live, sitting at home and keeping our own
possessions; but you see, surely, that our fortunes have come round to
such a pass that, if we do not gain the mastery over the enemy, we
shall, if we perish, leave them as masters of these our children and our
wives and our land and all our possessions, while if we survive, there
will be added our own enslavement and to behold all these enslaved; but
if, indeed, we overcome our foes in the war, we shall, if we live, pass
our lives among all good things, or, after the glorious ending of our
lives, there will be left to our wives and children the blessings of
prosperity, while the name of the Vandals will survive and their empire
be preserved. For if it has ever happened to any men to be engaged in a
struggle for their all, we now more than all others realize that we are
entering the battle-line with our hopes for all we have resting wholly
upon ourselves. Not for our bodies, then, is our fear, nor in death is
our danger, but in being defeated by the enemy. For if we lose the
victory, death will be to our advantage. Since, therefore, the case
stands so, let no one of the Vandals weaken, but let him proudly expose
his body, and from shame at the evils that follow defeat let him court
the end of life. For when a man is ashamed of that which is shameful,
there is always present with him a dauntless courage in the face of
danger. And let no recollection of the earlier battle come into your
minds. For it was not by cowardice on our part that we were defeated,
but we tripped upon obstacles interposed by fortune and were overthrown.
Now it is not the way of the tide of fortune to flow always in the same
direction, but every day, as a rule, it is wont to change about. In
manliness it is our boast that we surpass the enemy, and that in numbers
we are much superior; for we believe that we surpass them no less than
tenfold. And why shall I add that many and great are the incentives
which, now especially, urge us on to valour, naming the glory of our
ancestors and the empire which has been handed down to us by them? For
in our case that glory is obscured by our unlikeness to our kindred,
while the empire is bent upon fleeing from us as unworthy. And I pass
over in silence the wails of these poor women and the tears of our
children, by which, as you see, I am now so deeply moved that I am
unable to prolong my discourse. But having said this one thing, I shall
stop,--that there will be for us no returning to these most precious
possessions if we do not gain the mastery over the enemy. Remembering
these things, shew yourselves brave men and do not bring shame upon the
fame of Gizeric."
After speaking such words, Gelimer commanded his brother Tzazon to
deliver an exhortation separately to the Vandals who had come with him
from Sardinia. And he gathered them together a little apart from the
camp and spoke as follows: "For all the Vandals, fellow soldiers, the
struggle is in behalf of those things which you have just heard the king
recount, but for you, in addition to all the other considerations, it so
happens that you are vying with yourselves. For you have recently been
victorious in a struggle for the maintenance of our rule, and you have
recovered the island for the empire of the Vandals; there is every
reason, therefore, for you to make still greater display of your valour.
For those whose hazard involves the greatest things must needs display
the greatest zeal for warfare also. Indeed, when men who struggle for
the maintenance of their rule are defeated, should it so happen, they
have not failed in the most vital part; but when men are engaged in
battle for their all, surely their very lives are influenced by the
outcome of the struggle. And for the rest, if you shew yourselves brave
men at the present time, you will thereby prove with certainty that the
destruction[2] of the tyrant Godas was an achievement of valour on your
part; but if you weaken now, you will be deprived of even the renown of
those deeds, as of something which does not belong to you at all. And
yet, even apart from this, it is reasonable to think that you will have
an advantage over the rest of the Vandals in this battle. For those who
have failed are dismayed by their previous fortune, while those who have
encountered no reverse enter the struggle with their courage unimpaired.
And this too, I think, will not be spoken out of season, that if we
conquer the enemy, it will be you who will win the credit for the
greatest part of the victory, and all will call you saviours of the
nation of the Vandals. For men who achieve renown in company with those
who have previously met with misfortune naturally claim the better
fortune as their own. Considering all these things, therefore, I say
that you should bid the women and children who are lamenting their fate
to take courage even now, should summon God to fight with us, should go
with enthusiasm against the enemy, and lead the way for our compatriots
into this battle."
III
After both Gelimer and Tzazon had spoken such exhortations, they led out
the Vandals, and at about the time of lunch, when the Romans were not
expecting them, but were preparing their meal, they were at hand and
arrayed themselves for battle along the bank of the stream. Now the
stream at that place is an ever-flowing one, to be sure, but its volume
is so small that it is not even given a special name by the inhabitants
of the place, but it is designated simply as a brook. So the Romans came
to the other bank of this river, after preparing themselves as well as
they could under the circumstances, and arrayed themselves as follows.
The left wing was held by Martinus and Valerian, John, Cyprian, Althias,
and Marcellus, and as many others as were commanders of the
foederati[3]; and the right was held by Pappas, Barbatus, and Aïgan, and
the others who commanded the forces of cavalry. And in the centre John
took his position, leading the guards and spearmen of Belisarius and
carrying the general's standard. And Belisarius also came there at the
opportune moment with his five hundred horsemen, leaving the infantry
behind advancing at a walk. For all the Huns had been arrayed in another
place, it being customary for them even before this not to mingle with
the Roman army if they could avoid so doing, and at that time
especially, since they had in mind the purpose which has previously been
explained,[4] it was not their wish to be arrayed with the rest of the
army. Such, then, was the formation of the Romans. And on the side of
the Vandals, either wing was held by the chiliarchs, and each one led
the division under him, while in the centre was Tzazon, the brother of
Gelimer, and behind him were arrayed the Moors. But Gelimer himself was
going about everywhere exhorting them and urging them on to daring. And
the command had been previously given to all the Vandals to use neither
spear nor any other weapon in this engagement except their swords.
After a considerable time had passed and no one began the battle, John
chose out a few of those under him by the advice of Belisarius and
crossing the river made an attack on the centre, where Tzazon crowded
them back and gave chase. And the Romans in flight came into their own
camp, while the Vandals in pursuit came as far as the stream, but did
not cross it. And once more John, leading out more of the guardsmen of
Belisarius, made a dash against the forces of Tzazon, and again being
repulsed from there, withdrew to the Roman camp. And a third time with
almost all the guards and spearmen of Belisarius he took the general's
standard and made his attack with much shouting and a great noise. But
since the barbarians manfully withstood them and used only their swords,
the battle became fierce, and many of the noblest of the Vandals fell,
and among them Tzazon himself, the brother of Gelimer. Then at last the
whole Roman army was set in motion, and crossing the river they advanced
upon the enemy, and the rout, beginning at the centre, became complete;
for each of the Roman divisions turned to flight those before them with
no trouble. And the Massagetae, seeing this, according to their
agreement among themselves[5] joined the Roman army in making the
pursuit, but this pursuit was not continued for a great distance. For
the Vandals entered their own camp quickly and remained quiet, while the
Romans, thinking that they would not be able to fight it out with them
inside the stockade, stripped such of the corpses as had gold upon them
and retired to their own camp. And there perished in this battle, of the
Romans less than fifty, but of the Vandals about eight hundred.
But Belisarius, when the infantry came up in the late afternoon, moved
as quickly as he could with the whole army and went against the camp of
the Vandals. And Gelimer, realising that Belisarius with his infantry
and the rest of his army was coming against him straightway, without
saying a word or giving a command leaped upon his horse and was off in
flight on the road leading to Numidia. And his kinsmen and some few of
his domestics followed him in utter consternation and guarding with
silence what was taking place. And for some time it escaped the notice
of the Vandals that Gelimer had run away, but when they all perceived
that he had fled, and the enemy were already plainly seen, then indeed
the men began to shout and the children cried out and the women wailed.
And they neither took with them the money they had nor did they heed the
laments of those dearest to them, but every man fled in complete
disorder just as he could. And the Romans, coming up, captured the camp,
money and all, with not a man in it; and they pursued the fugitives
throughout the whole night, killing all the men upon whom they happened,
and making slaves of the women and children. And they found in this camp
a quantity of wealth such as has never before been found, at least in
one place. For the Vandals had plundered the Roman domain for a long
time and had transferred great amounts of money to Libya, and since
their land was an especially good one, nourishing abundantly with the
most useful crops, it came about that the revenue collected from the
commodities produced there was not paid out to any other country in the
purchase of a food supply, but those who possessed the land always kept
for themselves the income from it for the ninety-five years during which
the Vandals ruled Libya. And from this it resulted that their wealth,
amounting to an extraordinary sum, returned once more on that day into
the hands of the Romans. So this battle and the pursuit and the capture
of the Vandals' camp happened three months after the Roman army came to
Carthage, at about the middle of the last month, which the Romans call
"December." [533 A.D.]
IV
Then Belisarius, seeing the Roman army rushing about in confusion and
great disorder, was disturbed, being fearful throughout the whole night
lest the enemy, uniting by mutual agreement against him, should do him
irreparable harm. And if this thing had happened at that time in any way
at all, I believe that, not one of the Romans would have escaped and
enjoyed this booty. For the soldiers, being extremely poor men, upon
becoming all of a sudden masters of very great wealth and of women both
young and extremely comely, were no longer able to restrain their minds
or to find any satiety in the things they had, but were so intoxicated,
drenched as they were by their present good fortunes, that each one
wished to take everything with him back to Carthage. And they were going
about, not in companies but alone or by twos, wherever hope led them,
searching out everything roundabout among the valleys and the rough
country and wherever there chanced to be a cave or anything such as
might bring them into danger or ambush. For neither did fear of the
enemy nor their respect for Belisarius occur to them, nor indeed
anything else at all except the desire for spoils, and being
overmastered by this they came to think lightly of everything else. And
Belisarius, taking note of all this, was at a loss as to how he should
handle the situation. But at daybreak he took his stand upon a certain
hill near the road, appealing to the discipline which no longer existed
and heaping reproaches upon all, soldiers and officers alike. Then
indeed, those who chanced to be near, and especially those who were of
the household of Belisarius, sent the money and slaves which they had to
Carthage with their tentmates and messmates, and themselves came up
beside the general and gave heed to the orders given them.
And he commanded John, the Armenian, with two hundred men to follow
Gelimer, and without slackening their speed either night or day to
pursue him, until they should take him living or dead. And he sent word
to his associates in Carthage to lead into the city all the Vandals who
were sitting as suppliants in sanctuaries in the places about the city,
giving them pledges and taking away their weapons, that they might not
begin an uprising, and to keep them there until he himself should come.
And with those who were left he went about everywhere and gathered the
soldiers hastily, and to all the Vandals he came upon he gave pledges
for their safety. For it was no longer possible to catch anyone of the
Vandals except as a suppliant in the sanctuaries. And from these he took
away their weapons and sent them, with soldiers to guard them, to
Carthage, not giving them time to unite against the Romans. And when
everything was as well settled as possible, he himself with the greater
part of the army moved against Gelimer with all speed. But John, after
continuing the pursuit five days and nights, had already come not far
from Gelimer, and in fact he was about to engage with him on the
following day. But since it was not fated that Gelimer should be
captured by John, the following obstacle was contrived by fortune. Among
those pursuing with John it happened that there was Uliaris, the aide of
Belisarius. Now this man was a passionate fellow and well favoured in
strength of heart and body, but not a very serious man, but one who
generally took delight in wine and buffoonery. This Uliaris on the sixth
day of the pursuit, being drunk, saw a bird sitting in a tree at about
sunrise, and he quickly stretched his bow and despatched a missile at
the bird. And he missed the bird, but John, who was behind it, he hit in
the neck by no will of his own. And since the wound was mortal, John
passed away a short time afterwards, leaving great sorrow at his loss to
the Emperor Justinian and Belisarius, the general, and to all the Romans
and Carthaginians. For in manliness and every sort of virtue he was well
endowed, and he shewed himself, to those who associated with him, gentle
and equitable to a degree quite unsurpassed. Thus, then, John fulfilled
his destiny. As for Uliaris, when he came to himself, he fled to a
certain village which was near by and sat as a suppliant in the
sanctuary there. And the soldiers no longer pressed the pursuit of
Gelimer, but they cared for John as long as he survived, and when he had
died they carried out all the customary rites in his burial, and
reporting the whole matter to Belisarius they remained where they were.
And as soon as he heard of it, he came to John's burial, and bewailed
his fate. And after weeping over him and grieving bitterly at the whole
occurrence, he honoured the tomb of John with many gifts and especially
by providing for it a regular income. However, he did nothing severe to
Uliaris, since the soldiers said that John had enjoined upon them by the
most dread oaths that no vengeance should come to him, since he had not
performed the unholy deed with deliberate intent.
Thus, then, Gelimer escaped falling into the hands of the enemy on that
day. And from that time on Belisarius pursued him, but upon reaching a
strong city of Numidia situated on the sea, ten days distant from
Carthage, which they call Hippo Regius,[6] he learned that Gelimer had
ascended the mountain Papua and could no longer be captured by the
Romans. Now this mountain is situated at the extremity of Numidia and is
exceedingly precipitous and climbed only with the greatest difficulty
(for lofty cliffs rise up toward it from every side), and on it dwell
barbarian Moors, who were friends and allies to Gelimer, and an ancient
city named Medeus lies on the outskirts of the mountain. There Gelimer
rested with his followers. But as for Belisarius, he was not able to
make any attempt at all on the mountain, much less in the winter season,
and since his affairs were still in an uncertain state, he did not think
it advisable to be away from Carthage; and so he chose out soldiers,
with Pharas as their leader, and set them to maintain the siege of the
mountain. Now this Pharas was energetic and thoroughly serious and
upright in every way, although he was an Erulian by birth. And for an
Erulian not to give himself over to treachery and drunkenness, but to
strive after uprightness, is no easy matter and merits abundant
praise.[7] But not only was it Pharas who maintained orderly conduct,
but also all the Erulians who followed him. This Pharas, then,
Belisarius commanded to establish himself at the foot of the mountain
during the winter season and to keep close guard, so that it would
neither be possible for Gelimer to leave the mountain nor for any
supplies to be brought in to him. And Pharas acted accordingly. Then
Belisarius turned to the Vandals who were sitting as suppliants in the
sanctuaries in Hippo Regius,--and there were many of them and of the
nobility--and he caused them all to accept pledges and arise, and then
he sent them to Carthage with a guard. And there it came about that the
following event happened to him.
In the house of Gelimer there was a certain scribe named Boniface, a
Libyan, and a native of Byzacium, a man exceedingly faithful to Gelimer.
At the beginning of this war Gelimer had put this Boniface on a very
swift-sailing ship, and placing all the royal treasure in it commanded
him to anchor in the harbour of Hippo Regius, and if he should see that
the situation was not favourable to their side, he was to sail with all
speed to Spain with the money, and go to Theudis, the leader of the
Visigoths, where he was expecting to find safety for himself also,
should the fortune of war prove adverse for the Vandals. So Boniface, as
long as he felt hope for the cause of the Vandals, remained there; but
as soon as the battle in Tricamarum took place, with all the other
events which have been related, he spread his canvas and sailed away
just as Gelimer had directed him. But an opposing wind brought him back,
much against his will, into the harbour of Hippo Regius. And since he
had already heard that the enemy were somewhere near, he entreated the
sailors with many promises to row with all their might for some other
continent or for an island. But they were unable to do so, since a very
severe storm had fallen upon them and the waves of the sea were rising
to a great height, seeing that it was the Tuscan sea,[8] and then it
occurred to them and to Boniface that, after all, God wished to give the
money to the Romans and so was not allowing the ship to put out.
However, though they had got outside the harbour, they encountered great
danger in bringing their ship back to anchorage. And when Belisarius
arrived at Hippo Regius, Boniface sent some men to him. These he
commanded to sit in a sanctuary, and they were to say that they had been
sent by Boniface, who had the money of Gelimer, but to conceal the place
where he was, until they should receive the pledges of Belisarius that
upon giving Gelimer's money he himself should escape free from harm,
having all that was his own. These men, then, acted according to these
instructions, and Belisarius was pleased at the good news and did not
decline to take an oath. And sending some of his associates he took the
treasure of Gelimer and released Boniface in possession of his own money
and also with an enormous sum which he plundered from Gelimer's
treasure.
V
And when he returned to Carthage, he put all the Vandals in readiness,
so that at the opening of spring he might send them to Byzantium; and he
sent out an army to recover for the Romans everything which the Vandals
ruled. And first he sent Cyril to Sardinia with a great force, having
the head of Tzazon, since these islanders were not at all willing to
yield to the Romans, fearing the Vandals and thinking that what had been
told them as having happened in Tricamarum could not be true. And he
ordered this Cyril to send a portion of the army to Corsica, and to
recover for the Roman empire the island, which had been previously
subject to the Vandals; this island was called Cyrnus in early times,
and is not far from Sardinia. So he came to Sardinia and displayed the
head of Tzazon to the inhabitants of the place, and he won back both the
islands and made them tributary to the Roman domain. And to Caesarea[9]
in Mauretania Belisarius sent John with an infantry company which he
usually commanded himself; this place is distant from Carthage a journey
of thirty days for an unencumbered traveller, as one goes towards Gadira
and the west; and it is situated upon the sea, having been a great and
populous city from ancient times. Another John, one of his own
guardsmen, he sent to Gadira on the strait and by one of the Pillars of
Heracles, to take possession of the fort there which they call
"Septem."[10] And to the islands which are near the strait where the
ocean flows in, called Ebusa and Majorica and Minorica[11] by the
natives, he sent Apollinarius, who was a native of Italy, but had come
while still a lad to Libya. And he had been rewarded with great sums of
money by Ilderic, who was then leader of the Vandals, and after Ilderic
had been removed from the office and was in confinement, as has been
told in the previous narrative,[12] he came to the Emperor Justinian
with the other Libyans who were working in the interest of Ilderic, in
order to entreat his favour as a suppliant. And he joined the Roman
expedition against Gelimer and the Vandals, and proved himself a brave
man in this war and most of all at Tricamarum. And as a result of his
deeds there Belisarius entrusted to him these islands. And later
Belisarius sent an army also into Tripolis to Pudentius and
Tattimuth,[13] who were being pressed by the Moors there, and thus
strengthened the Roman power in that quarter.
He also sent some men to Sicily in order to take the fortress in
Lilybaeum, as belonging to the Vandals' kingdom,[14] but he was repulsed
from there, since the Goths by no means saw fit to yield any part of
Sicily, on the ground that this fortress did not belong to the Vandals
at all. And when Belisarius heard this, he wrote to the commanders who
were there as follows: "You are depriving us of Lilybaeum, the fortress
of the Vandals who are the slaves of the emperor, and are not acting
justly nor in a way to benefit yourselves, and you wish to bring upon
your ruler, though he does not so will it and is far distant from the
scene of these actions, the hostility of the great emperor, whose
good-will he has, having won it with great labour. And yet how could you
but seem to be acting contrary to the ways of men, it you recently
allowed Gelimer to hold the fortress, but have decided to wrest from the
emperor, Gelimer's master, the possessions of the slave? You, at least,
should not act thus, most excellent sirs. But reflect that, while it is
the nature of friendship to cover over many faults, hostility does not
brook even the smallest misdeeds, but searches the past for every
offence, and allows not its enemy to grow rich on what does not in the
least belong to them.[15] Moreover, the enemy fights to avenge the
wrongs which it says have been done to its ancestors; and whereas, if
friendship thus turned to hostility fails in the struggle, it suffers no
loss of its own possessions, yet if it succeeds, it teaches the
vanquished to take a new view of the indulgence which has been shewn
them in the past. See to it, then, that you neither do us further harm
nor suffer harm yourselves, and do not make the great emperor an enemy
to the Gothic nation, when it is your prayer that he be propitious
toward you. For be well assured that, if you lay claim to this fortress,
war will confront you immediately, and not for Lilybaeum alone, but for
all the possessions you claim as yours, though not one of them belongs
to you."
Such was the message of the letter. And the Goths reported these things
to the mother[16] of Antalaric, and at her direction made the following
reply: "The letter which you have written, most excellent Belisarius,
carries sound admonition, but pertinent to some other men, not to us the
Goths. For there is nothing of the Emperor Justinian's which we have
taken and hold; may we never be so mad as to do such a thing! The whole
of Sicily we claim because it is our own, and the fortress of Lilybaeum
is one of its promontories. And if Theoderic gave his sister, who was
the consort of the king of the Vandals, one of the trading-ports of
Sicily for her use, this is nothing. For this fact could not afford a
basis for any claim on your part. But you, O General, would be acting
justly toward us, if you should be willing to make the settlement of the
matters in dispute between us, not as an enemy, but as a friend. And
there is this difference, that friends are accustomed to settle their
disagreements by arbitration, but enemies by battle. We, therefore,
shall commit this matter to the Emperor Justinian, to arbitrate[17] in
whatever manner seems to him lawful and just. And we desire that the
decisions you make shall be as wise as possible, rather than as hasty as
possible, and that you, therefore, await the decision of your emperor."
Such was the message of the letter of the Goths. And Belisarius,
reporting all to the emperor, remained quiet until the emperor should
send him word what his wish was.
VI
But Pharas, having by this time become weary of the siege for many
reasons, and especially because of the winter season, and at the same
time thinking that the Moors there would not be able to stand in his
way, undertook the ascent of Papua with great zeal. Accordingly he armed
all his followers very carefully and began the ascent. But the Moors
rushed to the defence, and since they were on ground which was steep and
very hard to traverse, their efforts to hinder those making the ascent
were easily accomplished. But Pharas fought hard to force the ascent,
and one hundred and ten of his men perished in this struggle, and he
himself with the remainder was beaten back and retired; and as a result
of this he did not dare to attempt the ascent again, since the situation
was against him, but he established as careful a guard as possible, in
order that those on Papua, being pressed by hunger, might surrender
themselves; and he neither permitted them to run away nor anything to be
brought in to them from outside. Then, indeed, it came about that
Gelimer and those about him, who were nephews and cousins of his and
other persons of high birth, experienced a misery which no one could
describe, however eloquent he might be, in a way which would equal the
facts. For of all the nations which we know that of the Vandals is the
most luxurious, and that of the Moors the most hardy. For the Vandals,
since the time when they gained possession of Libya, used to indulge in
baths, all of them, every day, and enjoyed a table abounding in all
things, the sweetest and best that the earth and sea produce. And they
wore gold very generally, and clothed themselves in the Medic garments,
which now they call "seric,"[18] and passed their time, thus dressed, in
theatres and hippodromes and in other pleasureable pursuits, and above
all else in hunting. And they had dancers and mimes and all other things
to hear and see which are of a musical nature or otherwise merit
attention among men. And the most of them dwelt in parks, which were
well supplied with water and trees; and they had great numbers of
banquets, and all manner of sexual pleasures were in great vogue among
them. But the Moors live in stuffy huts[19] both in winter and in summer
and at every other time, never removing from them either because of snow
or the heat of the sun or any other discomfort whatever due to nature.
And they sleep on the ground, the prosperous among them, if it should so
happen, spreading a fleece under themselves. Moreover, it is not
customary among them to change their clothing with the seasons, but they
wear a thick cloak and a rough shirt at all times. And they have neither
bread nor wine nor any other good thing, but they take grain, either
wheat or barley, and, without boiling it or grinding it to flour or
barley-meal, they eat it in a manner not a whit different from that of
animals. Since the Moors, then, were of a such a sort, the followers of
Gelimer, after living with them for a long time and changing their
accustomed manner of life to such a miserable existence, when at last
even the necessities of life had failed, held out no longer, but death
was thought by them most sweet and slavery by no means disgraceful.
Now when this was learned by Pharas, he wrote to Gelimer as follows: "I
too am a barbarian and not accustomed to writing and speaking, nor am I
skilful in these matters. But that which I am forced as a man to know,
having learned from the nature of things, this I am writing you. What in
the world has happened to you, my dear Gelimer, that you have cast, not
yourself alone, but your whole family besides, into this pit? Is it,
forsooth, that you may avoid becoming a slave? But this is assuredly
nothing but youthful folly, and making of 'liberty' a mere shibboleth,
as though liberty were worth possessing at the price of all this misery!
And, after all, do you not consider that you are, even now, a slave to
the most wretched of the Moors, since your only hope of being saved, if
the best happens, is in them? And yet why would it not be better in
every way to be a slave among the Romans and beggared, than to be
monarch on Mount Papua with Moors as your subjects? But of course it
seems to you the very height of disgrace even to be a fellow slave with
Belisarius! Away with the thought, most excellent Gelimer. Are not
we,[20] who also are born of noble families, proud that we are now in
the service of an emperor? And indeed they say that it is the wish of
the Emperor Justinian to have you enrolled in the senate, thus sharing
in the highest honour and being a patrician, as we term that rank, and
to present you with lands both spacious and good and with great sums of
money, and that Belisarius is willing to make himself responsible for
your having all these things, and to give you pledges. Now as for all
the miseries which fortune has brought you, you are able to bear with
fortitude whatever comes from her, knowing that you are but a man and
that these things are inevitable; but if fortune has purposed to temper
these adversities with some admixture of good, would you of yourself
refuse to accept this gladly? Or should we consider that the good gifts
of fortune are not just as inevitable as are her undesirable gifts? Yet
such is not the opinion of even the utterly senseless; but you, it would
seem, have now lost your good judgment, steeped as you are in
misfortunes. Indeed, discouragement is wont to confound the mind and to
be transformed to folly. If, however, you can bear your own thoughts and
refrain from rebelling against fortune when she changes, it will be
possible at this very moment for you to choose that which will be wholly
to your advantage, and to escape from the evils which hang over you."
When Gelimer had read this letter and wept bitterly over it, he wrote in
reply as follows: "I am both deeply grateful to you for the advice which
you have given me and I also think it unbearable to be a slave to an
enemy who wrongs me, from whom I should pray God to exact justice, if He
should be propitious to me,--an enemy who, though he had never
experienced any harm from me either in deeds which he suffered or in
words which he heard, provided a pretext for a war which was unprovoked,
and reduced me to this state of misfortune, bringing Belisarius against
me from I know not where. And yet it is not at all unlikely that he
also, since he is but a man, though he be emperor too, may have
something befall him which he would not choose. But as for me, I am not
able to write further. For my present misfortune has robbed me of my
thoughts. Farewell, then, dear Pharas, and send me a lyre and one loaf
of bread and a sponge, I pray you." When this reply was read by Pharas,
he was at a loss for some time, being unable to understand the final
words of the letter, until he who had brought the letter explained that
Gelimer desired one loaf because he was eager to enjoy the sight of it
and to eat it, since from the time when he went up upon Papua he had not
seen a single baked loaf. A sponge also was necessary for him; for one
of his eyes, becoming irritated by lack of washing, was greatly swollen.
And being a skilful harpist he had composed an ode relating to his
present misfortune, which he was eager to chant to the accompaniment of
a lyre while he wept out his soul. When Pharas heard this, he was deeply
moved, and lamenting the fortune of men, he did as was written and sent
all the things which Gelimer desired of him. However he relaxed the
siege not a whit, but kept watch more closely than before.
VII
And already a space of three months had been spent in this siege and the
winter was coming to an end. And Gelimer was afraid, suspecting that his
besiegers would come up against him after no great time; and the bodies
of most of the children who were related to him[21] were discharging
worms in this time of misery. And though in everything he was deeply
distressed, and looked upon everything,--except, indeed, death,--with
dissatisfaction, he nevertheless endured the suffering beyond all
expectation, until it happened that he beheld a sight such as the
following. A certain Moorish woman had managed somehow to crush a little
corn, and making of it a very tiny cake, threw it into the hot ashes on
the hearth. For thus it is the custom among the Moors to bake their
loaves. And beside this hearth two children were sitting, in exceedingly
great distress by reason of their hunger, the one being the son of the
very woman who had thrown in the cake, and the other a nephew of
Gelimer; and they were eager to seize the cake as soon as it should seem
to them to be cooked. And of the two children the Vandal got ahead of
the other and snatched the cake first, and, though it was still
exceedingly hot and covered with ashes, hunger overpowered him, and he
threw it into his mouth and was eating it, when the other seized him by
the hair of the head and struck him over the temple and beat him again
and thus compelled him with great violence to cast out the cake which
was already in his throat. This sad experience Gelimer could not endure
(for he had followed all from the beginning), and his spirit was
weakened and he wrote as quickly as possible to Pharas as follows: "If
it has ever happened to any man, after manfully enduring terrible
misfortunes, to take a course contrary to that which he had previously
determined upon, consider me to be such a one, O most excellent Pharas.
For there has come to my mind your advice, which I am far from wishing
to disregard. For I cannot resist fortune further nor rebel against
fate, but I shall follow straightway wherever it seems to her best to
lead; but let me receive the pledges, that Belisarius guarantees that
the emperor will do everything which you recently promised me. For I,
indeed, as soon as you give the pledges, shall put both myself into your
hands and these kinsmen of mine and the Vandals, as many as are here
with us."
Such were the words written by Gelimer in this letter. And Pharas,
having signified this to Belisarius, as well as what they had previously
written to each other, begged him to declare as quickly as possible what
his wish was. And Belisarius (since he was greatly desirous of leading
Gelimer alive to the emperor), as soon as he had read the letter, became
overjoyed and commanded Cyprian, a leader of foederati,[22] to go to
Papua with certain others, and directed them to give an oath concerning
the safety of Gelimer and of those with him, and to swear that he would
be honoured before the emperor and would lack nothing. And when these
men had come to Pharas, they went with him to a certain place by the
foot of the mountain, where Gelimer came at their summons, and after
receiving the pledges just as he wished he came with them to Carthage.
And it happened that Belisarius was staying for a time in the suburb of
the city which they call Aclas. Accordingly Gelimer came before him in
that place, laughing with such laughter as was neither moderate nor the
kind one could conceal, and some of those who were looking at him
suspected that by reason of the extremity of his affliction he had
changed entirely from his natural state and that, already beside
himself, he was laughing for no reason. But his friends would have it
that the man was in his sound mind, and that because he had been born in
a royal family, and had ascended the throne, and had been clothed with
great power and immense wealth from childhood even to old age, and then
being driven to flight and plunged into great fear had undergone the
sufferings on Papua, and now had come as a captive, having in this way
had experience of all the gifts of fortune, both good and evil, for this
reason, they believed, he thought that man's lot was worthy of nothing
else than much laughter. Now concerning this laughter of Gelimer's, let
each one speak according to his judgment, both enemy and friend. But
Belisarius, reporting to the emperor that Gelimer was a captive in
Carthage, asked permission to bring him to Byzantium with him. At the
same time he guarded both him and all the Vandals in no dishonour and
proceeded to put the fleet in readiness.
Now many other things too great to be hoped for have before now been
experienced in the long course of time, and they will continue as long
as the fortunes of men are the same as they now are; for those things
which seem to reason impossible are actually accomplished, and many
times those things which previously appeared impossible, when they have
befallen, have seemed to be worthy of wonder; but whether such events as
these ever took place before I am not able to say, wherein the fourth
descendant of Gizeric, and his kingdom at the height of its wealth and
military strength, were completely undone in so short a time by five
thousand men coming in as invaders and having not a place to cast
anchor. For such was the number of the horsemen who followed Belisarius,
and carried through the whole war against the Vandals. For whether this
happened by chance or because of some kind of valour, one would justly
marvel at it. But I shall return to the point from which I have strayed.
VIII
So the Vandalic war ended thus. But envy, as is wont to happen in cases
of great good fortune, was already swelling against Belisarius, although
he provided no pretext for it. For some of the officers slandered him to
the emperor, charging him, without any grounds whatever, with seeking to
set up a kingdom for himself,[23] a statement for which there was no
basis whatever. But the emperor did not disclose these things to the
world, either because he paid no heed to the slander, or because this
course seemed better to him. But he sent Solomon and gave Belisarius the
opportunity to choose whichever of two things he desired, either to come
to Byzantium with Gelimer and the Vandals, or to remain there and send
them. And Belisarius, since it did not escape him that the officers were
bringing against him the charge of seeking supreme power, was eager to
get to Byzantium, in order that he might clear himself of the charge and
be able to proceed against his slanderers. Now as to the manner in which
he learned of the attempt of his accusers, I shall explain. When those
who denounced him wished to present this slander, fearing lest the man
who was to carry their letter to the emperor should be lost at sea and
thus put a stop to their proceedings, they wrote the aforesaid
accusation on two tablets, purposing to send two messengers to the
emperor in two ships. And one of these two sailed away without being
detected, but the second, on account of some suspicion or other, was
captured in Mandracium, and putting the writing into the hands of his
captors, he made known what was being done. So Belisarius, having
learned in this way, was eager to come before the emperor, as has been
said. Such, then, was the course of these events at Carthage.
But the Moors who dwelt in Byzacium and in Numidia turned to revolt for
no good reason, and they decided to break the treaty and to rise
suddenly against the Romans. And this was not out of keeping with their
peculiar character. For there is among the Moors neither fear of God nor
respect for men. For they care not either for oaths or for hostages,
even though the hostages chance to be the children or brothers of their
leaders. Nor is peace maintained among the Moors by any other means than
by fear of the enemies opposing them. Now I shall set forth in what
manner the treaty was made by them with Belisarius and how it was
broken. When it came to be expected that the emperor's expedition would
arrive in Libya, the Moors, fearing lest they should receive some harm
from it, consulted the oracles of their women. For it is not lawful in
this nation for a man to utter oracles, but the women among them as a
result of some sacred rites become possessed and foretell the future, no
less than any of the ancient oracles. So on that occasion, when they
made enquiry, as has been said, the women gave the response: "There
shall be a host from the waters, the overthrow of the Vandals,
destruction and defeat of the Moors, when the general of the Romans
shall come unbearded." When the Moors heard this, since they saw that
the emperor's army had come from the sea, they began to be in great fear
and were quite unwilling to fight in alliance with the Vandals, but they
sent to Belisarius and established peace, as has been stated
previously,[24] and then remained quiet and waited for the future, to
see how it would fall out. And when the power of the Vandals had now
come to an end, they sent to the Roman army, investigating whether there
was anyone unbearded among them holding an office. And when they saw all
wearing full beards, they thought that the oracle did not indicate the
present time to them, but one many generations later, interpreting the
saying in that way which they themselves wished. Immediately, therefore,
they were eager to break the treaty, but their fear of Belisarius
prevented them. For they had no hope that they would ever overcome the
Romans in war, at least with him present. But when they heard that he
was making his departure together with his guards and spearmen, and that
the ships were already being filled with them and the Vandals, they
suddenly rose in arms and displayed every manner of outrage upon the
Libyans. For the soldiers were both few in each place on the frontier
and still unprepared, so that they would not have been able to stand
against the barbarians as they made inroads at every point, nor to
prevent their incursions, which took place frequently and not in an open
manner. But men were being killed indiscriminately and women with their
children were being made slaves, and the wealth was being plundered from
every part of the frontier and the whole country was being filled with
fugitives. These things were reported to Belisarius when he was just
about setting sail. And since it was now too late for him to return
himself, he entrusted Solomon with the administration of Libya and he
also chose out the greatest part of his own guards and spearmen,
instructing them to follow Solomon and as quickly as possible to punish
with all zeal those of the Moors who had risen in revolt and to exact
vengeance for the injury done the Romans. And the emperor sent another
army also to Solomon with Theodoras, the Cappadocian, and Ildiger, who
was the son-in-law of Antonina, the wife of Belisarius. And since it was
no longer possible to find the revenues of the districts of Libya set
down in order in documents, as the Romans had recorded them in former
times,[25] inasmuch as Gizeric had upset and destroyed everything in the
beginning, Tryphon and Eustratius were sent by the emperor, in order to
assess the taxes for the Libyans each according to his proportion. But
these men seemed to the Libyans neither moderate nor endurable.
IX
Belisarius, upon reaching Byzantium with Gelimer and the Vandals, was
counted worthy to receive such honours, as in former times were assigned
to those generals of the Romans who had won the greatest and most
noteworthy victories. And a period of about six hundred years had now
passed since anyone had attained these honours,[26] except, indeed,
Titus and Trajan, and such other emperors as had led armies against some
barbarian nation and had been victorious. For he displayed the spoils
and slaves from the war in the midst of the city and led a procession
which the Romans call a "triumph," not, however, in the ancient manner,
but going on foot from his own house to the hippodrome and then again
from the barriers until he reached the place where the imperial throne
is.[27] And there was booty,--first of all, whatever articles are wont
to be set apart for the royal service,--thrones of gold and carriages in
which it is customary for a king's consort to ride, and much jewelry
made of precious stones, and golden drinking cups, and all the other
things which are useful for the royal table. And there was also silver
weighing many thousands of talents and all the royal treasure amounting
to an exceedingly great sum (for Gizeric had despoiled the Palatium in
Rome, as has been said in the preceding narrative),[28] and among these
were the treasures of the Jews, which Titus, the son of Vespasian,
together with certain others, had brought to Rome after the capture of
Jerusalem. And one of the Jews, seeing these things, approached one of
those known to the emperor and said: "These treasures I think it
inexpedient to carry into the palace in Byzantium. Indeed, it is not
possible for them to be elsewhere than in the place where Solomon, the
king of the Jews, formerly placed them. For it is because of these that
Gizeric captured the palace of the Romans, and that now the Roman army
has captured that the Vandals." When this had been brought to the ears
of the Emperor, he became afraid and quickly sent everything to the
sanctuaries of the Christians in Jerusalem. And there were slaves in the
triumph, among whom was Gelimer himself, wearing some sort of a purple
garment upon his shoulders, and all his family, and as many of the
Vandals as were very tall and fair of body. And when Gelimer reached the
hippodrome and saw the emperor sitting upon a lofty seat and the people
standing on either side and realized as he looked about in what an evil
plight he was, he neither wept nor cried out, but ceased not saying over
in the words of the Hebrew scripture:[29] "Vanity of vanities, all is
vanity." And when he came before the emperor's seat, they stripped off
the purple garment, and compelled him to fall prone on the ground and do
obeisance to the Emperor Justinian. This also Belisarius did, as being a
suppliant of the emperor along with him. And the Emperor Justinian and
the Empress Theodora presented the children of Ilderic and his offspring
and all those of the family of the Emperor Valentinian with sufficient
sums of money, and to Gelimer they gave lands not to be despised in
Galatia and permitted him to live there together with his family.
However, Gelimer was by no means enrolled among the patricians, since he
was unwilling to change from the faith of Arius.
[Jan. 1, 535 A.D.] A little later the triumph[30] was celebrated by,
Belisarius in the ancient manner also. For he had the fortune to be
advanced to the office of consul, and therefore was borne aloft by the
captives, and as he was thus carried in his curule chair, he threw to
the populace those very spoils of the Vandalic war. For the people
carried off the silver plate and golden girdles and a vast amount of the
Vandals' wealth of other sorts as a result of Belisarius' consulship,
and it seemed that after a long interval of disuse an old custom was
being revived.[31] These things, then, took place in Byzantium in the
manner described.
X
And Solomon took over the army in Libya; but in view of the fact that
the Moors had risen against him, as has been told previously, and that
everything was in suspense, he was at a loss how to treat the situation.
For it was reported that the barbarians had destroyed the soldiers in
Byzacium and Numidia and that they were pillaging and plundering
everything there. But what disturbed most of all both him and all
Carthage was the fate which befell Aïgan, the Massagete, and Rufinus,
the Thracian, in Byzacium. For both were men of great repute both in the
household of Belisarius and in the Roman army, one of them, Aïgan, being
among the spearmen of Belisarius, while the other, as the most
courageous of all, was accustomed to carry the standard of the general
in battle; such an officer the Romans call "bandifer."[32] Now at the
time referred to these two men were commanding detatchments of cavalry
in Byzacium, and when they saw the Moors plundering everything before
them and making all the Libyans captives, they watched in a narrow pass
with their followers for those who were escorting the booty, and killed
them and took away all the captives. And when a report of this came to
the commanders of the barbarians, Coutzinas and Esdilasas and
Iourphouthes and Medisinissas, who were not far away from this pass,
they moved against them with their whole army in the late afternoon. And
the Romans, being a very few men and shut off in a narrow place in the
midst of many thousands, were not able to ward off their assailants. For
wherever they might turn, they were always shot at from the rear. Then,
indeed, Rufinus and Aïgan with some few men ran to the top of a rock
which was near by and from there defended themselves against the
barbarians. Now as long as they were using their bows, the enemy did not
dare come directly to a hand-to-hand struggle with them, but they kept
hurling their javelins among them; but when all the arrows of the Romans
were now exhausted, the Moors closed with them, and they defended
themselves with their swords as well as the circumstances permitted. But
since they were overpowered by the multitude of the barbarians, Aïgan
fell there with his whole body hacked to pieces, and Rufinus was seized
by the enemy and led away. But straightway one of the commanders,
Medisinissas, fearing lest he should escape and again make trouble for
them, cut off his head and taking it to his home shewed it to his wives,
for it was a remarkable sight on account of the extraordinary size of
the head and the abundance of hair. And now, since the narration of the
history has brought me to this point, it is necessary to tell from the
beginning whence the nations of the Moors came to Libya and how they
settled there.
When the Hebrews had withdrawn from Egypt and had come near the
boundaries of Palestine, Moses, a wise man, who was their leader on the
journey, died, and the leadership was passed on to Joshua, the son of
Nun, who led this people into Palestine, and, by displaying a valour in
war greater than that natural to a man, gained possession of the land.
And after overthrowing all the nations he easily won the cities, and he
seemed to be altogether invincible. Now at that time the whole country
along the sea from Sidon as far as the boundaries of Egypt was called
Phoenicia. And one king in ancient times held sway over it, as is agreed
by all who have written the earliest accounts of the Phoenicians. In
that country there dwelt very populous tribes, the Gergesites and the
Jebusites and some others with other names by which they are called in
the history of the Hebrews.[33] Now when these nations saw that the
invading general was an irresistible prodigy, they emigrated from their
ancestral homes and made their way to Egypt, which adjoined their
country. And finding there no place sufficient for them to dwell in,
since there has been a great population in Aegypt from ancient times,
they proceeded to Libya. And they established numerous cities and took
possession of the whole of Libya as far as the Pillars of Heracles, and
there they have lived even up to my time, using the Phoenician tongue.
They also built a fortress in Numidia, where now is the city called
Tigisis. In that place are two columns made of white stone near by the
great spring, having Phoenician letters cut in them which say in the
Phoenician tongue: "We are they who fled from before the face of Joshua,
the robber, the son of Nun." There were also other nations settled in
Libya before the Moors, who on account of having been established there
from of old were said to be children of the soil. And because of this
they said that Antaeus, their king, who wrestled with Heracles in
Clipea,[34] was a son of the earth. And in later times those who removed
from Phoenicia with Dido came to the inhabitants of Libya as to kinsmen.
And they willingly allowed them to found and hold Carthage. But as time
went on Carthage became a powerful and populous city. And a battle took
place between them and their neighbours, who, as has been said, had come
from Palestine before them and are called Moors at the present time, and
the Carthaginians defeated them and compelled them to live a very great
distance away from Carthage. Later on the Romans gained the supremacy
over all of them in war, and settled the Moors at the extremity of the
inhabited land of Libya, and made the Carthaginians and the other
Libyans subject and tributary to themselves. And after this the Moors
won many victories over the Vandals and gained possession of the land
now called Mauretania, extending from Gadira as far as the boundaries of
Caesarea,[35] as well as the most of Libya which remained. Such, then,
is the story of the settlement of the Moors in Libya.
XI
Now when Solomon heard what had befallen Rufinus and Aïgan, he made
ready for war and wrote as follows to the commanders of the Moors:
"Other men than you have even before this had the ill fortune to lose
their senses and to be destroyed, men who had no means of judging
beforehand how their folly would turn out. But as for you, who have the
example near at hand in your neighbours, the Vandals, what in the world
has happened to you that you have decided to raise your hands against
the great emperor and throw away your own security, and that too when
you have given the most dread oaths in writing and have handed over your
children as pledges to the agreement? Is it that you have determined to
make a kind of display of the fact that you have no consideration either
for God or for good faith or for kinship itself or for safety or for any
other thing at all? And yet, if such is your practice in matters which
concern the divine, in what ally do you put your trust in marching
against the emperor of the Romans? And if you are taking the field to
the destruction of your children, what in the world is it in behalf of
which you have decided to endanger yourselves? But if any repentance has
by now entered your hearts for what has already taken place, write to
us, that we may satisfactorily arrange with you touching what has
already been done; but if your madness has not yet abated, expect a
Roman war, which will come upon you together with the oaths which you
have violated and the wrong which you are doing to your own children."
Such was the letter which Solomon wrote. And the Moors replied as
follows: "Belisarius deluded us with great promises and by this means
persuaded us to become subjects of the Emperor Justinian; but the
Romans, while giving us no share in any good thing, expected to have us,
though pinched with hunger, as their friends and allies. Therefore it is
more fitting that you should be called faithless than that the Moors
should be. For the men who break treaties are not those who, when
manifestly wronged, bring accusation against their neighbours and turn
away from them, but those who expect to keep others in faithful alliance
with them and then do them violence. And men make God their enemy, not
when they march against others in order to recover their own
possessions, but when they get themselves into danger of war by
encroaching upon the possessions of others. And as for children, that
will be your concern, who are not permitted to marry more than one wife;
but with us, who have, it may be, fifty wives living with each of us,
offspring of children can never fail."
When Solomon had read this letter, he decided to lead his whole army
against the Moors. So after arranging matters in Carthage, he proceeded
with all his troops to Byzacium. And when he reached the place which is
called Mammes,[36] where the four Moorish commanders, whom I have
mentioned a little before,[37] were encamped, he made a stockade for
himself. Now there are lofty mountains there, and a level space near the
foothills of the mountains, where the barbarians had made preparations
for the battle and arranged their fighting order as follows. They formed
a circle of their camels, just as, in the previous narrative,[38] I have
said Cabaon did, making the front about twelve deep. And they placed the
women with the children within the circle; (for among the Moors it is
customary to take also a few women, with their children, to battle, and
these make the stockades and huts for them and tend the horses
skilfully, and have charge of the camels and the food; they also sharpen
the iron weapons and take upon themselves many of the tasks in
connection with the preparation for battle); and the men themselves took
their stand on foot in between the legs of the camels, having shields
and swords and small spears which they are accustomed to hurl like
javelins. And some of them with their horses remained quietly among the
mountains. But Solomon disregarded one half of the circle of the Moors,
which was towards the mountain, placing no one there. For he feared lest
the enemy on the mountain should come down and those in the circle
should turn about and thus make the men drawn up there exposed to attack
on both sides in the battle. But against the remainder of the circle he
drew up his whole army, and since he saw the most of them frightened and
without courage, on account of what had befallen Aïgan and Rufinus, and
wishing to admonish them to be of good cheer, he spoke as follows: "Men
who have campaigned with Belisarius, let no fear of these men enter your
minds, and, if Moors gathered to the number of fifty thousand have
already defeated five hundred Romans, let not this stand for you as an
example. But call to mind your own valour, and consider that while the
Vandals defeated the Moors, you have become masters of the Vandals in
war without any effort, and that it is not right that those who have
conquered the greater should be terrified before those who are inferior.
And indeed of all men the Moorish nation seems to be the most poorly
equipped for war's struggle. For the most of them have no armour at all,
and those who have shields to hold before themselves have only small
ones which are not well made and are not able to turn aside what strikes
against them. And after they have thrown those two small spears, if they
do not accomplish anything, they turn of their own accord to flight. So
that it is possible for you, after guarding against the first attack of
the barbarians, to win the victory with no trouble at all. But as to
your equipment of arms, you see, of course, how great is the difference
between it and that of your opponents. And apart from this, both valour
of heart and strength of body and experience in war and confidence
because you have already conquered all your enemies,--all these
advantages you have; but the Moors, being deprived of all these things,
put their trust only in their own great throng. And it is easier for a
few who are most excellently prepared to conquer a multitude of men not
good at warfare than it is for the multitude to defeat them. For while
the good soldier has his confidence in himself, the cowardly man
generally finds that the very number of those arrayed with him produces
a want of room that is full of peril. Furthermore, you are warranted in
despising these camels, which cannot fight for the enemy, and when
struck by our missiles will, in all probability, become the cause of
considerable confusion and disorder among them. And the eagerness for
battle which the enemy have acquired on account of their former success
will be your ally in the fight. For daring, when it is kept commensurate
with one's power, will perhaps be of some benefit even to those who make
use of it, but when it exceeds one's power it lends into danger. Bearing
these things in mind and despising the enemy, observe silence and order;
for by taking thought for these things we shall win the victory over the
disorder of the barbarians more easily and with less labour." Thus spoke
Solomon.
And the commanders of the Moors also, seeing the barbarians terrified at
the orderly array of the Romans, and wishing to recall their host to
confidence again, exhorted them in this wise: "That the Romans have
human bodies, the kind that yield when struck with iron, we have been
taught, O fellow-soldiers, by those of them whom we have recently met,
the best of them all, some of whom we have overwhelmed with our spears
and killed, and the others we have seized and made our prisoners of war.
And not only is this so, but it is now possible to see also that we
boast great superiority over them in numbers. And, furthermore, the
struggle for us involves the very greatest things, either to be masters
of all Libya or to be slaves to these braggarts. It is therefore
necessary for us to be in the highest degree brave men at the present
time. For it is not expedient that those whose all is at stake should be
other than exceedingly courageous. And it behoves us to despise the
equipment of arms which the enemy have. For if they come on foot against
us, they will not be able to move rapidly, but will be worsted by the
agility of the Moors, and their cavalry will be terrified both by the
sight of the camels, and by the noise they make, which, rising above the
general tumult of battle, will, in all likelihood, throw them into
disorder. And if anyone by taking into consideration the victory of the
Romans over the Vandals thinks them not to be withstood, he is mistaken
in his judgment. For the scales of war are, in the nature of the case,
turned by the valour of the commander or by fortune; and Belisarius, who
was responsible for their gaining the mastery over the Vandals, has now,
thanks to Heaven, been removed out of our way. And, besides, we too have
many times conquered the Vandals and stripped them of their power, and
have thus made the victory over them a more feasible and an easier task
for the Romans. And now we have reason to hope to conquer this enemy
also if you shew yourselves brave men in the struggle."
After the officers of the Moors had delivered this exhortation, they
began the engagement. And at first there arose great disorder in the
Roman army. For their horses were offended by the noise made by the
camels and by the sight of them, and reared up and threw off their
riders and the most of them fled in complete disorder. And in the
meantime the Moors were making sallies and hurling all the small spears
which they had in their hands, thus causing the Roman army to be filled
with tumult, and they were hitting them with their missiles while they
were unable either to defend themselves or to remain in position. But
after this, Solomon, observing what was happening, leaped down from his
horse himself first and caused all the others to do the same. And when
they had dismounted, he commanded the others to stand still, and,
holding their shields before them and receiving the missiles sent by the
enemy, to remain in their position; but he himself, leading forward not
less than five hundred men, made an attack upon the other portion of the
circle.[39] These men he commanded to draw their swords and kill the
camels which stood at that point. Then the Moors who were stationed
there beat a hasty retreat, and the men under Solomon killed about two
hundred camels, and straightway, when the camels fell, the circle became
accessible to the Romans. And they advanced on the run into the middle
of the circle where the women of the Moors were sitting; meanwhile the
barbarians in consternation withdrew to the mountain which was close by,
and as they fled in complete disorder the Romans followed behind and
killed them. And it is said that ten thousand of the Moors perished in
this encounter, while all the women together with the children were made
slaves. And the soldiers secured as booty all the camels which they had
not killed. Thus the Romans with all their plunder went to Carthage to
celebrate the festival of triumph.
XII
But the barbarians, being moved with anger, once more took the field in
a body against the Romans, leaving behind not one of their number, and
they began to overrun the country in Byzacium, sparing none of any age
of those who fell in their way. And when Solomon had just marched into
Carthage it was reported that the barbarians with a great host had come
into Byzacium and were plundering everything there. He therefore
departed quickly with his whole army and marched against them. And when
he reached Bourgaon, where the enemy were encamped, he remained some
days in camp over against them, in order that, as soon as the Moors
should get on level ground, he might begin the battle. But since they
remained on the mountain, he marshalled his army and arrayed it for
battle; the Moors, however, had no intention of ever again engaging in
battle with the Romans in level country (for already an irresistible
fear had come over them), but on the mountain they hoped to overcome
them more easily. Now Mt. Bourgaon is for the most part precipitous and
on the side toward the east extremely difficult to ascend, but on the
west it is easily accessible and rises in an even slope. And there are
two lofty peaks which rise up, forming between them a sort of vale, very
narrow, but of incredible depth. Now the barbarians left the peak of the
mountain unoccupied, thinking that on this side no hostile movement
would be made against them; and they left equally unprotected the space
about the foot of the mountain where Bourgaon was easy of access. But at
the middle of the ascent they made their camp and remained there, in
order that, if the enemy should ascend and begin battle with them, they
might at the outset, being on higher ground, shoot down upon their
heads. They also had on the mountain many horses, prepared either for
flight or for the pursuit, if they should win the battle.
Now when Solomon saw that the Moors were unwilling to fight another
battle on the level ground, and also that the Roman army was opposed to
making a siege in a desert place, he was eager to come to an encounter
with the enemy on Bourgaon. But inasmuch as he saw that the soldiers
were stricken with terror because of the multitude of their opponents,
which was many times greater than it had been in the previous battle, he
called together the army and spoke as follows: "The fear which the enemy
feel toward you needs no other arraignment, but voluntarily pleads
guilty, bringing forward, as it does, the testimony of its own
witnesses. For you see, surely, our opponents gathered in so many tens
and tens of thousands, but not daring to come down to the plain and
engage with us, unable to feel confidence even in their own selves, but
taking refuge in the difficulty of this place. It is therefore not even
necessary to address any exhortation to you, at the present time at
least. For those to whom both the circumstances and the weakness of the
enemy give courage, need not, I think, the additional assistance of
words. But of this one thing it will be needful to remind you, that if
we fight out this engagement also with brave hearts, it will remain for
us, having defeated the Vandals and reduced the Moors to the same
fortune, to enjoy all the good things of Libya, having no thought
whatever of an enemy in our minds. But as to preventing the enemy from
shooting down upon our heads, and providing that no harm come to us from
the nature of the place, I myself shall make provision."
After making this exhortation Solomon commanded Theodorus, who led the
"excubitores[40]" (for thus the Romans call their guards), to take with
him a thousand infantrymen toward the end of the afternoon and with some
of the standards to go up secretly on the east side of Bourgaon, where
the mountain is most difficult of ascent and, one might say,
impracticable, commanding him that, when they arrived near the crest of
the mountain, they should remain quietly there and pass the rest of the
night, and that at sunrise they should appear above the enemy and
displaying the standards commence to shoot. And Theodoras did as
directed. And when it was well on in the night, they climbed up the
precipitous slope and reached a point near the peak without being
noticed either by the Moors or even by any of the Romans; for they were
being sent out, it was said, as an advance guard, to prevent anyone from
coming to the camp from the outside to do mischief. And at early dawn
Solomon with the whole army went up against the enemy to the outskirts
of Bourgaon. And when morning had come and the enemy were seen near at
hand, the soldiers were completely at a loss, seeing the summit of the
mountain no longer unoccupied, as formerly, but covered with men who
were displaying Roman standards; for already some daylight was beginning
to shew. But when those on the peak began their attack, the Romans
perceived that the army was their own and the barbarians that they had
been placed between their enemy's forces, and being shot at from both
sides and having no opportunity to ward off the enemy, they thought no
more of resistance but turned, all of them, to a hasty flight. And since
they could neither run up to the top of Bourgaon, which was held by the
enemy, nor go to the plain anywhere over the lower slopes of the
mountain, since their opponents were pressing upon them from that side,
they went with a great rush to the vale and the unoccupied peak, some
even with their horses, others on foot. But since they were a numerous
throng fleeing in great fear and confusion, they kept killing each
other, and as they rushed into the vale, which was exceedingly deep,
those who were first were being killed constantly, but their plight
could not be perceived by those who were coming up behind. And when the
vale became full of dead horses and men, and the bodies made a passage
from Bourgaon to the other mountain, then the remainder were saved by
making the crossing over the bodies. And there perished in this
struggle, among the Moors fifty thousand, as was declared by those of
them who survived, but among the Romans no one at all, nor indeed did
anyone receive even a wound, either at the hand of the enemy or by any
accident happening to him, but they all enjoyed this victory unscathed.
All of the leaders of the barbarians also made their escape, except
Esdilasas, who received pledges and surrendered himself to the Romans.
So great, however, was the multitude of women and children whom the
Romans seized as booty, that they would sell a Moorish boy for the price
of a sheep to any who wished to buy. And then the remainder of the Moors
recalled the saying of their women, to the effect that their nation
would be destroyed by a beardless man.[41]
So the Roman army, together with its booty and with Esdilasas, marched
into Carthage; and those of the barbarians who had not perished decided
that it was impossible to settle in Byzacium, lest they, being few,
should be treated with violence by the Libyans who were their
neighbours, and with their leaders they went into Numidia and made
themselves suppliants of Iaudas, who ruled the Moors in Aurasium.[42]
And the only Moors who remained in Byzacium were those led by Antalas,
who during this time had kept faith with the Romans and together with
his subjects had remained unharmed.
XIII
But during the time when these things were happening in Byzacium,
Iaudas, who ruled the Moors in Aurasium, bringing more than thirty
thousand fighting men, was plundering the country of Numidia and
enslaving many of the Libyans. Now it so happened that Althias[43] in
Centuriae was keeping guard over the forts there; and he, being eager to
take from the enemy some of their captives, went outside the fort with
the Huns who were under his command, to the number of about seventy. And
reasoning that he was not able to cope with such a great multitude of
Moors with only seventy men, he wished to occupy some narrow pass, so
that, while the enemy were marching through it, he might be able to
snatch up some of the captives. And since there are no such roads there,
because flat plains extend in every direction, he devised the following
plan.
There is a city not far distant, named Tigisis, then an unwalled place,
but having a great spring at a place which was very closely shut in.
Althias therefore decided to take possession of this spring, reasoning
that the enemy, compelled by thirst, would surely come there; for there
is no other water at all close by. Now it seemed to all upon considering
the disparity of the armies that his plan was insane. But the Moors came
up feeling very much wearied and greatly oppressed by the heat in the
summer weather, and naturally almost overcome by an intense thirst, and
they made for the spring with a great rush, having no thought of meeting
any obstacle. But when they found the water held by the enemy, they all
halted, at a loss what to do, the greatest part of their strength having
been already expended because of their desire for water. Iaudas
therefore had a parley with Althias and agreed to give him the third
part of the booty, on condition that the Moors should all drink. But
Althias was by no means willing to accept the proposal, but demanded
that he fight with him in single combat for the booty. And this
challenge being accepted by Iaudas, it was agreed that if it so fell out
that Althias was overcame, the Moors should drink. And the whole Moorish
army was rejoiced, being in good hope, since Althias was lean and not
tall of body, while Iaudas was the finest and most warlike of all the
Moors. Now both of them were, as it happened, mounted. And Iaudas hurled
his spear first, but as it was coming toward him Althias succeeded with
amazing skill in catching it with his right hand, thus filling Iaudas
and the enemy with consternation. And with his left hand he drew his bow
instantly, for he was ambidextrous, and hit and killed the horse of
Iaudas. And as he fell, the Moors brought another horse for their
commander, upon which Iaudas leaped and straightway fled; and the
Moorish army followed him in complete disorder. And Althias, by thus
taking from them the captives and the whole of the booty, won a great
name in consequence of this deed throughout all Libya. Such, then, was
the course of these events.
And Solomon, after delaying a short time in Carthage, led his army
toward Mt. Aurasium and Iaudas, alleging against him that, while the
Roman army was occupied in Byzacium, he had plundered many of the places
in Numidia. And this was true. Solomon was also urged on against Iaudas
by the other commanders of the Moors, Massonas and Ortaïas, because of
their personal enmity; Massonas, because his father Mephanias, who was
the father-in-law of Iaudas, had been treacherously slain by him, and
Ortaïas, because Iaudas, together with Mastinas, who ruled over the
barbarians in Mauretania, had purposed to drive him and all the Moors
whom he ruled from the land where they had dwelt from of old. So the
Roman army, under the leadership of Solomon, and those of the Moors who
came into alliance with them, made their camp on the river Abigas, which
flows along by Aurasium and waters the land there. But to Iaudas it
seemed inexpedient to array himself against the enemy in the plain, but
he made his preparations on Aurasium in such a way as seemed to him
would offer most difficulty to his assailants. This mountain is about
thirteen days' journey distant from Carthage, and the largest of all
known to us. For its circuit is a three days' journey for an
unencumbered traveller. And for one wishing to go upon it the mountain
is difficult of access and extremely wild, but as one ascends and
reaches the level ground, plains are seen and many springs which form
rivers and a great number of altogether wonderful parks. And the grain
which grows here, and every kind of fruit, is double the size of that
produced in all the rest of Libya. And there are fortresses also on this
mountain, which are neglected, by reason of the fact that they do not
seem necessary to the inhabitants. For since the time when the Moors
wrested Aurasium from the Vandals,[44] not a single enemy had until now
ever come there or so much as caused the barbarians to be afraid that
they would come, but even the populous city of Tamougadis, situated
against the mountain on the east at the beginning of the plain, was
emptied of its population by the Moors and razed to the ground, in order
that the enemy should not only not be able to encamp there, but should
not even have the city as an excuse for coming near the mountain. And
the Moors of that place held also the land to the west of Aurasium, a
tract both extensive and fertile. And beyond these dwelt other nations
of the Moors, who were ruled by Ortaïas, who had come, as was stated
above, as an ally to Solomon and the Romans. And I have heard this man
say that beyond the country which he ruled there was no habitation of
men, but desert land extending to a great distance, and that beyond that
there are men, not black-skinned like the Moors, but very white in body
and fair-haired. So much, then, for these things.
And Solomon, after bribing the Moorish allies with great sums of money
and earnestly exhorting them, began the ascent of Mt. Aurasium with the
whole army arrayed as for battle, thinking that on that day he would do
battle with the enemy and just as he was have the matter out with them
according as fortune should wish. Accordingly the soldiers did not even
take with them any food, except a little, for themselves and their
horses. And after proceeding over very rough ground for about fifty
stades, they made a bivouac. And covering a similar distance each day
they came on the seventh day to a place where there was an ancient
fortress and an ever-flowing stream. The place is called "Shield
Mountain" by the Romans in their own tongue.[45] Now it was reported to
them that the enemy were encamped there, and when they reached this
place and encountered no enemy, they made camp and, preparing themselves
for battle, remained there; and three days' time was spent by them in
that place. And since the enemy kept altogether out of their way, and
their provisions had failed, the thought came to Solomon and to the
whole army that there had been some plot against them on the part of the
Moors who were their allies; for these Moors were not unacquainted with
the conditions of travel on Aurasium, and understood, probably, what had
been decided upon by the enemy; they were stealthily going out to meet
them each day, it was said, and had also frequently been sent to their
country by the Romans to reconnoitre, and had decided to make nothing
but false reports, in order, no doubt, that the Romans, with no prior
knowledge of conditions, might make the ascent of Mt. Aurasium without
supplies for a longer time or without preparing themselves otherwise in
the way which would be best. And, all things considered, the Romans were
suspicious that an ambush had been set for them by men who were their
allies and began to be afraid, reasoning that the Moors are said to be
by nature untrustworthy at all times and especially whenever they march
as allies with the Romans or any others against Moors. So, remembering
these things, and at the same time being pinched by hunger, they
withdrew from there with all speed without accomplishing anything, and,
upon reaching the plain, constructed a stockade.
After this Solomon established a part of the army in Numidia to serve as
a guard and with the remainder went to Carthage, since it was already
winter. There he arranged and set everything in order, so that at the
beginning of spring he might again march against Aurasium with a larger
equipment and, if possible, without Moors as allies. At the same time he
prepared generals and another army and a fleet of ships for an
expedition against the Moors who dwell in the island of Sardinia; for
this island is a large one and flourishing besides, being about two
thirds as large as Sicily (for the perimeter of the island makes a
journey of twenty days for an unencumbered traveller); and lying, as it
does, between Rome and Carthage, it was oppressed by the Moors who dwelt
there. For the Vandals in ancient times, being enraged against these
barbarians, sent some few of them with their wives to Sardinia and
confined them there. But as time went on they seized the mountains which
are near Caranalis, at first making plundering expeditions secretly upon
those who dwelt round about, but when they became no less than three
thousand, they even made their raids openly, and with no desire for
concealment plundered all the country there, being called
Barbaricini[46] by the natives. It was against these barbarians,
therefore, that Solomon was preparing the fleet during that winter.
Such, then, was the course of events in Libya.
XIV
And in Italy during these same times the following events took place.
Belisarius was sent against Theodatus and the Gothic nation by the
Emperor Justinian, and sailing to Sicily he secured this island with no
trouble. And the manner in which this was done will be told in the
following pages, when the history leads me to the narration of the
events in Italy. For it has not seemed to me out of order first to
record all the events which happened in Libya and after that to turn to
the portion of the history touching Italy and the Goths.
During this winter Belisarius remained in Syracuse and Solomon in
Carthage. And it came about during this year that a most dread portent
took place. For the sun gave forth its light without brightness, like
the moon, during this whole year, and it seemed exceedingly like the sun
in eclipse, for the beams it shed were not clear nor such as it is
accustomed to shed. And from the time when this thing happened men were
free neither from war nor pestilence nor any other thing leading to
death. And it was the time when Justinian was in the tenth year of his
reign. [536-537 A.D.]
[536 A.D.] At the opening of spring, when the Christians were
celebrating the feast which they call Easter, there arose a mutiny among
the soldiers in Libya. I shall now tell how it arose and to what end it
came.
After the Vandals had been defeated in the battle, as I have told
previously,[47] the Roman soldiers took their daughters and wives and
made them their own by lawful marriage. And each one of these women kept
urging her husband to lay claim to the possession of the lands which she
had owned previously, saying that it was not right or fitting if, while
living with the Vandals, they had enjoyed these lands, but after
entering into marriage with the conquerors of the Vandals they were then
to be deprived of their possessions. And having these things in mind,
the soldiers did not think that they were bound to yield the lands of
the Vandals to Solomon, who wished to register them as belonging to the
commonwealth and to the emperor's house and said that while it was not
unreasonable that the slaves and all other things of value should go as
booty to the soldiers, the land itself belonged to the emperor and the
empire of the Romans, which had nourished them and caused them to be
called soldiers and to be such, not in order to win for themselves such
land as they should wrest from the barbarians who were trespassing on
the Roman empire, but that this land might come to the commonwealth,
from which both they and all others secured their maintenance. This was
one cause of the mutiny. And there was a second, concurrent, cause also,
which was no less, perhaps even more, effective in throwing all Libya
into confusion. It was as follows: In the Roman army there were, as it
happened, not less than one thousand soldiers of the Arian faith; and
the most of these were barbarians, some of these being of the
Erulian[48] nation. Now these men were urged on to the mutiny by the
priests of the Vandals with the greatest zeal. For it was not possible
for them to worship God in their accustomed way, but they were excluded
both from all sacraments and from all sacred rites. For the Emperor
Justinian did not allow any Christian who did not espouse the orthodox
faith to receive baptism or any other sacrament. But most of all they
were agitated by the feast of Easter, during which they found themselves
unable to baptize[49] their own children with the sacred water, or do
anything else pertaining to this feast. And as if these things were not
sufficient for Heaven, in its eagerness to ruin the fortunes of the
Romans, it so fell out that still another thing provided an occasion for
those who were planning the mutiny. For the Vandals whom Belisarius took
to Byzantium were placed by the emperor in five cavalry squadrons, in
order that they might be settled permanently in the cities of the East;
he also called them the "Vandals of Justinian," and ordered them to
betake themselves in ships to the East. Now the majority of these Vandal
soldiers reached the East, and, filling up the squadrons to which they
had been assigned, they have been fighting against the Persians up to
the present time; but the remainder, about four hundred in number, after
reaching Lesbos, waiting until the sails were bellied with the wind,
forced the sailors to submission and sailed on till they reached the
Peloponnesus. And setting sail from there, they came to land in Libya at
a desert place, where they abandoned the ships, and, after equipping
themselves, went up to Mt. Aurasium and Mauretania. Elated by their
accession, the soldiers who were planning the mutiny formed a still
closer conspiracy among themselves. And there was much talk about this
in the camp and oaths were already being taken. And when the rest were
about to celebrate the Easter festival, the Arians, being vexed by their
exclusion from the sacred rites, purposed to attack them vigorously.
And it seemed best to their leading men to kill Solomon in the sanctuary
on the first day of the feast, which they call the great day. [March 23,
536 A.D.] And they were fortunate enough not to be found out, since no
one disclosed this plan. For though there were many who shared in the
horrible plot, no word of it was divulged to any hostile person as the
orders were passed around, and thus they succeeded completely in
escaping detection, for even the spearmen and guards of Solomon for the
most part and the majority of his domestics had become associated with
this mutiny because of their desire for the lands. And when the
appointed day had now come, Solomon was sitting in the sanctuary,
utterly ignorant of his own misfortune. And those who had decided to
kill the man went in, and, urging one another with nods, they put their
hands to their swords, but they did nothing nevertheless, either because
they were filled with awe of the rites then being performed in the
sanctuary, or because the fame of the general caused them to be ashamed,
or perhaps also some divine power prevented them.
And when the rites on that day had been completely performed and all
were betaking themselves homeward, the conspirators began to blame one
another with having turned soft-hearted at no fitting time, and they
postponed the plot for a second attempt on the following day. And on the
next day they acted in the same manner and departed from the sanctuary
without doing anything, and entering the market place, they reviled each
other openly, and every single man of them called the next one
soft-hearted and a demoralizer of the band, not hesitating to censure
strongly the respect felt for Solomon. For this reason, indeed, they
thought that they could no longer without danger remain in Carthage,
inasmuch as they had disclosed their plot to the whole city. The most of
them, accordingly, went out of the city quickly and began to plunder the
lands and to treat as enemies all the Libyans whom they met; but the
rest remained in the city, giving no indication of what their own
intentions were but pretending ignorance of the plot which had been
formed.