Josiah Child, may conjecture what Mr. Otis's observations upon
them were. As I cannot pretend to remember them verbatim, and with
precision, I can only say, that they struck me very forcibly. They
were short, rapid; he had not time to be long: but Tacitus himself
could not express more in fewer words. My only fear is, that I cannot
do him justice.
In the first place, there is a great deal of true history in this
passage, which manifestly proves, that the emigrants to America, in
general, were not only as good as the people in general, whom they
left in England, but much better, more courageous, more enterprizing,
more temperate, more discreet, and more industrious, frugal, and
conscientious: I mean the royalists as well as the republicans.
In the second place, there is a great deal of uncandid, ungenerous
misrepresentations, and scurrilous exaggeration, in this passage of
the great knight, which prove him to have been a fit tool of Charles
2d. and a suitable companion, associate and friend of the great
knight, Sir George Downing, the second scholar in Harvard College
catalogue.
But I will leave you, Mr. Tudor, to make your own observations and
reflections upon these pages of Sir Josiah Child.
Mr. Otis read them with great reluctance; but he felt it his duty to
read them, in order to show the spirit of the author, and the spirit
of Sir George Downing's navigation act.
But, my friend, I am weary. I have not done with Mr. Otis or Sir
Josiah Child. I must postpone, to another letter from your friend,
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE HON. WM. TUDOR.
_Quincy_, _July_ 17, 1818.
DEAR SIR,
Mr. Otis proceeded to page 198, of this great work of the great
knight, sir Josiah Child.
Proposition eleventh, "That New England is the most prejudicial
plantation in this kingdom."
"I am now to write of a people whose frugality, industry and
temperance, and the happiness of whose laws and institutions do
promise to themselves long life, with a wonderful increase of
people, riches and power: and although no men ought to envy that
virtue and wisdom in others, which themselves either cannot or will
not practice, but rather to command and admire it; yet I think it
the duty of every good man primarily to respect the welfare of his
native country; and therefore, though I may offend some whom I would
not willingly displease, I cannot omit, in the progress of this
discourse, to take notice of some particulars, wherein Old England
suffers diminution by the growth of those colonies settled in New
England, and how that plantation differs from those more southerly,
with respect to the gain or loss of this kingdom, viz.
"All our American plantations, except that of New England, produce
commodities of different natures from those of this kingdom, as
sugar, tobacco, cocoa, wool, ginger, sundry sorts of dying woods,
&c. Whereas, New England produces generally the same we have here,
viz: corn and cattle: some quantity of fish they do likewise kill,
but that is taken and saved altogether by their inhabitants, which
prejudiceth our Newfoundland trade; whereas, as hath been said,
very few are or ought, according to prudence, be employed in those
fisheries but the inhabitants of Old England. The other commodities
we have from them are some few great masts, furs, and train oil,
whereof the yearly value amounts to very little, the much greater
value of returns from thence being made in sugar, cotton, wool,
tobacco, and such like commodities, which they first receive from
some other of his majesty's plantations in barter for dry cod fish,
salt mackerel, beef, pork, bread, beer, flour, peas, &c. which they
supply Barbadoes, Jamaica, &c. with, to the diminution of the vent of
those commodities from this kingdom; the greatest expense whereof in
our West India plantations would soon be found in the advance of the
value of our lands in England, were it not for the vast and almost
incredible supplies those colonies have from New England.
"2. The people of New England, by virtue of their primitive charters,
being not so strictly tied to the observation of the laws of this
kingdom, do sometimes assume a liberty of trading, contrary to
the act of navigation, by reason whereof many of our American
commodities, especially tobacco and sugar, are transported in New
England shipping directly into Spain and other foreign countries,
without being landed in England, or paying any duty to his majesty,
which is not only loss to the king, and a prejudice to the navigation
of Old England, but also a total exclusion of the old English
merchants from the vent of those commodities in those ports where
the new English vessels trade; because there being no custom paid
on those commodities in New England, and a great custom paid upon
them in Old England, it must necessarily follow that the New English
merchant will be able to afford his commodities much cheaper at
the market, than the Old English merchant: and those that can sell
cheapest, will infallibly engross the whole trade, sooner or later.
"3. Of all the American plantations, his majesty hath none, so apt
for the building of shipping as New England, nor none so comparably
qualified for breeding of seamen, not only by reason of the natural
industry of that people, but principally by reason of their cod and
mackerel fisheries: and in my poor opinion, there is nothing more
prejudicial, and in prospect more dangerous to any mother kingdom,
than the increase of shipping in her colonies, plantations and
provinces."
"4. The people that evacuate from us to Barbadoes, and the other West
India plantations, as was hinted, do commonly work one Englishman to
ten blacks; and if we kept the trade of our said plantation entirely
to England, England would have no less inhabitants, but rather an
increase of people by such evacuation; because that one Englishman,
with the ten blacks that work with him, accounting what they eat,
use, and wear, would make employment for four men in England, as was
said before; whereas, peradventure, of ten men that issue from us to
New England.
"To conclude this chapter, and to do right to that most industrious
English colony; I must confess, that though we lose by their
unlimited trade with our foreign plantations, yet we are very great
gainers by their direct trade to and from Old England: our yearly
exportations of English manufactures, malt, and other goods, from
hence thither, amounting in my opinion to ten times the value of
what is imported from thence; which calculation I do not make at
random, but upon mature consideration, and peradventure upon as much
experience in this very trade as any other person will pretend to:
and therefore, whenever a reformation of our correspondency in trade
with that people shall be thought on, it will in my poor judgment
require great tenderness and very serious circumspection."
Mr. Otis's humour and satire were not idle upon this occasion, but
his wit served only to increase the effect of a subsequent, very
grave and serious remonstrance and invective against the detestable
principles of the foregoing passages, which he read with regret,
but which it was his duty to read, in order to shew the temper, the
views and the objects of the knight, which were the same with those
of all the acts of trade anterior and posterior, to the writing of
this book: and those views, designs and objects were, to annul all
the New England charters, and they were but three, Massachusetts,
Rhode Island and Connecticut; to reduce all the colonies to royal
governments, to subject them all to the supreme domination of
parliament, who were to tax us, without limitation, who would tax us
whenever the crown would recommend it, which crown would recommend
it, whenever the ministry for the time being should please, and
which ministry would please as often as the West India planters and
North American governors, crown officers and naval commanders should
solicit more fees, salaries, penalties and forfeitures.
Mr. Otis had no thanks for the knight for his pharisaical compliment
to New England, at the expense of Virginia and other colonies who
for any thing he knew were equally meritorious. It was certain the
first settlers of New England were not all godly. But he reprobated
in the strongest terms that language can command, the machiavilian,
the jesuitical, the diabolical and infernal principle that men,
colonies and nations were to be sacrificed, because they were
industrious and frugal, wise and virtuous, while others were to be
encouraged, fostered and cherished, because they were pretended to be
profligate, vicious and lazy.
But, my friend, I must quit Josiah Child, and look for others of Mr.
Otis's authorities.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE HON. WM. TUDOR.
_Quincy_, _July_ 27, 1818.
DEAR SIR,
Another author produced by Mr. Otis was, "The trade and navigation
of Great Britain considered," by Joshua Gee. "A new edition, with
many interesting notes and additions by a merchant," printed in 1767.
This new edition, which was printed no doubt to justify the ministry
in the system they were then pursuing, could not be the edition that
Mr. Otis produced in 1761. The advertisement of the editor informs
us that "This valuable treatise has for many years been very scarce,
though strongly recommended by the best judges and writers on trade,
and universally allowed to be one of the most interesting books on
that subject." "The principles upon which it was written continue,
with little variation." But I am fatigued with quotations, and must
refer you to the advertisement in the book, which will shew, past
a doubt, that this was a ministerial republication. The "feelings,
the manners and principles," which produced the revolution, will
be excited and renovated by the perusal of this book, as much as
by that of sir Josiah Child. I wish I could fill sheets of paper
with quotations from it; but this is impossible. If I recommend it
to the research, and perusal, and patient thinking of the present
generation, it is in despair of being regarded. For who will engage
in this dry, dull study? Yet Mr. Otis laboured in it. He asserted
and proved, that it was only a reinforcement of the system of sir
Josiah Child, which Gee approved in all things, and even quoted with
approbation the most offensive passage in his book, the scurrilous
reflections on Virginia and Barbadoes.
Another writer produced by Mr. Otis was "Memoirs and considerations,
concerning the trade and revenues of the British colonies in America;
with proposals for rendering those colonies more beneficial to Great
Britain. By John Ashley, Esq."
This book is in the same spirit and system of Josiah Child and Joshua
Gee.
Mr. Otis also quoted Postlethwait. But I can quote no more.
If any man of the present age can read these authors and not feel his
"feelings, manners and principles," shocked and insulted, I know not
of what stuff he is made. All I can say is, that I read them all in
my youth, and that I never read them without being set on fire.
I will, however, transcribe one passage from Ashley, painful as it
is. In page 41, he says, "The laws now in being, for the regulation
of the plantation trade, viz. the 14 of Charles the second, ch. II.
sec. 2, 3, 9, 10; 7 and 8 William III. ch. 22. sec. 5, 6; 6 George
II. ch. 13, are very well calculated, and were they put in execution
as they ought to be, would in a great measure put an end to the
mischiefs here complained of. If the several officers of the customs
would see that all entries of sugar, rum and molasses, were made
conformable to the directions of those laws; and let every entry of
such goods distinguish expressly, what are of British growth and
produce, and what are of foreign growth and produce; and let the
whole cargo of sugar, penneles, rum, spirits, molasses and syrup,
be inserted at large in the manifest and clearance of every ship
or vessel, under office seal, or be liable to the same duties and
penalties as such goods of foreign growth are liable to.
"This would very much baulk the progress of those who carry on this
illicit trade, and be agreeable and advantageous to all fair traders.
"And all masters and skippers of boats in all the plantations, should
give some reasonable security, not to take in any such goods of
foreign growth, from any vessel not duly entered at the custom-house,
in order to land the same, or put the same on board any other ship or
vessel, without a warrant or sufferance from a proper officer."
But you will be fatigued with quotations, and so is your friend,
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE HON. WM. TUDOR.
_Quincy_, _July_ 30, 1818.
DEAR SIR,
Another passage which Mr. Otis read from Ashley gave occasion, as
I suppose, to another memorable and very curious event, which your
esteemed pupil and my beloved friend judge Minot has recorded.
The passage is in the 42d page. "In fine, I would humbly propose that
the duties on foreign sugar and rum imposed by the before mentioned
act of the 6th of king George the second, remain as they are, and
also the duty on molasses, so far as concerns the importations into
the sugar colonies; but that there be an abatement of the duty on
molasses imported into the northern colonies, so far as to give the
British planters a reasonable advantage over foreigners, and what
may bear some proportion to the charge, risque and inconvenience
of running it, in the manner they now do, or after the proposed
regulation shall be put in execution: whether this duty shall be one,
two or three pence, sterling money of Great Britain per gallon, may
be matter of consideration." Gracious and merciful indeed! The tax
might be reduced and made supportable, but not abolished. Oh! No! by
no means.
Mr. Hutchinson, however, seized this idea of Ashley, of reducing the
tax on molasses, from six pence to three pence or two pence or a
penny, and the use he made of it you shall learn from your own pupil
and my amiable friend judge Minot.
Volume 2d. page 142. "About this time there was a pause in the
opposition to the measures of the crown and parliament, which might
have given some appearance of the conciliation of parties, but which
was more probably owing to the uncertainty of the eventual plan
of the ministry, and the proper ground for counteracting it. The
suppressing of the proposed instructions to the agent by a committee
of the house of representatives, indicated that this balance of power
there was unsettled. Several circumstances shewed a less inflexible
spirit, than had existed among the leaders."
"The governor appointed the elder Mr. Otis a justice of the court of
common pleas, and judge of probate for the county of Barnstable. The
younger wrote a pamphlet on the rights of the British colonies, in
which he acknowledged the sovereignty of the British parliament, as
well as the obligations of the colonies to submit to such burdens as
it might lay upon them, until it should be pleased to relieve them;
and put the question of taxing America upon the footing of the common
good."
I beg your attention to Mr. Minot's history, vol. 2, from page 140
to the end of the chapter in page 152. Mr. Minot has endeavoured to
preserve the dignity, the impartiality and the delicacy of history.
But it was a period of mingled glory and disgrace. But as it is a
digression from the subject of Mr. Otis's speech against writs of
assistance, I can pursue it no further at present. Mr. Hutchinson
seized the idea of reducing the duties. Mr. Otis and his associates
seemed to despair of any thing more. Hutchinson was chosen agent,
to the utter astonishment of every American out of doors. This was
committing the lamb to the kind guardianship of the wolf. The public
opinion of all the friends of their country was decided. The public
voice was pronounced in accents so terrible that Mr. Otis fell into
a disgrace from which nothing but _Jemmibullero_[4] saved him. Mr.
Hutchinson was politely excused from his embassy, and the storm
blew over. Otis, upon whose zeal, energy, and exertions the whole
great cause seemed to depend, returned to his duty, and gave entire
satisfaction to the end of his political career.
[Footnote 4: _Jemmibullero_--This was a silly and abusive song,
written by a Mr. S. Waterhouse, a stanch tory; but with so little
wit, that it only exposed the writer to contempt.]
Thus ended the piddling project of reducing the duty on molasses from
six pence a gallon, to five pence, four pence, three pence, two pence
or a penny. And one half penny a gallon, would have abandoned the
great principle, as much as one pound.
This is another digression from the account of Mr. Otis's argument
against writs of assistance and the acts of trade. I have heretofore
written you on this subject. The truth, the whole truth, must and
will and ought to come out; and nothing but the truth shall appear,
with the consent of your humble servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE HON. WM. TUDOR.
_Quincy_, _August_ 6, 1818.
"_Mid the low murmurs of submission, fear and mingled rage,
my Hampden raised his voice, and to the laws appealed._"
DEAR SIR,
Mr. Otis had reasoned like a philosopher upon the navigation acts,
and all the tyrannical acts of Charles 2d.; but when he came to
the revenue laws, the orator blazed out. Poor king William! If thy
spirit, whether in heaven or elsewhere, heard James Otis, it must
have blushed. A stadtholder of Holland, by accident, or by miracle,
vested with a little brief authority, in England, cordially adopting
the system of George Downing, Josiah Child, and Charles 2d. for the
total destruction of that country to which he owed his existence, and
all his power and importance in the world. And, what was still worse,
joining in the conspiracy, with such worthy characters to enslave all
the colonies in Europe, Asia, and America; and indeed all nations, to
the omnipotence of the British parliament, and its Royal navy.
The act of parliament of the seventh and eighth of king William
3d. was produced, chapter 22d. "An act for preventing frauds, and
regulating abuses in the plantation trade." I wish I could transcribe
this whole statute, and that which precedes it: "An act for the
encouragement of seamen," but who would read them? Yet it behoves
our young and old yeomen, mechanics, and labourers, philosophers,
politicians, legislators, and merchants to read them. However tedious
and painful it may be for you to read, or me to transcribe, any part
of these dull statutes, we must endure the task, or we shall never
understand the American revolution. Recollect and listen to the
preamble of this statute, of the 7th and 8th of William 3d. chapter
22d.
"Whereas, notwithstanding diverse acts made for _the encouragement
of the navigation of this kingdom_, and for the better securing
and regulating the plantation trade, more especially one act of
parliament made in the 12th year of the reign of the late king
Charles 2d. intituled, an act for the increasing of shipping and
navigation. Another act made in the 15th year of the reign of
his said late majesty, intituled an act for the encouragement of
trade. Another act made in the 22d and 23d years of his said late
majesty's reign, intituled, an act to prevent the planting of
tobacco in England, and for regulation of the plantation trade.
Another act, made in the 25th year of the reign of his said late
majesty, intituled, an act for the encouragement of the Greenland and
Eastland fisheries, and for the better securing the plantation trade,
great abuses are daily committed, to the prejudice of the English
navigation, and the loss of a great part of the plantation trade to
this kingdom, by the artifice and cunning of ill disposed persons;
for remedy whereof for the future," &c.
Will you be so good, sir, as to pause a moment on this preamble? To
what will you liken it? Does it resemble a great, rich, powerful
West India planter; Alderman Beckford, for example, preparing and
calculating and writing instructions for his overseers? "You are to
have no regard to the health, strength, comfort, natural affections,
or moral feelings, or intellectual endowments of my negroes. You are
only to consider what subsistence to allow them, and what labour
to exact of them, will subserve my interest. According to the most
accurate calculation I can make, the proportion of subsistence and
labour which will work them up, in six years upon an average, is the
most profitable to the planter." And this allowance, surely, is very
humane; for we estimate here, the lives of our coal-heavers upon an
average at only two years, and our fifty thousand girls of the town
at three years at most. "And our soldiers and seamen no matter what."
Is there, Mr. Tudor, in this preamble, or in any statute of Great
Britain, in the whole book, the smallest consideration of the health,
the comfort, the happiness, the wealth, the growth, the population,
the agriculture, the manufactures, the commerce, the fisheries of the
American people? All these things are to be sacrificed to British
wealth, British commerce, British domination, and the British navy,
as the great engine and instrument to accomplish all. To be sure,
they were apt scholars of their master, Tacitus, whose fundamental
and universal principle of philosophy, religion, morality, and
policy, was, that all nations and all things were to be sacrificed to
the grandeur of Rome. Oh! my fellow citizens, that I had the voice
of an archangel to warn you against these detestable principles. The
world was not made for you, you were made for the world. Be content
with your own rights. Never usurp those of others. What would be the
merit, and the fortunes of a nation, that should never do or suffer
wrong?
The purview of this statute, was in the same spirit with the
preamble; pray read it! Old as you are; you are not so old as I am;
and I assure you I have conquered my natural impatience so far as to
read it again, after almost sixty years acquaintance with it, in all
its horrid deformity.
Every artifice is employed to ensure a rigorous, a severe, a cruel
execution of this system of tyranny. The religion, the morality, of
all plantation governors, of all naval commanders, of all custom
house officers, if they had any, and all men have some, were put in
requisition by the most solemn oaths. Their ambition was inlisted by
the forfeiture of their officers; their avarice was secured by the
most tempting penalties and forfeitures, to be divided among them.
Fine picking to be sure! Even the lowest, the basest informers were
to be made gentlemen of fortune!
I must transcribe one section of this detestable statute, and leave
you to read the rest; I can transcribe no more.
The sixth section of this benign law, of our glorious deliverer king
William, is as follows: