and clear it from ambiguity, I beg leave to premise two or three
data. 1. GOD made all men naturally equal. 2. The ideas of
earthly superiority, pre-eminence and grandeur, are educational, at
least acquired, not innate. 3. Kings were, and plantation governors
should be made for the good of the people, and not the people for
them. 4. No government has a right to make hobby-horses, asses and
slaves of the subjects; nature having made sufficient of the former,
for all the lawful purposes of man, from the harmless peasant in the
field, to the most refined politician in the cabinet; but none of
the last, which infallibly proves they are unnecessary. 5. Though
most governments are _de facto_ arbitrary, and consequently the curse
and scandal of human nature, yet none are _de jure_ arbitrary. 6.
The British constitution of government, as now established in his
majesty's person and family, is the wisest and best in the world.
7. The king of Great Britain is the best, as well as the most
glorious monarch upon the globe, and his subjects the happiest in the
universe. 8. It is most humbly presumed, the king would have all his
plantation governors follow his royal example, in a wise and strict
adherence to the principles of the British constitution, by which in
conjunction with his other royal virtues, he is enabled to reign in
the hearts of a brave and generous, a free and loyal people. 9. This
is the summit, the _ne plus ultra_ of human glory and felicity. 10.
The French king is a despotic arbitrary prince, and consequently his
subjects are very miserable.
"Let us now take a more careful review of this passage, which by
some out of doors has been represented as seditious, rebellious, and
traitorous. I hope none, however, will be so wanting to the interest
of their country, as to represent the matter in this light on the
east side of the Atlantic, though recent instances of such a conduct
might be quoted, wherein the province has, after its most strenuous
efforts, during this and other wars been painted in all the odious
colours, that avarice, malice, and the worst passions could suggest.
"The house assert, that it would be of little consequence to the
people, whether they were subject to George or Louis; the king of
Great Britain or the French king, if both were arbitrary as both
would be, if both could levy taxes without parliament. Or in the same
words transposed without the least alteration of the sense. It would
be of little consequence to the people, whether they were subject to
George the king of Great Britain, or Louis the French king, if both
were arbitrary, as both would be, if both could levy taxes without
parliament.
"The first question that would occur to a philosopher, if any
question could be made about it, would be, whether it were true? But
truth being of little importance, with most modern politicians, we
shall touch lightly on that topic, and proceed to inquiries of a more
interesting nature.
"That arbitrary government implies the worst of temporary evils, or
at least the continual danger of them, is certain. That a man would
be pretty equally subject to these evils, under every arbitrary
government, is clear. That I should die very soon after my head
should be cut off, whether by a sabre or a broad sword, whether
chopped off to gratify a tyrant, by the Christian name of Tom,
Dick, or Harry, is evident. That the name of the tyrant would be of
no more avail to save my life, than the name of the executioner,
needs no proof. It is therefore manifestly of no importance what
a prince's christian name is, if he be arbitrary, any more indeed
if he were not arbitrary. So the whole amount of this dangerous
proposition, may at least, in one view be reduced to this, viz:
_It is of little importance what a king's christian name is._ It
is, indeed, of importance, that a king, a governor, and all other
good christians, should have a christian name, but whether Edward,
Francis, or William, is of none, that I can discern. It being a rule,
to put the most mild and favourable construction upon words, that
they can possibly bear, it will follow, that this proposition is a
very harmless one, that cannot by any means tend to prejudice his
majesty's person, crown, dignity, or cause, all which I deem equally
sacred with his excellency.
"If this proposition will bear an hundred different constructions,
they must all be admitted before any that imports any bad meaning,
much more a treasonable one.
"It is conceived the house intended nothing disrespectful to his
majesty, his government, or governor, in those words. It would be
very injurious to insinuate this of a house, that upon all occasions
has distinguished itself by a truly loyal spirit, and which spirit
possesses at least nine hundred and ninety nine in a thousand,
of their constituents throughout the province. One good natured
construction at least seems to be implied in the assertion, and that
pretty strongly, viz: that in the present situation of Great Britain
and France, it is of vast importance to be a Britain rather than a
Frenchman, as the French king is an arbitrary, despotic prince, but
the king of Great Britain is not so _de jure_, _de facto_, nor by
inclination; a greater difference on this side the grave cannot be
found, than that which subsists between British subjects and the
slaves of tyranny.
"Perhaps it may be objected, that there is some difference even
between arbitrary princes; in this respect at least, that some
are more vigorous than others. It is granted; but, then, let it
be remembered, that the life of man is a vapour, that shall soon
vanish away, and we know not who may come after him, a wise man or
a fool; though the chances before and since Solomon have ever been
in favour of the latter. Therefore it is said of little consequence.
Had it been _no_ instead of _little_, the clause upon the most rigid
stricture might have been found barely exceptionable.
"Some fine gentlemen have charged the expression as indelicate. This
is a capital impeachment in politics, and therefore demands our
most serious attention. The idea of delicacy, in the creed of some
politicians, implies, that an inferior should, at the peril of all
that is near and dear to him, i. e. his interest, avoid, every the
least trifle that can offend his superior. Does my superior want
my estate? I must give it him, and that with a good grace; which is
appearing, and, if possible, being really obliged to him, that he
will condescend to take it. The reason is evident; it might give
him some little pain or uneasiness to see me whimpering, much more
openly complaining, at the loss of a little glittering dirt. I must
according to this system, not only endeavour to acquire myself,
but impress upon all around me, a reverence and passive obedience,
to the sentiments of my superior, little short of adoration. Is
the superior in contemplation a king, I must consider him as God's
Vicegerent, cloathed with unlimited power, his will the supreme law,
and not accountable for his actions, let them be what they may, to
any tribunal upon earth. Is the superior a plantation governor? He
must be viewed, not only as the most excellent representation of
majesty, but as a viceroy in his department, and _quoad_ provincial
administration, to all intents and purposes, vested with all the
prerogatives that were ever exercised by the most absolute prince in
Great Britain.
"The votaries of this sect, are all monopolizers of offices,
peculators, informers, and generally the seekers of all kinds. It is
better, say they, to "give up any thing, and every thing quietly,
than contend with a superior, who, by his prerogative, can do, and as
the vulgar express it, right or wrong, will have whatever he pleases.
For you must know, that according to some of the most refined and
fashionable systems of modern politics, the ideas of right and wrong,
and all the moral virtues, are to be considered only as the vagaries
of a weak and distempered imagination in the possessor, and of no use
in the world, but for the skilful politician to convert to his own
purposes of power and profit. With these
"The love of country is an empty name;
For gold they hunger, but ne'er thirst for fame."
"It is well known, that the least "patriotic spark" unawares
"catched" and discovered, disqualifies a candidate from all further
preferment in this famous and flourishing order of knights errant.
It must, however, be confessed, that they are so catholic as to
admit all sorts, from the knights of the post, to a garter and
star, provided they are thoroughly divested of the fear of God, and
the love of mankind; and have concentrated all their views in dear
self, with them the only "sacred and well beloved name" or thing in
the universe. See Cardinal Richlieu's Political Testament, and the
greater Bible of the Sect, Mandeville's Fable of the Bees. Richlieu
expressly, in solemn earnest, without any sarcasm or irony, advises
the discarding all honest men from the presence of a prince, and from
even the purlieus of a court. According to Mandeville, "the moral
virtues are the political offspring which flattery begot upon pride."
The most darling principle of the great apostle of the order, who
has done more than any mortal towards diffusing corruption, not only
through the three kingdoms, but through the remotest dominions, is,
that every man has his price, and that if you bid high enough you are
sure of him.
"To those who have been taught to bow at the name of a king, with
as much ardor and devotion as a papist at the sight of a crucifix,
the assertion under examination may appear harsh; but _there is an
immense difference between the sentiments of a British house of
commons remonstrating, and those of a courtier cringing for a favour.
A house of representatives here, at least, bears an equal proportion
to a governor, with that of a house of commons, to the king_. There
is indeed one difference in favour of a house of representatives;
when a house of commons address the king, they speak to their
sovereign, who is truly the most august personage upon earth. When
a house of representatives remonstrate to a governor, they speak to
a fellow subject, though a superior who is undoubtedly entitled to
decency and respect; but I hardly think to quite so much reverence as
his master.
"It may not be amiss to observe, that a form of speech may be in no
sort improper, when used _arguendo_, or for illustration, speaking of
the king; which same form may be very harsh, indecent and ridiculous,
if spoken to the king.
"The expression under censure has had the approbation of divers
gentlemen of sense, who are quite unprejudiced to any party. They
have taken it to imply a compliment, rather than any indecent
reflection upon his majesty's wise and gracious administration.
It seems strange, therefore, that the house should be so suddenly
charged by his excellency, with "impropriety, groundless
insinuations," &c.
"What cause of so bitter repentance, 'again and again,' could
possibly have taken place, if this clause had been printed in the
journal, I cannot imagine. If the case be fairly represented, I guess
the province can be in no danger from a house of representatives
daring to speak plain English when they are complaining of a
grievance. I sincerely believe that the house had no disposition
to enter into any contest with the governor or council. Sure I
am, that the promoters of this address had no such view. On the
contrary, there is the highest reason to presume, that the house
of representatives will at all times rejoice in the prosperity of
the governor and council, and contribute their utmost assistance
in supporting those two branches of the legislature in all their
just rights and pre-eminence. But the house is, and ought to be,
jealous and tenacious of its own privileges; _these are a sacred
deposit, entrusted by the people, and the jealousy of them is a godly
jealousy_."
Allow me now, Mr. Tudor, a few remarks: 1. Why has the sublime
compliment of "treason! treason!" made to Mr. Henry, in 1765, been
so celebrated, when that to Mr. Otis, in 1762, three years before,
has been totally forgotten? Because the Virginia Patriot has had many
trumpeters, and very loud ones; but the Massachusetts Patriot none,
though false accusers and vile calumniators in abundance.
2. I know not whether judge Minot was born in 1762. He certainly
never saw, heard, felt, or understood any thing of the principles
or feelings of that year. If he had, he could not have given so
frosty an account of it. The "warm speech" he mentions, was an
abridgment or second edition of Otis's argument in 1761, against the
execution of the acts of trade. It was a flaming declaration against
taxation without representation. It was a warning voice against the
calamities that were coming upon his country. It was an ardent effort
to alarm and arouse his countrymen against the menacing system of
parliamentary taxation.
3. Bernard was no great thing, but he was not a fool. It is
impossible to believe, that he thought the offensive passage treason
or sedition, of such danger and importance as he represented it. But
his design was to destroy Otis. "There is your enemy," said Bernard,
(after a Scottish general) "if ye do not kill him, he will kill you."
4. How many volumes are concentrated in this little fugitive
pamphlet, the production of a few hurried hours, amidst the continual
solicitations of a crowd of clients; for his business at the bar at
that time was very extensive and of the first importance; and amidst
the host of politicians, suggesting their plans and schemes, claiming
his advice and directions!
5. Look over the declarations of rights and wrongs issued by congress
in 1774. Look into the declaration of independence, in 1776. Look
into the writings of Dr. Price and Dr. Priestly. Look into all the
French constitutions of government; and to cap the climax, look into
Mr. Thomas Paine's common sense, crisis, and rights of man; what
can you find that is not to be found in solid substance in this
"vindication of the house of representatives?"
6. Is it not an affront to common sense, an insult to truth, virtue,
and patriotism, to represent Patrick Henry, though he was my friend
as much as Otis, as the father of the American revolution, and the
founder of American independence? The gentleman who has done this,
sincerely believed what he wrote I doubt not; but he ought to be made
sensible, that he is of yesterday, and knows nothing of the real
origin of the American revolution.
7. If there is any bitterness of spirit discernible in Mr. Otis's
vindication, this was not natural to him. He was generous, candid,
manly, social, friendly, agreeable, amiable, witty, and gay, by
nature, and by habit honest, almost to a proverb, though quick and
passionate against meanness and deceit. But at this time he was
agitated by anxiety for his country, and irritated by a torrent
of slander and scurrillity, constantly pouring upon him from all
quarters.
Mr. Otis has fortified his vindication, in a long and learned note,
which, in mercy to my eyes and fingers, I must borrow another hand to
transcribe, in another sheet.
[Here follow quotations from Locke on government, Part II. Ch. IV.
Id. Ch. XI. Id. Ch. XIV. B. I. Ch. II. and B. II. Ch. II.]
"This other original Mr. Locke has demonstrated to be the consent
of a free people. It is possible there are a few; and I desire to
thank God there is no reason to think there are many among us, that
cannot bear the names of liberty and property, much less, that the
things signified by those terms, should be enjoyed by the vulgar.
These may be inclined to brand some of the principles advanced in
the vindication of the house, with the odious epithets seditious
and levelling. Had any thing to justify them been quoted from
colonel Algernon Sydney, or other British martyrs to the liberty of
their country, an outcry of rebellion would not be surprising. The
authority of Mr. Locke has therefore been preferred to all others,
for these further reasons. 1st. He was not only one of the most wise
as well as most honest, but the most impartial man that ever lived.
2d. He professedly wrote his discourses on government, as he himself
expresses it, "to establish the throne of the great restorer king
William; to make good his title in the consent of the people, which
being the only one of all lawful governments, he had more fully and
clearly than any prince in Christendom, and to justify to the world
the people of England, whose love of liberty, their just and natural
rights, with their resolution to preserve them, saved the nation
when it was on the brink of slavery and ruin." By this title, our
illustrious sovereign, George 3d, (whom God long preserve) now holds.
3. Mr. Locke was as great an ornament, under a crowned head, as the
church of England ever had to boast of. Had all her sons been of his
wise, moderate, tolerant principles, we should probably never have
heard of those civil dissentions, that have so often brought the
nation to the borders of perdition. Upon the score of his being a
churchman, however, his sentiments are less liable to those invidious
reflections and insinuations, that high flyers, jacobites, and
other stupid bigots, are apt too liberally to bestow, not only upon
dissenters of all denominations, but upon the moderate; and therefore
infinitely the most valuable part of the church of England itself."
Pardon the trouble of reading the letter, from your habitual
partiality for your friend.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE HON. WM. TUDOR.
_Quincy_, _April_ 15, 1818.
DEAR SIR,
I have received your obliging favour of the 8th, but cannot consent
to your resolution to ask no more questions. Your questions revive
my sluggish memory. Since our national legislature have established
a national painter--a wise measure, for which I thank them, my
imagination runs upon the art, and has already painted, I know not
how many, historical pictures. I have sent you one, give me leave
to send another. The bloody rencontre between the citizens and
the soldiers, on the 5th of March, 1770, produced a tremendous
sensation throughout the town and country. The people assembled
first at Faneuil Hall, and adjourned to the old South Church, to the
number, as was conjectured, of ten or twelve thousand men, among
whom were the most virtuous, substantial, independent, disinterested
and intelligent citizens.--They formed themselves into a regular
deliberative body, chose their moderator and secretary, entered
into discussions, deliberations and debates, adopted resolutions,
appointed committees. What has become of these records, Mr. Tudor?
Where are they? Their resolutions in public were conformable to those
of every man in private, who dared to express his thoughts or his
feelings, "that the regular soldiers should be banished from the
town, at all hazards." Jonathan Williams, a very pious, inoffensive
and conscientious gentleman, was their moderator. A remonstrance to
the governor, or the governor and council, was ordained, and a demand
that the regular troops should be removed from the town. A committee
was appointed to present this remonstrance, of which _Samuel Adams_
was the chairman.
Now for the picture. The theatre and the scenery are the same with
those at the discussion of writs of assistance. The same glorious
portraits of king Charles II. and king James II. to which might
be added, and should be added, little miserable likenesses of
Gov. Winthrop, Gov. Bradstreet, Gov. Endicott and Gov. Belcher,
hung up in obscure corners of the room. Lieut. Gov. Hutchinson,
commander in chief in the absence of the governor, must be placed
at the head of the council table. Lieut. Col. Dalrymple, commander
in chief of his majesty's military forces, taking rank of all his
majesty's counsellors, must be seated by the side of the lieutenant
governor and commander in chief of the province. Eight and twenty
counsellors must be painted, all seated at the council board. Let me
see, what costume? What was the fashion of that day, in the month
of March? Large white wigs, English scarlet cloth cloaks, some of
them with gold laced hats, not on their heads, indeed, in so august
a presence, but on a table before them. Before these illustrious
personages appeared SAMUEL ADAMS, a member of the house of
representatives and their clerk, now at the head of the committee
of the great assembly at the old South church. Thucidydes, Livy or
Sallust would make a speech for him, or, perhaps, the Italian Bota,
if he had known any thing of this transaction, one of the most
important of the revolution; but I am wholly incapable of it; and, if
I had vanity enough to think myself capable of it, should not dare to
attempt it. He represented the state of the town and the country; the
dangerous, ruinous and fatal effects of standing armies in populous
cities in time of peace, and the determined resolution of the public,
that the regular troops, at all events, should be removed from the
town. Lieutenant governor Hutchinson, then commander in chief, at the
head of a trembling council, said, "he had no authority over the
king's troops, that they had their separate commander and separate
orders and instructions, and that he could not interfere with them."
Mr. Adams instantly appealed to the charter of the province, by
which the governor, and in his absence the lieutenant governor, was
constituted "commander in chief of all the military and naval power
within its jurisdiction." So obviously true and so irrefragable
was the reply, that it is astonishing that Mr. Hutchinson should
have so grossly betrayed the constitution, and so atrociously have
violated the duties of his office by asserting the contrary. But
either the fears or the ambition of this gentleman, upon this and
many other occasions, especially in his controversy with the two
houses, three years afterwards, on the supremacy of parliament,
appear to have totally disarranged his understanding. He certainly
asserted in public, in the most solemn manner, a multitude of the
roundest falshoods, which he must have known to be such, and which he
must have known could be easily and would certainly be detected, if
he had not wholly lost his memory, even of his own public writing.
You, Mr. Tudor, knew Mr. Adams from your childhood to his death. In
his common appearance, he was a plain, simple, decent citizen, of
middling stature, dress and manners. He had an exquisite ear for
music, and a charming voice, when he pleased to exert it.--Yet his
ordinary speeches in town meetings, in the house of representatives
and in congress, exhibited nothing extraordinary; but upon great
occasions, when his deeper feelings were excited, he erected himself,
or rather nature seemed to erect him, without the smallest symptom of
affectation, into an upright dignity of figure and gesture, and gave
a harmony to his voice, which made a strong impression on spectators
and auditors, the more lasting for the purity, correctness and
nervous elegance of his style.