CHAPTER VIII.

CLEOPATRA A QUEEN.

The war by which Cæsar reinstated Cleopatra upon the throne was not one of

very long duration. Cæsar arrived in Egypt in pursuit of Pompey about the

1st of August; the war was ended and Cleopatra established in secure

possession by the end of January; so that the conflict, violent as it was

while it continued, was very brief, the peaceful and commercial pursuits

of the Alexandrians having been interrupted by it only for a few months.

Nor did either the war itself, or the derangements consequent upon it,

extend very far into the interior of the country. The city of Alexandria

itself and the neighboring coasts were the chief scenes of the contest

until Mithradates arrived at Pelusium. He, it is true, marched across the

Delta, and the final battle was fought in the interior of the country. It

was, however, after all, but a very small portion of the Egyptian

territory that was directly affected by the war. The great mass of the

people, occupying the rich and fertile tracts which bordered the various

branches of the Nile, and the long and verdant valley which extended so

far into the heart of the continent, knew nothing of the conflict but by

vague and distant rumors. The pursuits of the agricultural population went

on, all the time, as steadily and prosperously as ever; so that when the

conflict was ended, and Cleopatra entered upon the quiet and peaceful

possession of her power, she found that the resources of her empire were

very little impaired.

She availed herself, accordingly, of the revenues which poured in very

abundantly upon her, to enter upon a career of the greatest luxury,

magnificence, and splendor. The injuries which had been done to the

palaces and other public edifices of Alexandria by the fire, and by the

military operations of the siege, were repaired. The bridges which had

been broken down were rebuilt. The canals which had been obstructed were

opened again. The sea-water was shut off from the palace cisterns; the

rubbish of demolished houses was removed; the barricades were cleared from

the streets; and the injuries which the palaces had suffered, either from

the violence of military engines or the rough occupation of the Roman

soldiery, were repaired. In a word, the city was speedily restored once

more, so far as was possible, to its former order and beauty. The five

hundred thousand manuscripts of the Alexandrian library, which had been

burned, could not, indeed, be restored; but, in all other respects, the

city soon resumed in appearance all its former splendor. Even in respect

to the library, Cleopatra made an effort to retrieve the loss. She

repaired the ruined buildings, and afterward, in the course of her life,

she brought together, it was said, in a manner hereafter to be described,

one or two hundred thousand rolls of manuscripts, as the commencement of a

new collection. The new library, however, never acquired the fame and

distinction that had pertained to the old.

The former sovereigns of Egypt, Cleopatra's ancestors, had generally, as

has already been shown, devoted the immense revenues which they extorted

from the agriculturalists of the valley of the Nile to purposes of

ambition. Cleopatra seemed now disposed to expend them in luxury and

pleasure. They, the Ptolemies, had employed their resources in erecting

vast structures, or founding magnificent institutions at Alexandria, to

add to the glory of the city, and to widen and extend their own fame.

Cleopatra, on the other hand, as was, perhaps, naturally to be expected of

a young, beautiful, and impulsive woman, suddenly raised to so conspicuous

a position, and to the possession of such unbounded wealth and power,

expended her royal revenues in plans of personal display, and in scenes of

festivity, gayety, and enjoyment. She adorned her palaces, built

magnificent barges for pleasure excursions on the Nile, and expended

enormous sums for dress, for equipages, and for sumptuous entertainments.

In fact, so lavish were her expenditures for these and similar purposes

during the early years of her reign, that she is considered as having

carried the extravagance of sensual luxury and personal display and

splendor beyond the limits that had ever before or have ever since been

attained.

Whatever of simplicity of character, and of gentleness and kindness of

spirit she might have possessed in her earlier years, of course gradually

disappeared under the influences of such a course of life as she now was

leading. She was beautiful and fascinating still, but she began to grow

selfish, heartless, and designing. Her little brother--he was but eleven

years of age, it will be recollected, when Cæsar arranged the marriage

between them--was an object of jealousy to her. He was now, of course, too

young to take any actual share in the exercise of the royal power, or to

interfere at all in his sister's plans or pleasures. But then he was

growing older. In a few years he would be fifteen--which was the period of

life fixed upon by Cæsar's arrangements, and, in fact, by the laws and

usages of the Egyptian kingdom--when he was to come into possession of

power as king, and as the husband of Cleopatra. Cleopatra was extremely

unwilling that the change in her relations to him and to the government,

which this period was to bring, should take place. Accordingly, just

before the time arrived, she caused him to be poisoned. His death released

her, as she had intended, from all restraints, and thereafter she

continued to reign alone. During the remainder of her life, so far as the

enjoyment of wealth and power, and of all other elements of external

prosperity could go, Cleopatra's career was one of uninterrupted success.

She had no conscientious scruples to interfere with the most full and

unrestrained indulgence of every propensity of her heart, and the means of

indulgence were before her in the most unlimited profusion. The only bar

to her happiness was the impossibility of satisfying the impulses and

passions of the human soul, when they once break over the bounds which the

laws both of God and of nature ordain for restraining them.

In the mean time, while Cleopatra was spending the early years of her

reign in all this luxury and splendor, Cæsar was pursuing his career, as

the conqueror of the world, in the most successful manner. On the death of

Pompey, he would naturally have succeeded at once to the enjoyment of the

supreme power; but his delay in Egypt, and the extent to which it was

known that he was entangled with Cleopatra, encouraged and strengthened

his enemies in various parts of the world. In fact, a revolt which broke

out in Asia Minor, and which it was absolutely necessary that he should

proceed at once to quell, was the immediate cause of his leaving Egypt at

last. Other plans for making head against Cæsar's power were formed in

Spain, in Africa, and in Italy. His military skill and energy, however,

were so great, and the ascendency which he exercised over the minds of men

by his personal presence was so unbounded, and so astonishing, moreover,

was the celerity with which he moved from continent to continent, and

from kingdom to kingdom, that in a very short period from the time of his

leaving Egypt, he had conducted most brilliant and successful campaigns in

all the three quarters of the world then known, had put down effectually

all opposition to his power, and then had returned to Rome the

acknowledged master of the world. Cleopatra, who had, of course, watched

his career during all this time with great pride and pleasure, concluded,

at last, to go to Rome and make a visit to him there.

The people of Rome were, however, not prepared to receive her very

cordially. It was an age in which vice of every kind was regarded with

great indulgence, but the moral instincts of mankind were too strong to be

wholly blinded to the true character of so conspicuous an example of

wickedness as this. Arsinoë was at Rome, too, during this period of

Cæsar's life. He had brought her there, it will be recollected, on his

return from Egypt, as a prisoner, and as a trophy of his victory. His

design was, in fact, to reserve her as a captive to grace his _triumph_.

A triumph, according to the usages of the ancient Romans, was a grand

celebration decreed by the senate to great military commanders of the

highest rank, when they returned from distant campaigns in which they had

made great conquests or gained extraordinary victories. Cæsar concentrated

all his triumphs into one. They were celebrated on his return to Rome for

the last time, after having completed the conquest of the world. The

processions of this triumph occupied four days. In fact, there were four

triumphs, one on each day for the four days. The wars and conquests which

these ovations were intended to celebrate were those of Gaul, of Egypt, of

Asia, and of Africa; and the processions on the several days consisted of

endless trains of prisoners, trophies, arms, banners, pictures, images,

convoys of wagons loaded with plunder, captive princes and princesses,

animals, wild and tame, and every thing else which the conqueror had been

able to bring home with him from his campaigns, to excite the curiosity or

the admiration of the people of the city, and illustrate the magnitude of

his exploits. Of course, the Roman generals, when engaged in distant

foreign wars, were ambitious of bringing back as many distinguished

captives and as much public plunder as they were able to obtain, in order

to add to the variety and splendor of the triumphal procession by which

their victories were to be honored on their return. It was with this view

that Cæsar brought Arsinoë from Egypt; and he had retained her as his

captive at Rome until his conquests were completed and the time for his

triumph arrived. She, of course, formed a part of the triumphal train on

the _Egyptian_ day. She walked immediately before the chariot in which

Cæsar rode. She was in chains, like any other captive, though her chains,

in honor of her lofty rank, were made of gold.

[Illustration: CLEOPATRA'S SISTER IN THE TRIUMPHAL PROCESSION.]

The effect, however, upon the Roman population of seeing the unhappy

princess, overwhelmed as she was with sorrow and chagrin, as she moved

slowly along in the train, among the other emblems and trophies of

violence and plunder, proved to be by no means favorable to Cæsar. The

populace were inclined to pity her, and to sympathize with her in her

sufferings. The sight of her distress recalled, too, to their minds the

dereliction from duty of which Cæsar had been guilty of in his yielding to

the enticements of Cleopatra, and remaining so long in Egypt to the

neglect of his proper duties as a Roman minister of state. In a word, the

tide of admiration for Cæsar's military exploits which had been setting

so strongly in his favor, seemed inclined to turn, and the city was filled

with murmurs against him even in the midst of his triumphs.

In fact, the pride and vainglory which led Cæsar to make his triumphs more

splendid and imposing than any former conqueror had ever enjoyed, caused

him to overact his part so as to produce effects the reverse of his

intentions. The case of Arsinoë was one example of this. Instead of

impressing the people with a sense of the greatness of his exploits in

Egypt, in deposing one queen and bringing her captive to Rome, in order

that he might place another upon the throne in her stead, it only

reproduced anew the censures and criminations which he had deserved by his

actions there, but which, had it not been for the pitiable spectacle of

Arsinoë in the train, might have been forgotten.

There were other examples of a similar character. There were the feasts,

for instance. From the plunder which Cæsar had obtained in his various

campaigns, he expended the most enormous sums in making feasts and

spectacles for the populace at the time of his triumph. A large portion of

the populace was pleased, it is true, with the boundless indulgences thus

offered to them; but the better part of the Roman people were indignant

at the waste and extravagance which were every where displayed. For many

days the whole city of Rome presented to the view nothing but one

wide-spread scene of riot and debauchery. The people, instead of being

pleased with this abundance, said that Cæsar must have practiced the most

extreme and lawless extortion to have obtained the vast amount of money

necessary to enable him to supply such unbounded and reckless waste.

There was another way, too, by which Cæsar turned public opinion strongly

against himself, by the very means which he adopted for creating a

sentiment in his favor. The Romans, among the other barbarous amusements

which were practiced in the city, were specially fond of combats. These

combats were of various kinds. They were fought sometimes between

ferocious beasts of the same or of different species, as dogs against each

other, or against bulls, lions, or tigers. Any animals, in fact, were

employed for this purpose, that could be teased or goaded into anger and

ferocity in a fight. Sometimes men were employed in these combats--captive

soldiers, that had been taken in war, and brought to Rome to fight in the

amphitheaters there as gladiators. These men were compelled to contend

sometimes with wild beasts, and sometimes with one another. Cæsar, knowing

how highly the Roman assemblies enjoyed such scenes, determined to afford

them the indulgence on a most magnificent scale, supposing, of course,

that the greater and the more dreadful the fight, the higher would be the

pleasure which the spectators would enjoy in witnessing it. Accordingly,

in making preparations for the festivities attending his triumph, he

caused a large artificial lake to be formed at a convenient place in the

vicinity of Rome, where it could be surrounded by the populace of the

city, and there he made arrangements for a naval battle. A great number of

galleys were introduced into the lake. They were of the usual size

employed in war. These galleys were manned with numerous soldiers. Tyrian

captives were put upon one side, and Egyptian upon the other; and when all

was ready, the two squadrons were ordered to approach and fight a real

naval battle for the amusement of the enormous throngs of spectators that

were assembled around. As the nations from which the combatants in this

conflict were respectively taken were hostile to each other, and as the

men fought, of course, for their lives, the engagement was attended with

the usual horrors of a desperate naval encounter. Hundreds were slain. The

dead bodies of the combatants fell from the galleys into the lake, and the

waters of it were dyed with their blood.

There were land combats, too, on the same grand scale. In one of them five

hundred foot soldiers, twenty elephants, and a troop of thirty horse were

engaged on each side. This combat, therefore, was an action greater, in

respect to the number of the combatants, than the famous battle of

Lexington, which marked the commencement of the American war; and in

respect to the slaughter which took place, it was very probably ten times

greater. The horror of these scenes proved to be too much even for the

populace, fierce and merciless as it was, which they were intended to

amuse. Cæsar, in his eagerness to outdo all former exhibitions and shows,

went beyond the limits within which the seeing of men butchered in bloody

combats and dying in agony and despair would serve for a pleasure and a

pastime. The people were shocked; and condemnations of Cæsar's cruelty

were added to the other suppressed reproaches and criminations which every

where arose.

Cleopatra, during her visit to Rome, lived openly with Cæsar at his

residence, and this excited very general displeasure. In fact, while the

people pitied Arsinoë, Cleopatra, notwithstanding her beauty and her

thousand personal accomplishments and charms, was an object of general

displeasure, so far as public attention was turned toward her at all. The

public mind was, however, much engrossed by the great political movements

made by Cæsar and the ends toward which he seemed to be aiming. Men

accused him of designing to be made a king. Parties were formed for and

against him; and though men did not dare openly to utter their sentiments,

their passions became the more violent in proportion to the external force

by which they were suppressed. Mark Antony was at Rome at this time. He

warmly espoused Cæsar's cause, and encouraged his design of making himself

king. He once, in fact, offered to place a royal diadem upon Cæsar's head

at some public celebration; but the marks of public disapprobation which

the act elicited caused him to desist.

At length, however, the time arrived when Cæsar determined to cause

himself to be proclaimed king. He took advantage of a certain remarkable

conjuncture of public affairs, which can not here be particularly

described, but which seemed to him specially to favor his designs, and

arrangements were made for having him invested with the regal power by the

senate. The murmurs and the discontent of the people at the indications

that the time for the realization of their fears was drawing nigh, became

more and more audible, and at length a conspiracy was formed to put an end

to the danger by destroying the ambitious aspirant's life. Two stern and

determined men, Brutus and Cassius, were the leaders of this conspiracy.

They matured their plans, organized their band of associates, provided

themselves secretly with arms, and when the senate convened, on the day in

which the decisive vote was to have been passed, Cæsar himself presiding,

they came up boldly around him in his presidential chair, and murdered him

with their daggers.

Antony, from whom the plans of the conspirators had been kept profoundly

secret, stood by, looking on stupefied and confounded while the deed was

done, but utterly unable to render his friend any protection.

Cleopatra immediately fled from the city and returned to Egypt.

Arsinoë had gone away before. Cæsar, either taking pity on her

misfortunes, or impelled, perhaps, by the force of public sentiment, which

seemed inclined to take part with her against him, set her at liberty

immediately after the ceremonies of his triumph were over. He would not,

however, allow her to return into Egypt, for fear, probably, that she

might in some way or other be the means of disturbing the government of

Cleopatra. She proceeded, accordingly, into Syria, no longer as a captive,

but still as an exile from her native land. We shall hereafter learn what

became of her there.

Calpurnia mourned the death of her husband with sincere and unaffected

grief. She bore the wrongs which she suffered as a wife with a very

patient and unrepining spirit, and loved her husband with the most devoted

attachment to the end. Nothing can be more affecting than the proofs of

her tender and anxious regard on the night immediately preceding the

assassination. There were certain slight and obscure indications of danger

which her watchful devotion to her husband led her to observe, though they

eluded the notice of all Cæsar's other friends, and they filled her with

apprehension and anxiety; and when at length the bloody body was brought

home to her from the senate-house, she was overwhelmed with grief and

despair.

She had no children. She accordingly looked upon Mark Antony as her

nearest friend and protector, and in the confusion and terror which

prevailed the next day in the city, she hastily packed together the money

and other valuables contained in the house, and all her husband's books

and papers, and sent them to Antony for safe keeping.

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