CHAPTER XV.

Buckhurst sent to the Netherlands--Alarming State of Affairs on his

Arrival--His Efforts to conciliate--Democratic Theories of Wilkes--

Sophistry of the Argument--Dispute between Wilkes and Barneveld--

Religious Tolerance by the States--Their Constitutional Theory--

Deventer's bad Counsels to Leicester--Their pernicious Effect--Real

and supposed Plots against Hohenlo--Mutual Suspicion and Distrust--

Buckhurst seeks to restore good Feeling--The Queen angry and

vindictive--She censures Buckhurst's Course--Leicester's wrath at

Hohenlo's Charges of a Plot by the Earl to murder him--Buckhurst's

eloquent Appeals to the Queen--Her perplexing and contradictory

Orders--Despair of Wilkes--Leicester announces his Return--His

Instructions--Letter to Junius--Barneveld denounces him in the

States.

We return to the Netherlands. If ever proof were afforded of the

influence of individual character on the destiny of nations and of the

world, it certainly was seen in the year 1587. We have lifted the curtain

of the secret council-chamber at Greenwich. We have seen all Elizabeth's

advisers anxious to arouse her from her fatal credulity, from her almost

as fatal parsimony. We have seen Leicester anxious to return, despite all

fancied indignities, Walsingham eager to expedite the enterprise, and the

Queen remaining obdurate, while month after month of precious time was

melting away.

In the Netherlands, meantime, discord and confusion had been increasing

every day; and the first great cause of such a dangerous condition of

affairs was the absence of the governor. To this all parties agreed. The

Leicestrians, the anti-Leicestriana, the Holland party, the Utrecht

party, the English counsellors, the English generals, in private letter,

in solemn act, all warned the Queen against the lamentable effects

resulting from Leicester's inopportune departure and prolonged absence.

On the first outbreak of indignation after the Deventer Affair, Prince

Maurice was placed at the head of the general government, with the

violent Hohenlo as his lieutenant. The greatest exertions were made by

these two nobles and by Barneveld, who guided the whole policy of the

party, to secure as many cities as possible to their cause. Magistrates

and commandants of garrisons in many towns willingly gave in their

adhesion to the new government; others refused; especially Diedrich

Sonoy, an officer of distinction, who was governor of Enkhuyzen, and

influential throughout North Holland, and who remained a stanch partisan

of Leicester. Utrecht, the stronghold of the Leicestrians, was wavering

and much torn by faction; Hohenlo and Moeurs had "banquetted and feasted"

to such good purpose that they had gained over half the captains of the

burgher-guard, and, aided by the branch of nobles, were making a good

fight against the Leicester magistracy and the clerical force, enriched

by the plunder of the old Catholic livings, who denounced as Papistical

and Hispaniolized all who favoured the party of Maurice and Barneveld.

By the end of March the envoys returned from London, and in their company

came Lord Buckhurst, as special ambassador from the Queen.

Thomas Sackville, Lord Buckhurst--afterwards Earl of Dorset and

lord-treasurer--was then fifty-one years of age. A man of large

culture-poet, dramatist, diplomatist-bred to the bar; afterwards elevated

to the peerage; endowed with high character and strong intellect; ready

with tongue and pen; handsome of person, and with a fascinating address,

he was as fit a person to send on a mission of expostulation as any man

to be found in England. But the author of the 'Induction to the Mirror

for Magistrates' and of 'Gorboduc,' had come to the Netherlands on a

forlorn hope. To expostulate in favour of peace with a people who knew

that their existence depended on war, to reconcile those to delay who

felt that delay was death, and to, heal animosities between men who were

enemies from their cradles to their graves, was a difficult mission. But

the chief ostensible object of Buckhurst was to smooth the way for

Leicester, and, if possible, to persuade the Netherlanders as to the good

inclinations of the English government. This was no easy task, for they

knew that their envoys had been dismissed, without even a promise of

subsidy. They had asked for twelve thousand soldiers and sixty thousand

pounds, and had received a volley of abuse. Over and over again, through

many months, the Queen fell into a paroxysm of rage when even an allusion

was made to the loan of fifty or sixty thousand pounds; and even had she

promised the money, it would have given but little satisfaction. As Count

Moeurs observed, he would rather see one English rose-noble than a

hundred royal promises. So the Hollanders and Zeelanders--not fearing

Leicester's influence within their little morsel of a territory--were

concentrating their means of resistance upon their own soil, intending to

resist Spain, and, if necessary, England, in their last ditch, and with

the last drop of their blood.

While such was the condition of affairs, Lord Buckhurst landed at

Flushing--four months after the departure of Leicester--on the 24th

March, having been tossing three days and nights at sea in a great storm,

"miserably sick and in great danger of drowning." Sir William Russell,

governor of Flushing, informed him of the progress making by Prince

Maurice in virtue of his new authority. He told him that the Zeeland

regiment, vacant by Sidney's death, and which the Queen wished bestowed

upon Russell himself, had been given to Count Solms; a circumstance which

was very sure to exite her Majesty's ire; but that the greater number,

and those of the better sort; disliked the alteration of government, and

relied entirely upon the Queen. Sainte Aldegonde visited him at

Middelburgh, and in a "long discourse" expressed the most friendly

sentiments towards England, with free offers of personal service.

"Nevertheless," said Buckhurst, cautiously, "I mean to trust the effect,

not his words, and so I hope he will not much deceive me. His opinion is

that the Earl of Leicester's absence hath chiefly caused this change, and

that without his return it will hardly be restored again, but that upon

his arrival all these clouds will prove but a summershower."

As a matter of course the new ambassador lifted up his voice, immediately

after setting foot on shore, in favour of the starving soldiers of his

Queen. "'Tis a most lamentable thing," said he, "to hear the complaints

of soldiers and captains for want of pay." . . . . Whole companies made

their way into his presence, literally crying aloud for bread. "For

Jesus' sake," wrote Buckhurst, "hasten to send relief with all speed, and

let such victuallers be appointed as have a conscience not to make

themselves rich with the famine of poor soldiers. If her Majesty send not

money, and that with speed, for their payment, I am afraid to think what

mischief and miseries are like to follow."

Then the ambassador proceeded to the Hague, holding interviews with

influential personages in private, and with the States-General in public.

Such was the charm of his manner, and so firm the conviction of sincerity

and good-will which he inspired, that in the course of a fortnight there

was already a sensible change in the aspect of affairs. The enemy, who,

at the time of their arrival, had been making bonfires and holding

triumphal processions for joy of the great breach between Holland and

England, and had been "hoping to swallow them all up, while there were so

few left who knew how to act," were already manifesting disappointment.

In a solemn meeting of the States-General with the State-council,

Buckhurst addressed the assembly upon the general subject of her

Majesty's goodness to the Netherlands. He spoke of the gracious

assistance rendered by her, notwithstanding her many special charges for

the common cause, and of the mighty enmities which she had incurred for

their sake. He sharply censured the Hollanders for their cruelty to men

who had shed their blood in their cause, but who were now driven forth

from their towns; and left to starve on the highways, and hated for their

nation's sake; as if the whole English name deserved to be soiled "for

the treachery of two miscreants." He spoke strongly of their demeanour

towards the Earl of Leicester, and of the wrongs they had done him, and

told them, that, if they were not ready to atone to her Majesty for such

injuries, they were not to wonder if their deputies received no better

answer at her hands. "She who embraced your cause," he said, "when other

mighty princes forsook you, will still stand fast unto you, yea, and

increase her goodness, if her present state may suffer it."

After being addressed in this manner the council of state made what

Counsellor Clerk called a "very honest, modest, and wise answer;" but the

States-General, not being able "so easily to discharge that which had so

long boiled within them," deferred their reply until the following day.

They then brought forward a deliberate rejoinder, in which they expressed

themselves devoted to her Majesty, and, on the whole, well disposed to

the Earl. As to the 4th February letter, it had been written "in

amaritudine cordis," upon hearing the treasons of York and Stanley, and

in accordance with "their custom and liberty used towards all princes,

whereby they had long preserved their estate," and in the conviction that

the real culprits for all the sins of his Excellency's government were

certain "lewd persons who sought to seduce his Lordship, and to cause him

to hate the States."

Buckhurst did not think it well to reply, at that moment, on the ground

that there had been already crimination and recrimination more than

enough, and that "a little bitterness more had rather caused them to

determine dangerously than solve for the best."

They then held council together--the envoys and the State-General, as to

the amount of troops absolutely necessary--casting up the matter "as

pinchingly as possibly might be." And the result was, that 20,000 foot

and 2000 horse for garrison work, and an army of 13,000 foot, 5000 horse,

and pioneers, for a campaign of five or six months, were pronounced

indispensable. This would require all their L240,000 sterling a-year,

regular contribution, her Majesty's contingent of L140,000, and an extra

sum of L150,000 sterling. Of this sum the States requested her Majesty

should furnish two-thirds, while they agreed to furnish the other third,

which would make in all L240,000 for the Queen, and L290,000 for the

States. As it was understood that the English subsidies were only a loan,

secured by mortgage of the cautionary towns, this did not seem very

unreasonable, when the intimate blending of England's welfare with that

of the Provinces was considered.

Thus it will be observed that Lord Buckhurst--while doing his best to

conciliate personal feuds and heart-burnings--had done full justice to

the merits of Leicester, and had placed in strongest light the favours

conferred by her Majesty.

He then proceeded to Utrecht, where he was received with many

demonstrations of respect, "with solemn speeches" from magistrates and

burgher-captains, with military processions, and with great banquets,

which were, however, conducted with decorum, and at which even Count

Moeurs excited universal astonishment by his sobriety. It was difficult,

however, for matters to go very smoothly, except upon the surface. What

could be more disastrous than for a little commonwealth--a mere handful

of people, like these Netherlanders, engaged in mortal combat with the

most powerful monarch in the world, and with the first general of the

age, within a league of their borders--thus to be deprived of all

organized government at a most critical moment, and to be left to wrangle

with their allies and among themselves, as to the form of polity to be

adopted, while waiting the pleasure of a capricious and despotic woman?

And the very foundation of the authority by which the Spanish yoke had

been abjured, the sovereignty offered to Elizabeth, and the

government-general conferred on Leicester, was fiercely assailed by the

confidential agents of Elizabeth herself. The dispute went into the very

depths of the social contract. Already Wilkes, standing up stoutly for

the democratic views of the governor, who was so foully to requite him,

had assured the English government that the "people were ready to cut the

throats" of the Staten-General at any convenient moment. The sovereign

people, not the deputies, were alone to be heeded, he said, and although

he never informed the world by what process he had learned the deliberate

opinion of that sovereign, as there had been no assembly excepting those

of the States-General and States-Provincial--he was none the less fully

satisfied that the people were all with Leicester, and bitterly opposed

to the States.

"For the sovereignty, or supreme authority," said he, through failure of

a legitimate prince, belongs to the people, and not to you, gentlemen,

who are only servants, ministers, and deputies of the people. You have

your commissions or instructions surrounded by limitations--which

conditions are so widely different from the power of sovereignty, as the

might of the subject is in regard to his prince, or of a servant in,

respect to his master. For sovereignty is not limited either as to power

or as to time. Still less do you represent the sovereignty; for the

people, in giving the general and absolute government to the Earl of

Leicester, have conferred upon him at once the exercise of justice, the

administration of polity, of naval affairs, of war, and of all the other

points of sovereignty. Of these a governor-general is however only the

depositary or guardian, until such time as it may please the prince or

people to revoke the trust; there being no other in this state who can do

this; seeing that it was the people, through the instrumentality of your

offices--through you as its servants--conferred on his Excellency, this

power, authority, and government. According to the common rule law,

therefore, 'quo jure quid statuitur, eodem jure tolli debet.' You having

been fully empowered by the provinces and cities, or, to speak more

correctly, by your masters and superiors, to confer the government on his

Excellency, it follows that you require a like power in order to take it

away either in whole or in part. If then you had no commission to curtail

his authority, or even that of the state-council, and thus to tread upon

and usurp his power as governor general and absolute, there follows of

two things one: either you did not well understand what you were doing,

nor duly consider how far that power reached, or--much more probably--you

have fallen into the sin of disobedience, considering how solemnly you

swore allegiance to him.

Thus subtly and ably did Wilkes defend the authority of the man who had

deserted his post at a most critical moment, and had compelled the

States, by his dereliction, to take the government into their own hands.

For, after all, the whole argument of the English counsellor rested upon

a quibble. The people were absolutely sovereign, he said, and had lent

that sovereignty to Leicester. How had they made that loan? Through the

machinery of the States-General. So long then as the Earl retained the

absolute sovereignty, the States were not even representatives of the

sovereign people. The sovereign people was merged into one English Earl.

The English Earl had retired--indefinitely--to England. Was the sovereign

people to wait for months, or years, before it regained its existence?

And if not, how was it to reassert its vitality? How but through the

agency of the States-General, who--according to Wilkes himself--had been

fully empowered by the Provinces and Cities to confer the government on

the Earl? The people then, after all, were the provinces and cities. And

the States-General were at that moment as much qualified to represent

those provinces and cities as they ever had been, and they claimed no

more. Wilkes, nor any other of the Leicester party, ever hinted at a

general assembly of the people. Universal suffrage was not dreamed of at

that day. By the people, he meant, if he meant anything, only that very

small fraction of the inhabitants of a country, who, according to the

English system, in the reign of Elizabeth, constituted its Commons. He

chose, rather from personal and political motives than philosophical

ones, to draw a distinction between the people and the States, but it is

quite obvious, from the tone of his private communications, that by the

'States' he meant the individuals who happened, for the time-being, to be

the deputies of the States of each Province. But it was almost an

affectation to accuse those individuals of calling or considering

themselves 'sovereigns;' for it was very well known that they sat as

envoys, rather than as members of a congress, and were perpetually

obliged to recur to their constituents, the States of each Province, for

instructions. It was idle, because Buys and Barneveld, and Roorda, and

other leaders, exercised the influence due to their talents, patriotism,

and experience, to stigmatize them as usurpers of sovereignty, and to

hound the rabble upon them as tyrants and mischief-makers. Yet to take

this course pleased the Earl of Leicester, who saw no hope for the

liberty of the people, unless absolute and unconditional authority over

the people, in war, naval affairs, justice, and policy, were placed in

his hands. This was the view sustained by the clergy of the Reformed

Church, because they found it convenient, through such a theory, and by

Leicester's power, to banish Papists, exercise intolerance in matters of

religion, sequestrate for their own private uses the property of the

Catholic Church, and obtain for their own a political power which was

repugnant to the more liberal ideas of the Barneveld party.

The States of Holland--inspired as it were by the memory of that great

martyr to religious and political liberty, William the Silent--maintained

freedom of conscience.

The Leicester party advocated a different theory on the religious

question. They were also determined to omit no effort to make the States

odious.

"Seeing their violent courses," said Wilkes to Leicester, "I have not

been negligent, as well by solicitations to the ministers, as by my

letters to such as have continued constant in affection to your Lordship,

to have the people informed of the ungrateful and dangerous proceedings

of the States. They have therein travailed with so good effect, as the

people are now wonderfully well disposed, and have delivered everywhere

in speeches, that if, by the overthwart dealings of the States, her

Majesty shall be drawn to stay her succours and goodness to them, and

that thereby your Lordship be also discouraged to return, they will cut

their throats."

Who the "people" exactly were, that had been so wonderfully well disposed

to throat-cutting by the ministers of the Gospel, did not distinctly

appear. It was certain, however, that they were the special friends of

Leicester, great orators, very pious, and the sovereigns of the country.

So much could not be gainsaid.

"Your Lordship would wonder," continued the councillor, "to see the

people--who so lately, by the practice of the said States and the

accident of Deventer, were notably alienated--so returned to their former

devotion towards her Majesty, your Lordship, and our nation."

Wilkes was able moreover to gratify the absent governor-general with the

intelligence--of somewhat questionable authenticity however--that the

States were very "much terrified with these threats of the people." But

Barneveld came down to the council to inquire what member of that body it

was who had accused the States of violating the Earl's authority.

"Whoever he is," said the Advocate, "let him deliver his mind frankly,

and he shall be answered." The man did not seem much terrified by the

throat-cutting orations. "It is true," replied Wilkes, perceiving himself

to be the person intended, "that you have very injuriously, in many of

your proceedings, derogated from and trodden the authority of his

Lordship and of this council under your feet."

And then he went into particulars, and discussed, 'more suo,' the

constitutional question, in which various Leicestrian counsellors

seconded him.

But Barneveld grimly maintained that the States were the sovereigns, and

that it was therefore unfit that the governor, who drew his authority

from them, should call them to account for their doings. "It was as if

the governors in the time of Charles V.," said the Advocate, "should have

taxed that Emperor for any action of his done in the government."

In brief, the rugged Barneveld, with threatening voice, and lion port,

seemed to impersonate the Staten, and to hold reclaimed sovereignty in

his grasp. It seemed difficult to tear it from him again.

"I did what I could," said Wilkes, "to beat them from this humour of

their sovereignty, showing that upon that error they had grounded the

rest of their wilful absurdities."

Next night, he drew up sixteen articles, showing the disorders of the

States, their breach of oaths, and violations of the Earl's authority;

and with that commenced a series of papers interchanged by the two

parties, in which the topics of the origin of government and the

principles of religious freedom were handled with much ability on both

sides, but at unmerciful length.

On the religious question, the States-General, led by Barneveld and by

Francis Franck, expressed themselves manfully, on various occasions,

during the mission of Buckhurst.

"The nobles and cities constituting the States," they said, "have been

denounced to Lord Leicester as enemies of religion, by the self-seeking

mischief-makers who surround him. Why? Because they had refused the

demand of certain preachers to call a general synod, in defiance of the

States-General, and to introduce a set of ordinances, with a system of

discipline, according to their arbitrary will. This the late Prince of

Orange and the States-General had always thought detrimental both to

religion and polity. They respected the difference in religious opinions,

and leaving all churches in their freedom, they chose to compel no man's

conscience--a course which all statesmen, knowing the diversity of human

opinions, had considered necessary in order to maintain fraternal

harmony."

Such words shine through the prevailing darkness of the religious

atmosphere at that epoch, like characters of light. They are beacons in

the upward path of mankind. Never before, had so bold and wise a tribute

to the genius of the reformation been paid by an organized community.

Individuals walking in advance of their age had enunciated such truths,

and their voices had seemed to die away, but, at last, a little,

struggling, half-developed commonwealth had proclaimed the rights of

conscience for all mankind--for Papists and Calvinists, Jews and

Anabaptists--because "having a respect for differences in religious

opinions, and leaving all churches in their freedom, they chose to compel

no man's conscience."

On the constitutional question, the States commenced by an astounding

absurdity. "These mischief-makers, moreover," said they, "have not been

ashamed to dispute, and to cause the Earl of Leicester to dispute, the

lawful constitution of the Provinces; a matter which has not been

disputed for eight hundred years."

This was indeed to claim a respectable age for their republic. Eight

hundred years took them back to the days of Charlemagne, in whose time it

would have been somewhat difficult to detect a germ of their

States-General and States-Provincial. That the constitutional

government--consisting of nobles and of the vroedschaps of chartered

cities--should have been in existence four hundred and seventeen years

before the first charter had ever been granted to a city, was a very

loose style of argument. Thomas Wilkes, in reply; might as well have

traced the English parliament to Hengist and Horsa. "For eight hundred

years;" they said, "Holland had been governed by Counts and Countesses,

on whom the nobles and cities, as representing the States, had legally

conferred sovereignty."

Now the first incorporated city of Holland and Zeeland that ever existed

was Middelburg, which received its charter from Count William I. of

Holland and Countess Joan of Flanders; in the year 1217. The first Count

that had any legal recognized authority was Dirk the First to whom

Charles the Simple presented the territory of Holland, by letters-patent,

in 922. Yet the States-General, in a solemn and eloquent document,

gravely dated their own existence from the year 787, and claimed the

regular possession and habitual delegation of sovereignty from that epoch

down!

After this fabulous preamble, they proceeded to handle the matter of fact

with logical precision. It was absurd, they said, that Mr. Wilkes and

Lord Leicester should affect to confound the persons who appeared in the

assembly with the States themselves; as if those individuals claimed or

exercised sovereignty. Any man who had observed what had been passing

during the last fifteen years, knew very well that the supreme authority

did not belong to the thirty or forty individuals who came to the

meetings . . . . The nobles, by reason of their ancient dignity and

splendid possessions, took counsel together over state matters, and then,

appearing at the assembly, deliberated with the deputies of the cities.

The cities had mainly one form of government--a college of counsellors;

or wise men, 40, 32, 28, or 24 in number, of the most respectable out of

the whole community. They were chosen for life, and vacancies were

supplied by the colleges themselves out of the mass of citizens. These

colleges alone governed the city, and that which had been ordained by

them was to be obeyed by all the inhabitants--a system against which

there had never been any rebellion. The colleges again, united with those

of the nobles, represented the whole state, the whole body of the

population; and no form of government could be imagined, they said, that

could resolve, with a more thorough knowledge of the necessities of the

country, or that could execute its resolves with more unity of purpose

and decisive authority. To bring the colleges into an assembly could only

be done by means of deputies. These deputies, chosen by their colleges,

and properly instructed, were sent to the place of meeting. During the

war they had always been commissioned to resolve in common on matters

regarding the liberty of the land. These deputies, thus assembled,

represented, by commission, the States; but they are not, in their own

persons, the States; and no one of them had any such pretension. "The

people of this country," said the States, "have an aversion to all

ambition; and in these disastrous times, wherein nothing but trouble and

odium is to be gathered by public employment, these commissions are

accounted 'munera necessaria'. . . . This form of government has, by

God's favour, protected Holland and Zeeland, during this war, against a

powerful foe, without lose of territory, without any popular outbreak,

without military mutiny, because all business has been transacted with

open doors; and because the very smallest towns are all represented, and

vote in the assembly."

In brief, the constitution of the United Provinces was a matter of fact.

It was there in good working order, and had, for a generation of mankind,

and throughout a tremendous war, done good service. Judged by the

principles of reason and justice, it was in the main a wholesome

constitution, securing the independence and welfare of the state, and the

liberty and property of the individual, as well certainly as did any

polity then existing in the world. It seemed more hopeful to abide by it

yet a little longer than to adopt the throat-cutting system by the

people, recommended by Wilkes and Leicester as an improvement on the old

constitution. This was the view of Lord Buckhurst. He felt that threats

of throat-cutting were not the best means of smoothing and conciliating,

and he had come over to smooth and conciliate.

"To spend the time," said he, "in private brabbles and piques between the

States and Lord Leicester, when we ought to prepare an army against the

enemy, and to repair the shaken and torn state, is not a good course for

her Majesty's service." Letters were continually circulating from hand to

hand among the antagonists of the Holland party, written out of England

by Leicester, exciting the ill-will of the populace against the organized

government. "By such means to bring the States into hatred," said

Buckhurst, "and to stir up the people against them; tends to great damage

and miserable end. This his Lordship doth full little consider, being the

very way to dissolve all government, and so to bring all into confusion,

and open the door for the enemy. But oh, how lamentable a thing it is,

and how doth my Lord of Leicester abuse her Majesty, making her authority

the means to uphold and justify, and under her name to defend and

maintain, all his intolerable errors. I thank God that neither his might

nor his malice shall deter me from laying open all those things which my

conscience knoweth, and which appertaineth to be done for the good of

this cause and of her Majesty's service. Herein, though I were sure to

lose my life, yet will I not offend neither the one nor the other,

knowing very well that I must die; and to die in her Majesty's faithful

service, and with a good conscience, is far more happy than the miserable

life that I am in. If Leicester do in this sort stir up the people

against the States to follow his revenge against them, and if the Queen

do yield no better aid, and the minds of Count Maurice and Hohenlo remain

thus in fear and hatred of him, what good end or service can be hoped for

here?"--[Buckhurst to Walsingham, 13th June, 1587. (Brit. Mus. Galba, D.

I. p. 95, MS.)]

Buckhurst was a man of unimpeached integrity and gentle manners. He had

come over with the best intentions towards the governor-general, and it

has been seen that he boldly defended him in, his first interviews with

the States. But as the intrigues and underhand plottings of the Earl's

agents were revealed to him, he felt more and more convinced that there

was a deep laid scheme to destroy the government, and to constitute a

virtual and absolute sovereignty for Leicester. It was not wonderful that

the States were standing vigorously on the defensive.

The subtle Deventer, Leicester's evil genius, did not cease to poison the

mind of the governor, during his protracted absence, against all persons

who offered impediments to the cherished schemes of his master and

himself. "Your Excellency knows very well," he said, "that the state of

this country is democratic, since, by failure of a prince, the sovereign

disposition of affairs has returned to the people. That same people is

everywhere so incredibly affectionate towards you that the delay in your

return drives them to extreme despair. Any one who would know the real

truth has but to remember the fine fear the States-General were in when

the news of your displeasure about the 4th February letter became known."

Had it not been for the efforts of Lord Buckhurst in calming the popular

rage, Deventer assured the Earl that the writers of the letter would

"have scarcely saved their skins;" and that they had always continued in

great danger.

He vehemently urged upon Leicester, the necessity of his immediate

return--not so much for reasons drawn from the distracted state of the

country, thus left to a provisional government and torn by faction--but

because of the facility with which he might at once seize upon arbitrary

power. He gratified his master by depicting in lively colours the abject

condition into which Barneveld, Maurice, Hohenlo, and similar cowards,

would be thrown by his sudden return.

"If," said he, "the States' members and the counts, every one of them,

are so desperately afraid of the people, even while your Excellency is

afar off, in what trepidation will they be when you are here! God,

reason, the affection of the sovereign people, are on your side. There

needs, in a little commonwealth like ours, but a wink of the eye, the

slightest indication of dissatisfaction on your part, to take away all

their valour from men who are only brave where swords are too short. A

magnanimous prince like yourself should seek at once the place where such

plots are hatching, and you would see the fury of the rebels change at

once to cowardice. There is more than one man here in the Netherlands

that brags of what he will do against the greatest and most highly

endowed prince in England, because he thinks he shall never see him

again, who, at the very first news of your return, my Lord, would think

only of packing his portmanteau, greasing his boots, or, at the very

least, of sneaking back into his hole."

But the sturdy democrat was quite sure that his Excellency, that most

magnanimous prince of England would not desert his faithful

followers--thereby giving those "filthy rascals," his opponents, a

triumph, and "doing so great an injury to the sovereign people, who were

ready to get rid of them all at a single blow, if his Excellency would

but say the word."

He then implored the magnanimous prince to imitate the example of Moses,

Joshua, David, and that of all great emperors and captains, Hebrew,

Greek, and Roman, to come at once to the scene of action, and to smite

his enemies hip and thigh. He also informed his Excellency, that if the

delay should last much longer, he would lose all chance of regaining

power, because the sovereign people had quite made up their mind to

return to the dominion of Spain within three months, if they could not

induce his Excellency to rule over them. In that way at least, if in no

other, they could circumvent those filthy rascals whom they so much

abhorred, and frustrate the designs of Maurice, Hohenlo, and Sir John

Norris, who were represented as occupying the position of the triumvirs

after the death of Julius Caesar.

To place its neck under the yoke of Philip II. and the Inquisition, after

having so handsomely got rid of both, did not seem a sublime

manifestation of sovereignty on the part of the people, and even Deventer

had some misgivings as to the propriety of such a result. "What then will

become of our beautiful churches?" he cried, "What will princes say, what

will the world in general say, what will historians say, about the honour

of the English nation?"

As to the first question, it is probable that the prospect of the

reformed churches would not have been cheerful, had the inquisition been

re-established in Holland and Utrecht, three months after that date. As

to the second, the world and history were likely to reply, that the

honour of the English nation was fortunately not entirely, entrusted at

that epoch to the "magnanimous prince" of Leicester, and his democratic,

counsellor-in-chief, burgomaster Deventer.

These are but samples of the ravings which sounded incessantly in the

ears of the governor-general. Was it strange that a man, so thirsty for

power, so gluttonous of flattery, should be influenced by such passionate

appeals? Addressed in strains of fulsome adulation, convinced that

arbitrary power was within his reach, and assured that he had but to wink

his eye to see his enemies scattered before him, he became impatient of

all restraint; and determined, on his return, to crush the States into

insignificance.

Thus, while Buckhurst had been doing his best as a mediator to prepare

the path for his return, Leicester himself end his partisans had been

secretly exerting themselves to make his arrival the signal for discord;

perhaps of civil war. The calm, then, immediately succeeding the mission

of Buckhurst was a deceitful one, but it seemed very promising. The best

feelings were avowed and perhaps entertained. The States professed great

devotion to her Majesty and friendly regard for the governor. They

distinctly declared that the arrangements by which Maurice and Hohenlo

had been placed in their new positions were purely provisional ones,

subject to modifications on the arrival of the Earl. "All things are

reduced to a quiet calm," said Buckhurst, "ready to receive my Lord of

Leicester and his authority, whenever he cometh."

The quarrel of Hohenlo with Sir Edward Norris had been, by the exertions

of Buckhurst, amicably arranged: the Count became an intimate friend of

Sir John, "to the gladding of all such as wished well to, the country;"

but he nourished a deadly hatred to the Earl. He ran up and down like a

madman whenever his return was mentioned. "If the Queen be willing to

take the sovereignty," he cried out at his own dinner-table to a large

company, "and is ready to proceed roundly in this action, I will serve

her to the last drop of my blood; but if she embrace it in no other sort

than hitherto she hath done, and if Leicester is to return, then am I as

good a man as Leicester, and will never be commanded by him. I mean to

continue on my frontier, where all who love me can come and find me."

He declared to several persons that he had detected a plot on the part of

Leicester to have him assassinated; and the assertion seemed so

important, that Villiers came to Councillor Clerk to confer with him on

the subject. The worthy Bartholomew, who had again, most reluctantly,

left his quiet chambers in the Temple to come again among the guns and

drums, which his soul abhorred, was appalled by such a charge. It was

best to keep it a secret, he said, at least till the matter could be

thoroughly investigated. Villiers was of the same opinion, and

accordingly the councillor, in the excess of his caution, confided the

secret only--to whom? To Mr. Atye, Leicester's private secretary. Atye,

of course, instantly told his master--his master in a frenzy of rage,

told the Queen, and her Majesty, in a paroxysm of royal indignation at

this new insult to her favourite, sent furious letters to her envoys, to

the States-General, to everybody in the Netherlands--so that the

assertion of Hohenlo became the subject of endless recrimination.

Leicester became very violent, and denounced the statement as an impudent

falsehood, devised wilfully in order to cast odium upon him and to

prevent his return. Unquestionably there was nothing in the story but

table-talk; but the Count would have been still more ferocious towards

Leicester than he was, had he known what was actually happening at that

very moment.

While Buckhurst was at Utrecht, listening to the "solemn-speeches" of the

militia-captains and exchanging friendly expressions at stately banquets

with Moeurs, he suddenly received a letter in cipher from her Majesty.

Not having the key, he sent to Wilkes at the Hague. Wilkes was very ill;

but the despatch was marked pressing and immediate, so he got out of bed

and made the journey to Utrecht. The letter, on being deciphered, proved

to be an order from the Queen to decoy Hohenlo into some safe town, on

pretence of consultation and then to throw him into prison, on the ground

that he had been tampering with the enemy, and was about to betray the

republic to Philip.

The commotion which would have been excited by any attempt to enforce

this order, could be easily imagined by those familiar with Hohenlo and

with the powerful party in the Netherlands of which he was one of the

chiefs. Wilkes stood aghast as he deciphered the letter. Buckhurst felt

the impossibility of obeying the royal will. Both knew the cause, and

both foresaw the consequences of the proposed step. Wilkes had heard some

rumours of intrigues between Parma's agents at Deventer and Hohenlo, and

had confided them to Walsingham, hoping that the Secretary would keep the

matter in his own breast, at least till further advice. He was appalled

at the sudden action proposed on a mere rumour, which both Buckhurst and

himself had begun to consider an idle one. He protested, therefore, to

Walsingham that to comply with her Majesty's command would not only be

nearly impossible, but would, if successful, hazard the ruin of the

republic. Wilkes was also very anxious lest the Earl of Leicester should

hear of the matter. He was already the object of hatred to that powerful

personage, and thought him capable of accomplishing his destruction in

any mode. But if Leicester could wreak his vengeance upon his enemy

Wilkes by the hand of his other deadly enemy Hohenlo, the councillor felt

that this kind of revenge would have a double sweetness for him. The

Queen knows what I have been saying, thought Wilkes, and therefore

Leicester knows it; and if Leicester knows it, he will take care that

Hohenlo shall hear of it too, and then wo be unto me. "Your honour

knoweth," he said to Walsingham, "that her Majesty can hold no secrets,

and if she do impart it to Leicester, then am I sped."

Nothing came of it however, and the relations of Wilkes and Buckhurst

with Hohenlo continued to be friendly. It was a lesson to Wilkes to be

more cautious even with the cautious Walsingham. "We had but bare

suspicions," said Buckhurst, "nothing fit, God knoweth, to come to such a

reckoning. Wilkes saith he meant it but for a premonition to you there;

but I think it will henceforth be a premonition to himself--there being

but bare presumptions, and yet shrewd presumptions."

Here then were Deventer and Leicester plotting to overthrow the

government of the States; the States and Hohenlo arming against

Leicester; the extreme democratic party threatening to go over to the

Spaniards within three months; the Earl accused of attempting the life of

Hohenlo; Hohenlo offering to shed the last drop of his blood for Queen

Elizabeth; Queen Elizabeth giving orders to throw Hohenlo into prison as

a traitor; Councillor Wilkes trembling for his life at the hands both of

Leicester and Hohenlo; and Buckhurst doing his best to conciliate all

parties, and imploring her Majesty in vain to send over money to help on

the war, and to save her soldiers from starving.

For the Queen continued to refuse the loan of fifty thousand pounds which

the provinces solicited, and in hope of which the States had just agreed

to an extra contribution of a million florins (L100,000), a larger sum

than had been levied by a single vote since the commencement of the war.

It must be remembered, too, that the whole expense of the war fell upon

Holland and Zeeland. The Province of Utrecht, where there was so strong a

disposition to confer absolute authority upon Leicester, and to destroy

the power of the States-General contributed absolutely nothing. Since the

Loss of Deventer, nothing could be raised in the Provinces of Utrecht,

Gelderland or Overyssel; the Spaniards levying black mail upon the whole

territory, and impoverishing the inhabitants till they became almost a

nullity. Was it strange then that the States of Holland and Zeeland, thus

bearing nearly the whole; burden of the war, should be dissatisfied with

the hatred felt toward them by their sister Provinces so generously

protected by them? Was it unnatural that Barneveld, and Maurice, and

Hohenlo, should be disposed to bridle the despotic inclinations of

Leicester, thus fostered by those who existed, as it were, at their

expense?

But the Queen refused the L50,000, although Holland and Zeeland had voted

the L100,000. "No reason that breedeth charges," sighed Walsingham, "can

in any sort be digested."

It was not for want of vehement entreaty on the part of the Secretary of

State and of Buckhurst that the loan was denied. At least she was

entreated to send over money for her troops, who for six months past were

unpaid. "Keeping the money in your coffers," said Buckhurst, "doth yield

no interest to you, and--which is above all earthly, respects--it shall

be the means of preserving the lives of many of your faithful subjects

which otherwise must needs, daily perish. Their miseries, through want of

meat and money, I do protest to God so much moves, my soul with

commiseration of that which is past, and makes my heart tremble to think

of the like to come again, that I humbly beseech your Majesty, for Jesus

Christ sake, to have compassion on their lamentable estate past, and send

some money to prevent the like hereafter."

These were moving words,--but the money did not come--charges could not

be digested.

"The eternal God," cried Buckhurst, "incline your heart to grant the

petition of the States for the loan of the L50,000, and that speedily,

for the dangerous terms of the State here and the mighty and forward

preparation of the enemy admit no minute of delay; so that even to grant

it slowly is to deny it utterly."

He then drew a vivid picture of the capacity of the Netherlands to assist

the endangered realm of England, if delay were not suffered to destroy

both commonwealths, by placing the Provinces in an enemy's hand.

"Their many and notable good havens," he said, "the great number of ships

and mariners, their impregnable towns, if they were in the hands of a

potent prince that would defend them, and, lastly, the state of this

shore; so near and opposite unto the land and coast of England--lo, the

sight of all this, daily in mine eye, conjoined with the deep, enrooted

malice of that your so mighty enemy who seeketh to regain them; these

things entering continually into the meditations of my heart--so much do

they import the safety of yourself and your estate--do enforce me, in the

abundance of my love and duty to your Majesty, most earnestly to speak,

write, and weep unto you, lest when the occasion yet offered shall be

gone by, this blessed means of your defence, by God's provident goodness

thus put into your hand, will then be utterly lost, lo; never, never more

to be recovered again."

It was a noble, wise, and eloquent appeal, but it was muttered in vain.

Was not Leicester--his soul filled with petty schemes of reigning in

Utrecht, and destroying the constitutional government of the

Provinces--in full possession of the royal ear? And was not the same ear

lent, at most critical moment, to the insidious Alexander Farnese, with

his whispers of peace, which were potent enough to drown all the

preparations for the invincible Armada?

Six months had rolled away since Leicester had left the Netherlands; six

months long, the Provinces, left in a condition which might have become

anarchy, had been saved by the wise government of the States-General; six

months long the English soldiers had remained unpaid by their sovereign;

and now for six weeks the honest, eloquent, intrepid, but gentle

Buckhurst had done his best to conciliate all parties, and to mould the

Netherlanders into an impregnable bulwark for the realm of England. But

his efforts were treated with scorn by the Queen. She was still maddened

by a sense of the injuries done by the States to Leicester. She was

indignant that her envoy should have accepted such lame apologies for the

4th of February letter; that he should have received no better atonement

for their insolent infringements of the Earl's orders during his absence;

that he should have excused their contemptuous proceedings and that, in

short, he should have been willing to conciliate and forgive when he

should have stormed and railed. "You conceived, it seemeth," said her

Majesty, "that a more sharper manner of proceeding would have exasperated

matters to the prejudice of the service, and therefore you did think it

more fit to wash the wounds rather with water than vinegar, wherein we

would rather have wished, on the other side, that you had better

considered that festering wounds had more need of corrosives than

lenitives. Your own judgment ought to have taught that such a alight and

mild kind of dealing with a people so ingrate and void of consideration

as the said Estates have showed themselves toward us, is the ready way to

increase their contempt."

The envoy might be forgiven for believing that at any rate there would be

no lack of corrosives or vinegar, so long as the royal tongue or pen

could do their office, as the unfortunate deputies had found to their

cost in their late interviews at Greenwich, and as her own envoys in the

Netherlands were perpetually finding now. The Queen was especially

indignant that the Estates should defend the tone of their letters to the

Earl on the ground that he had written a piquant epistle to them. "But

you can manifestly see their untruths in naming it a piquant letter,"

said Elizabeth, "for it has no sour or sharp word therein, nor any clause

or reprehension, but is full of gravity and gentle admonition. It

deserved a thankful answer, and so you may maintain it to them to their

reproof."

The States doubtless thought that the loss of Deventer and, with it, the

almost ruinous condition of three out of the seven Provinces, might

excuse on their part a little piquancy of phraseology, nor was it easy

for them to express gratitude to the governor for his grave and gentle

admonitions, after he had, by his secret document of 24th November,

rendered himself fully responsible for the disaster they deplored.

She expressed unbounded indignation with Hohenlo, who, as she was well

aware, continued to cherish a deadly hatred for Leicester. Especially she

was exasperated, and with reason, by the assertion the Count had made

concerning the governor's murderous designs upon him. "'Tis a matter,"

said the Queen, "so foul and dishonourable that doth not only touch

greatly the credit of the Earl, but also our own honour, to have one who

hath been nourished and brought up by us, and of whom we have made show

to the world to have extraordinarily favoured above any other of our own

subjects, and used his service in those countries in a place of that

reputation he held there, stand charged with so horrible and unworthy a

crime. And therefore our pleasure is, even as you tender the continuance

of our favour towards you, that you seek, by all the means you may,

examining the Count Hollock, or any other party in this matter, to

discover and to sift out how this malicious imputation hath been wrought;

for we have reason to think that it hath grown out of some cunning device

to stay the Earl's coming, and to discourage him from the continuance of

his service in those countries."

And there the Queen was undoubtedly in the right. Hohenlo was resolved,

if possible, to make the Earl's government of the Netherlands impossible.

There was nothing in the story however; and all that by the most diligent

"sifting" could ever be discovered, and all that the Count could be

prevailed upon to confess, was an opinion expressed by him that if he had

gone with Leicester to England, it might perhaps have fared ill with him.

But men were given to loose talk in those countries. There was great

freedom of tongue and pen; and as the Earl, whether with justice or not,

had always been suspected of strong tendencies to assassination, it was

not very wonderful that so reckless an individual as Hohenlo should

promulgate opinions on such subjects, without much reserve. "The number

of crimes that have been imputed to me," said Leicester, "would be

incomplete, had this calumny not been added to all preceding ones." It is

possible that assassination, especially poisoning, may have been a more

common-place affair in those days than our own. At any rate, it is

certain that accusations of such crimes were of ordinary occurrence. Men

were apt to die suddenly if they had mortal enemies, and people would

gossip. At the very same moment, Leicester was deliberately accused not

only of murderous intentions towards Hohenlo, but towards Thomas Wilkes

and Count Lewis William of Nassau likewise. A trumpeter, arrested in

Friesland, had just confessed that he had been employed by the Spanish

governor of that Province, Colonel Verdugo, to murder Count Lewis, and

that four other persons had been entrusted with the same commission. The

Count wrote to Verdugo, and received in reply an indignant denial of the

charge. "Had I heard of such a project," said the Spaniard, "I would, on

the contrary, have given you warning. And I give you one now." He then

stated, as a fact known to him on unquestionable authority, that the Earl

of Leicester had assassins at that moment in his employ to take the life

of Count Lewis, adding that as for the trumpeter, who had just been

hanged for the crime suborned by the writer, he was a most notorious

lunatic. In reply, Lewis, while he ridiculed this plea of insanity set up

for a culprit who had confessed his crime succinctly and voluntarily,

expressed great contempt for the counter-charge against Leicester. "His

Excellency," said the sturdy little Count, "is a virtuous gentleman, the

most pious and God-fearing I have ever known. I am very sure that he

could never treat his enemies in the manner stated, much less his

friends. As for yourself, may God give me grace, in requital of your

knavish trick, to make such a war upon you as becomes an upright soldier

and a man of honour."

Thus there was at least one man--and a most important, one--in the

opposition--party who thoroughly believed in the honour of the

governor-general.

The Queen then proceeded to lecture Lord Buckhurst very severely for

having tolerated an instant the States' proposition to her for a loan of

L50,000. "The enemy," she observed, "is quite unable to attempt the siege

of any town."

Buckhurst was, however, instructed, in case the States' million should

prove insufficient to enable the army to make head against the enemy, and

in the event of "any alteration of the good-will of the people towards

her, caused by her not yielding, in this their necessity, some convenient

support," to let them then understand, "as of himself, that if they would

be satisfied with a loan of ten or fifteen thousand pounds, he, would do

his best endeavour to draw her Majesty to yield unto the furnishing of

such a sum, with assured hope to obtaining the same at her hands."

Truly Walsingham was right in saying that charges of any kind were

difficult of digestion: Yet, even at that moment, Elizabeth had no more

attached subjects in England than sere the burghers of the Netherlands;

who were as anxious ever to annex their territory to her realms.

'Thus, having expressed an affection for Leicester which no one doubted,

having once more thoroughly brow-beaten the states, and having soundly

lectured Buckhurst--as a requital for his successful efforts to bring

about a more wholesome condition of affairs--she gave the envoy a parting

stab, with this postscript;--"There is small disproportion," she said

"twist a fool who useth not wit because he hath it not, and him that

useth it not when it should avail him." Leicester, too, was very violent

in his attacks upon Buckhurst. The envoy had succeeded in reconciling

Hohenlo with the brothers Norris, and had persuaded Sir John to offer the

hand of friendship to Leicester, provided it were sure of being accepted.

Yet in this desire to conciliate, the Earl found renewed cause for

violence. "I would have had more regard of my Lord of Buckhurst," he

said, "if the case had been between him and Norris, but I must regard my

own reputation the more that I see others would impair it. You have

deserved little thanks of me, if I must deal plainly, who do equal me

after this sort with him, whose best place is colonel under me, and once

my servant, and preferred by me to all honourable place he had." And thus

were enterprises of great moment, intimately affecting the safety of

Holland, of England, of all Protestantism, to be suspended between

triumph and ruin, in order that the spleen of one individual--one Queen's

favourite--might be indulged. The contempt of an insolent grandee for a

distinguished commander--himself the son, of a Baron, with a mother the

dear friend of her sovereign--was to endanger the existence of great

commonwealths. Can the influence of the individual, for good or bad, upon

the destinies of the race be doubted, when the characters and conduct of

Elizabeth and Leicester, Burghley and Walsingham, Philip and Parma, are

closely scrutinized and broadly traced throughout the wide range of their

effects?

"And I must now, in your Lordship's sight," continued Leicester, "be made

a counsellor with this companion, who never yet to this day hath done so

much as take knowledge of my mislike of him; no, not to say this much,

which I think would well become his better, that he was sorry, to hear I

had mislike to him, that he desired my suspension till he might either

speak with me, or be charged from me, and if then he were not able to

satisfy me, he would acknowledge his fault, and make me any honest

satisfaction. This manner of dealing would have been no disparagement to

his better. And even so I must think that your Lordship doth me wrong,

knowing what you do, to make so little difference between John Norris, my

man not long since, and now but my colonel under me, as though we were

equals. And I cannot but more than marvel at this your proceeding, when I

remember your promises of friendship, and your opinions resolutely set

down . . . . You were so determined before you went hence, but must have

become wonderfully enamoured of those men's unknown virtues in a few days

of acquaintance, from the alteration that is grown by their own

commendations of themselves. You know very well that all the world should

not make me serve with John Norris. Your sudden change from mislike to

liking has, by consequence, presently cast disgrace upon me. But all is

not gold that glitters, nor every shadow a perfect representation . . . .

You knew he should not serve with me, but either you thought me a very

inconstant man, or else a very simple soul, resolving with you as I did,

for you to take the course you have done." He felt, however, quite strong

in her Majesty's favour. He knew himself her favourite, beyond all chance

or change, and was sure, so long as either lived, to thrust his enemies,

by her aid, into outer darkness. Woe to Buckhurst, and Norris, and

Wilkes, and all others who consorted with his enemies. Let them flee from

the wrath to come! And truly they were only too anxious to do so, for

they knew that Leicester's hatred was poisonous. "He is not so facile to

forget as ready to revenge," said poor Wilkes, with neat alliteration.

"My very heavy and mighty adversary will disgrace and undo me.

"It sufficeth," continued Leicester, "that her Majesty both find my

dealings well enough, and so, I trust will graciously use me. As for the

reconciliations and love-days you have made there, truly I have liked

well of it; for you did sow me your disposition therein before, and I

allowed of it, and I had received letters both from Count Maurice and

Hohenlo of their humility and kindness, but now in your last letters you

say they have uttered the cause of their mislike towards me, which you

forbear to write of, looking so speedily for my return."

But the Earl knew well enough what the secret was, for had it not been

specially confided by the judicious Bartholomew to Atye, who had

incontinently told his master? "This pretense that I should kill

Hohenlo," cried Leicester, "is a matter properly foisted in to bring me

to choler. I will not suffer it to rest, thus. Its authors shall be duly

and severely punished. And albeit I see well enough the plot of this

wicked device, yet shall it not work the effect the devisers have done it

for. No, my Lord, he is a villain and a false lying knave whosoever he

be, and of what, nation soever that hath forged this device. Count

Hohenlo doth know I never gave him cause to fear me so much. There were

ways and means offered me to have quitted him of the country if I had so

liked. This new monstrous villany which is now found out I do hate and

detest, as I would look for the right judgment of God to fall upon

myself, if I had but once imagined it. All this makes good proof of

Wilkes's good dealing with me, that hath heard of so vile and villainous

a reproach of me, and never gave me knowledge. But I trust your Lordship

shall receive her Majesty's order for this, as for a matter that toucheth

herself in honour, and me her poor servant and minister, as dearly as any

matter can do; and I will so take it and use it to the uttermost."

We have seen how anxiously Buckhurst had striven to do his duty upon a

most difficult mission. Was it unnatural that so fine a nature as his

should be disheartened, at reaping nothing but sneers and contumely from

the haughty sovereign he served, and from the insolent favourite who

controlled her councils? "I beseech your Lordship," he said to Burghley,

"keep one ear for me, and do not hastily condemn me before you hear mine

answer. For if I ever did or shall do any acceptable service to her

Majesty, it was in, the stay and appeasing of these countries, ever ready

at my coming to have cast off all good respect towards us, and to have

entered even into some desperate cause. In the meantime I am hardly

thought of by her Majesty, and in her opinion condemned before mine

answer be understood. Therefore I beseech you to help me to return, and

not thus to lose her Majesty's favour for my good desert, wasting here my

mind, body, my wits, wealth, and all; with continual toils, taxes, and

troubles, more than I am able to endure."

But besides his instructions to smooth and expostulate, in which he had

succeeded so well, and had been requited so ill; Buckhurst had received a

still more difficult commission. He had been ordered to broach the

subject of peace, as delicately as possible, but without delay; first

sounding the leading politicians, inducing them to listen to the Queen's

suggestions on the subject, persuading them that they ought to be

satisfied with the principles of the pacification of Ghent, and that it

was hopeless for the Provinces to continue the war with their mighty

adversary any longer.

Most reluctantly had Buckhurst fulfilled his sovereign's commands in this

disastrous course. To talk to the Hollanders of the Ghent pacification

seemed puerile. That memorable treaty, ten years before, had been one of

the great landmarks of progress, one of the great achievements of William

the Silent. By its provisions, public exercise of the reformed religion

had been secured for the two Provinces of Holland and Zeeland, and it had

been agreed that the secret practice of those rites should be elsewhere

winked at, until such time as the States-General, under the auspices of

Philip II., should otherwise ordain. But was it conceivable that now,

after Philip's authority had been solemnly abjured, and the reformed

worship had become the public, dominant religion, throughout all the

Provinces,--the whole republic should return to the Spanish dominion, and

to such toleration as might be sanctioned by an assembly professing

loyalty to the most Catholic King?

Buckhurst had repeatedly warned the Queen, in fervid and eloquent

language, as to the intentions of Spain. "There was never peace well

made," he observed, "without a mighty war preceding, and always, the

sword in hand is the best pen to write the conditions of peace."

"If ever prince had cause," he continued, "to think himself beset with

doubt and danger, you, sacred Queen, have most just cause not only to

think it, but even certainly to believe it. The Pope doth daily plot

nothing else but how he may bring to pass your utter overthrow; the

French King hath already sent you threatenings of revenge, and though for

that pretended cause I think little will ensue, yet he is blind that

seeth not the mortal dislike that boileth deep in his heart for other

respects against you. The Scottish King, not only in regard of his future

hope, but also by reason of some over conceit in his heart, may be

thought a dangerous neighbour to you. The King of Spain armeth and

extendeth all his power to ruin both you and your estate. And if the

Indian gold have corrupted also the King of Denmark, and made him

likewise Spanish, as I marvellously fear; why will not your Majesty,

beholding the flames of your enemies on every side kindling around,

unlock all your coffers and convert your treasure for the advancing of

worthy men, and for the arming of ships and men-of-war that may defend

you, since princes' treasures serve only to that end, and, lie they never

so fast or so full in their chests, can no ways so defend them?

"The eternal God, in whose hands the hearts of kings do rest, dispose and

guide your sacred Majesty to do that which may be most according to His

blessed will, and best for you, as I trust He will, even for His mercy's

sake, both toward your Majesty and the whole realm of England, whose

desolation is thus sought and compassed."

Was this the language of a mischievous intriguer, who was sacrificing the

true interest of his country, and whose proceedings were justly earning

for him rebuke and disgrace at the hands of his sovereign? Or was it

rather the noble advice of an upright statesman, a lover of his country,

a faithful servant of his Queen, who had looked through the atmosphere of

falsehood in which he was doing his work, and who had detected, with rare

sagacity, the secret purposes of those who were then misruling the world?

Buckhurst had no choice, however, but to obey. His private efforts were

of course fruitless, but he announced to her Majesty that it was his

intention very shortly to bring the matter--according to her wish--before

the assembly.

But Elizabeth, seeing that her counsel had been unwise and her action

premature, turned upon her envoy, as she was apt to do, and rebuked him

for his obedience, so soon as obedience had proved inconvenient to

herself.

"Having perused your letters," she said, "by which you at large debate

unto us what you have done in the matter of peace . . . . we find it

strange that you should proceed further. And although we had given you

full and ample direction to proceed to a public dealing in that cause,

yet our own discretion, seeing the difficulties and dangers that you

yourself saw in the propounding of the matter, ought to have led you to

delay till further command from us."

Her Majesty then instructed her envoy, in case he had not yet "propounded

the matter in the state-house to the general assembly," to pause entirely

until he heard her further pleasure. She concluded, as usual, with a

characteristic postcript in her own hand.

"Oh weigh deeplier this matter," she said, "than, with so shallow a

judgment, to spill the cause, impair my honour, and shame yourself, with

all your wit, that once was supposed better than to lose a bargain for

the handling."

Certainly the sphinx could have propounded no more puzzling riddles than

those which Elizabeth thus suggested to Buckhurst. To make war without an

army, to support an army without pay, to frame the hearts of a whole

people to peace who were unanimous for war, and this without saying a

word either in private or public; to dispose the Netherlanders favourably

to herself and to Leicester, by refusing them men and money, brow-beating

them for asking for it, and subjecting them to a course of perpetual

insults, which she called "corrosives," to do all this and more seemed

difficult. If not to do it, were to spill the cause and to lose the

bargain, it was more than probable that they would be spilt and lost.

But the ambassador was no OEdipus--although a man of delicate perceptions

and brilliant intellect--and he turned imploringly to a wise counsellor

for aid against the tormentor who chose to be so stony-faced and

enigmatical.

"Touching the matter of peace," said he to Walsingham, "I have written

somewhat to her Majesty in cipher, so as I am sure you will be called for

to decipher it. If you did know how infinitely her Majesty did at my

departure and before--for in this matter of peace she hath specially used

me this good while--command me, pray me, and persuade me to further and

hasten the same with all the speed possible that might be, and how, on

the other side, I have continually been the man and the mean that have

most plainly dehorted her from such post-haste, and that she should never

make good peace without a puissant army in the field, you would then say

that I had now cause to fear her displeasure for being too slow, and not

too forward. And as for all the reasons which in my last letters are set

down, her Majesty hath debated them with me many times."

And thus midsummer was fast approaching, the commonwealth was without a

regular government, Leicester remained in England nursing his wrath and

preparing his schemes, the Queen was at Greenwich, corresponding with

Alexander Farnese, and sending riddles to Buckhurst, when the enemy--who,

according to her Majesty, was "quite unable to attempt the siege of any

town" suddenly appeared in force in Flanders, and invested Sluy's. This

most important seaport, both for the destiny of the republic and of

England at that critical moment, was insufficiently defended. It was

quite time to put an army in the field, with a governor-general to

command it.

On the 5th June there was a meeting of the state-council at the Hague.

Count Maurice, Hohenlo, and Moeurs were present, besides several members

of the States-General. Two propositions were before the council. The

first was that it was absolutely necessary to the safety of the republic,

now that the enemy had taken the field, and the important city of Sluy's

was besieged, for Prince Maurice to be appointed captain-general, until

such time as the Earl of Leicester or some other should be sent by her

Majesty. The second was to confer upon the state-council the supreme

government in civil affairs, for the same period, and to repeal all

limitations and restrictions upon the powers of the council made secretly

by the Earl.

Chancellor Leoninus, "that grave, wise old man," moved the propositions.

The deputies of the States were requested to withdraw. The vote of each

councillor was demanded. Buckhurst, who, as the Queen's

representative--together with Wilkes and John Norris--had a seat in the

council, refused to vote. "It was a matter," he discreetly observed with

which "he had not been instructed by her Majesty to intermeddle." Norris

and Wilkes also begged to be excused from voting, and, although earnestly

urged to do so by the whole council, persisted in their refusal. Both

measures were then carried.

No sooner was the vote taken, than an English courier entered the

council-chamber, with pressing despatches from Lord Leicester. The

letters were at once read. The Earl announced his speedy arrival, and

summoned both the States-General and the council to meet him at Dort,

where his lodgings were already taken. All were surprised, but none more

than Buckhurst, Wilkes, and Norris; for no intimation of this sudden

resolution had been received by them, nor any answer given to various

propositions, considered by her Majesty as indispensable preliminaries to

the governor's visit.

The council adjourned till after dinner, and Buckhurst held conference

meantime with various counsellors and deputies. On the reassembling of

the board, it was urged by Barneveld, in the name of the States, that the

election of Prince Maurice should still hold good. "Although by these

letters," said he, "it would seem that her Majesty had resolved upon the

speedy return of his Excellency, yet, inasmuch as the counsels and

resolutions of princes are often subject to change upon new occasion, it

does not seem fit that our late purpose concerning Prince Maurice should

receive any interruption."

Accordingly, after brief debate, both resolutions, voted in the morning,

were confirmed in the afternoon.

"So now," said Wilkes, "Maurice is general of all the forces, 'et quid

sequetur nescimus.'"

But whatever else was to follow, it was very certain that Wilkes would

not stay. His great enemy had sworn his destruction, and would now take

his choice, whether to do him to death himself, or to throw him into the

clutch of the ferocious Hohenlo. "As for my own particular," said the

counsellor, "the word is go, whosoever cometh or cometh not," and he

announced to Walsingham his intention of departing without permission,

should he not immediately receive it from England. "I shall stay to be

dandled with no love-days nor leave-takings," he observed.

But Leicester had delayed his coming too long. The country felt that

it-had been trifled with by his: absence--at so critical a period--of

seven months. It was known too that the Queen was secretly treating with

the enemy, and that Buckhurst had been privately sounding leading

personages upon that subject, by her orders. This had caused a deep,

suppressed indignation. Over and over again had the English government

been warned as to the danger of delay. "Your length in resolving;" Wilkes

had said, "whatsoever your secret purposes may be--will put us to new

plunges before long." The mission of Buckhurst was believed to be "but a

stale, having some other intent than was expressed." And at last, the new

plunge had been fairly taken. It seemed now impossible for Leicester to

regain the absolute authority, which he coveted; and which he had for a

brief season possessed. The States-General, under able leaders, had

become used to a government which had been forced upon them, and which

they had wielded with success. Holland and Zeeland, paying the whole

expense of the war, were not likely to endure again the absolute

sovereignty of a foreigner, guided by a back stairs council of reckless

politicians--most of whom were unprincipled, and some of whom had been

proved to be felons--and established, at Utrecht, which contributed

nothing to the general purse. If Leicester were really-coming, it seemed

certain that he would be held to acknowledge the ancient constitution,

and to respect the sovereignty of the States-General. It was resolved

that he should be well bridled. The sensations of Barneveld and his party

may therefore be imagined, when a private letter of Leicester, to his

secretary "the fellow named Junius," as Hohenlo called him--having been

intercepted at this moment, gave them an opportunity of studying the

Earl's secret thoughts.

The Earl informed his correspondent that he was on the point of starting

for the Netherlands. He ordered him therefore to proceed at once to

reassure those whom he knew well disposed as to the good intentions of

her Majesty and of the governor-general. And if, on the part of Lord

Buckhurst or others, it should be intimated that the Queen was resolved

to treat for peace with the King of Spain; and wished to have the opinion

of the Netherlanders on that subject, he was to say boldly that Lord

Buckhurst never had any such charge, and that her Majesty had not been

treating at all. She had only been attempting to sound the King's

intentions towards the Netherlands, in case of any accord. Having

received no satisfactory assurance on the subject, her Majesty was

determined to proceed with the defence of these countries. This appeared

by the expedition of Drake against Spain, and by the return of the Earl,

with a good cumber of soldiers paid by her Majesty, over and above her

ordinary subsidy.

"You are also;" said the Earl, "to tell those who have the care of the

people" (the ministers of the reformed church and others), "that I am

returning, in the confidence that they will, in future, cause all past

difficulties to cease, and that they will yield to me a legitimate

authority, such as befits for administering the sovereignty of the

Provinces, without my being obliged to endure all the oppositions and

counter-minings of the States, as in times past. The States must content

themselves with retaining the power which they claim to have exercised

under the governors of the Emperor and the King--without attempting

anything farther during my government--since I desire to do nothing of

importance without the advice of the council, which will be composed

legitimately of persons of the country. You will also tell them that her

Majesty commands me to return unless I can obtain from the States the

authority which is necessary, in order not to be governor in appearance

only and on paper. And I wish that those who are good may be apprized of

all this, in order that nothing may happen to their prejudice and ruin,

and contrary to their wishes."

There were two very obvious comments to be made upon this document.

Firstly, the States--de jure, as they claimed, and de facto most

unquestionably--were in the position of the Emperor and King. They were

the sovereigns. The Earl wished them to content themselves with the power

which they exercised under the Emperor's governors. This was like

requesting the Emperor, when in the Netherlands, to consider himself

subject to his own governor. The second obvious reflection was that the

Earl, in limiting his authority by a state-council, expected, no doubt,

to appoint that body himself--as he had done before--and to allow the

members only the right of talking, and of voting,--without the power of

enforcing their decisions. In short, it was very plain that Leicester

meant to be more absolute than ever.

As to the flat contradiction given to Buckhurst's proceedings in the

matter of peace, that statement could scarcely deceive any one who had

seen her Majesty's letters and instructions to her envoy.

It was also a singularly deceitful course to be adopted by Leicester

towards Buckhurst and towards the Netherlands, because his own private

instructions, drawn up at the same moment, expressly enjoined him to do

exactly what Buckhurst had been doing. He was most strictly and earnestly

commanded to deal privately with all such persons as bad influence with

the "common sort of people," in order that they should use their

influence with those common people in favour of peace, bringing vividly

before them the excessive burthens of the war, their inability to cope

with so potent a prince as Philip, and the necessity the Queen was under

of discontinuing her contributions to their support. He was to make the

same representations to the States, and he was further most explicitly to

inform all concerned, that, in case they were unmoved by these

suggestions, her Majesty had quite made up her mind to accept the

handsome offers of peace held out by the King of Spain, and to leave them

to their fate.

It seemed scarcely possible that the letter to Junius and the

instructions for the Earl should have been dated the same week, and

should have emanated from the same mind; but such was the fact.

He was likewise privately to assure Maurice and Hohenlo--in order to

remove their anticipated opposition to the peace--that such care should

be taken in providing for them, as that "they should have no just cause

to dislike thereof, but to rest satisfied withal."

With regard to the nature of his authority, he was instructed to claim a

kind of dictatorship in everything regarding the command of the forces,

and the distribution of the public treasure. All offices were to be at

his disposal. Every florin contributed by the States was to be placed in

his hands, and spent according to his single will. He was also to have

plenary power to prevent the trade in victuals with the enemy by death

and confiscation.

If opposition to any of these proposals were made by the States-General,

he was to appeal to the States of each Province; to the towns and

communities, and in case it should prove impossible for him "to be

furnished with the desired authority," he was then instructed to say that

it was "her Majesty's meaning to leave them to their own counsel and

defence, and to withdraw the support that she had yielded to them: seeing

plainly that the continuance of the confused government now reigning

among them could not but work their ruin."

Both these papers came into Barneveld's hands, through the agency of

Ortel, the States' envoy in England, before the arrival of the Earl in

the Netherlands.

Of course they soon became the topics of excited conversation and of

alarm in every part of the country. Buckhurst, touched to the quick by

the reflection upon those--proceedings of his which had been so

explicitly enjoined upon him, and so reluctantly undertaken--appealed

earnestly to her Majesty. He reminded her, as delicately as possible,

that her honour, as well as his own, was at stake by Leicester's insolent

disavowals of her authorized ambassador. He besought her to remember

"what even her own royal hand had written to the Duke of Parma;" and how

much his honour was interested "by the disavowing of his dealings about

the peace begun by her Majesty's commandment." He adjured her with much

eloquence to think upon the consequences of stirring up the common and

unstable multitude against their rulers; upon the pernicious effects of

allowing the clergy to inflame the passions of the people against the

government. "Under the name of such as have charge over the people," said

Buckhurst, "are understood the ministers and chaplains of the churches in

every town, by the means of whom it, seems that his Lordship tendeth his

whole purpose to attain to his desire of the administration of the

sovereignty." He assured the Queen that this scheme of Leicester to seize

virtually upon that sovereignty, would be a disastrous one. "The States

are resolved," said he, "since your Majesty doth refuse the sovereignty,

to lay it upon no creature else, as a thing contrary to their oath and

allegiance to their country." He reminded her also that the States had

been dissatisfied with the Earl's former administration, believing that

he had exceeded his commission, and that they were determined therefore

to limit his authority at his return. "Your sacred Majesty may consider,"

he said, "what effect all this may work among the common and ignorant

people, by intimating that, unless they shall procure him the

administration of such a sovereignty as he requireth, their ruin may

ensue." Buckhurst also informed her that he had despatched Councillor

Wilkes to England, in order that he might give more ample information on

all these affairs by word of mouth than could well be written.

It need hardly be stated that Barneveld came down to the states'-house

with these papers in his hand, and thundered against the delinquent and

intriguing governor till the general indignation rose to an alarming

height. False statements of course were made to Leicester as to the

substance of the Advocate's discourse. He was said to have charged upon

the English government an intention to seize forcibly upon their cities,

and to transfer them to Spain on payment of the sums due to the Queen

from the States, and to have declared that he had found all this treason

in the secret instructions of the Earl. But Barneveld had read the

instructions, to which the attention of the reader has just been called,

and had strictly stated the truth which was damaging enough, without need

of exaggeration.

ETEXT EDITOR'S BOOKMARKS:

All business has been transacted with open doors

Beacons in the upward path of mankind

Been already crimination and recrimination more than enough

Casting up the matter "as pinchingly as possibly might be"

Disposed to throat-cutting by the ministers of the Gospel

During this, whole war, we have never seen the like

Even to grant it slowly is to deny it utterly

Evil is coming, the sooner it arrives the better

Fool who useth not wit because he hath it not

Guilty of no other crime than adhesion to the Catholic faith

Individuals walking in advance of their age

Never peace well made, he observed, without a mighty war

Rebuked him for his obedience

Respect for differences in religious opinions

Sacrificed by the Queen for faithfully obeying her orders

Succeeded so well, and had been requited so ill

Sword in hand is the best pen to write the conditions of peace

Their existence depended on war

They chose to compel no man's conscience

Torturing, hanging, embowelling of men, women, and children

Universal suffrage was not dreamed of at that day

Waiting the pleasure of a capricious and despotic woman

Who the "people" exactly were

HISTORY OF THE UNITED NETHERLANDS

From the Death of William the Silent to the Twelve Year's Truce--1609

By John Lothrop Motley

History United Netherlands, Volume 53, 1587