I. Large communal houses several stories high.

(_a_) Composed of one or two, seldom three, extensive buildings,

generally so disposed as to surround an interior court.

(_b_) Polygonal pueblos.

(_c_) Scattered pueblos, composed of a number of large many-storied

houses, disposed in a more or less irregular manner; sometimes in

irregular squares or on a line.

(_d_) Artificial caves, resembling in number, size, and disposition

of the cells the many-storied communal dwelling.

(_e_) Many-storied dwellings, with artificial walls, erected inside

of natural caves of great size.

II. Detached family dwellings, either isolated or in groups forming

villages.

[Footnote 11: Arch. Inst. of America, 5th Ann. Rept., p. 55; and

Arch. Inst. of America, Papers, American series, IV, p. 27.]

Many hundreds of ruins have been examined by Mr Bandelier, and doubtless

the classification above afforded a convenient working basis for the

region with which he is most familiar, the basin of the Rio Grande and

its tributaries. It does not apply very well to the western part of the

pueblo region.

The distinguishing characteristics of the first group (of five

classes)--houses several stories high--are as follows: Each building

consisted of an agglomeration of a great number of small cells, without

any larger halls of particularly striking dimensions. All the buildings,

except outhouses or additions, were at least two stories high, and the

lower story was entered only from the roof. The various stories receded

from the bottom to the top. The prevalence of the estufa (kiva)

generally, or often, circular in form.

Ruins of class II--detached family dwellings--consist sometimes of a

single room; more often of several rooms. The rooms are generally built

of stone, although examples constructed of mud and adobe are also found

in certain regions. The average size of the room is larger than in the

communal building, and there is a gradual increase in size of rooms from

north to south. There are front doorways and light and air holes are

larger than in the communal houses. Mr Bandolier suggests that the

detached family dwelling was the early type, and that only when enemies

began to threaten were the communal houses resorted to for purposes of

defense.

This classification is apparently based on external form alone, without

taking into account the numerous influences which modify or produce

form; and while no doubt it was sufficient for field use, it is not

likely to be permanently adopted; for there does not appear to be any

essential or radical difference between the various classes. Moreover,

there does not appear to be any place in the scheme for the cliff ruins

of the variety especially abundant in De Chelly and found in many other

localities, unless indeed such ruins come under class II--detached

family dwellings; yet this would imply precedence in time, and the ruins

themselves will not permit such an inference.

The essential uniformity of types which prevails over the immense area

covered by the ancient pueblo ruins is a noteworthy feature, and any

system of classification which does not take it into account must be

considered as only tentative. What elements should be considered and

what weight assigned to each in preparing a scheme of classification is

yet to be determined, but probably one of the most important elements is

the character of the site occupied, with reference to its convenience

and defensibility. There are great differences in kind between the great

valley pueblos, located without reference to defense and depending for

security on their size and the number of their population, of which Zuni

and Taos are examples, and the villages which are located on high mesas

and projecting tongues of rock; in other words, on defensive sites where

reliance for security was placed on the character of the site occupied,

such as the Tusayan villages of today. Within each of these classes

there are varieties, and there are also secondary types which pertain

sometimes to one, sometimes to the other, and sometimes to both. Such

are the cliff ruins, the cavate lodges, and the single house remains.

The unit of pueblo architecture is the single cell, and in its

development the highest point reached is the aggregation of a great

number of such cells into one or more clusters, either connected with or

adjacent to each other. These cells were all the same, or essentially

so; for while differentiation in use or function had been or was being

developed at the time of the Spanish conquest, differentiation in form

had not been reached. The kiva, of circular or rectangular shape, is a

survival and not a development.

Large aggregations of many cells into one cluster are the latest

development of pueblo architecture. They were immediately preceded by a

type composed of a larger number of smaller villages, located on sites

selected with reference to their ease of defense, and apparently the

change from the latter to the former type was made at one step, without

developing any intermediate forms. The differences between the largest

examples of villages on defensive sites and the smallest appear to be

only differences of size. Doubtless in the early days of pueblo

architecture small settlements were the rule. Probably these settlements

were located in the valleys, on sites most convenient for horticulture,

each gens occupying its own village. Incursions by neighboring wild

tribes, or by hostile neighbors, and constant annoyance and loss at

their hands, gradually compelled the removal of these little villages to

sites more easily defended, and also forced the aggregation of various

related gentes into one group or village. At a still later period the

same motive, considerably emphasized perhaps, compelled a further

removal to even more difficult sites. The Tusayan villages at the time

of the Spanish discovery were located on the foothills of the mesas, and

many pueblo villages at that period occupied similar sites. Actuated by

fear of the Ute and Comanche, and perhaps of the Spaniards, the

inhabitants soon after moved to the top of the mesa, where they now are.

Many villages stopped at this stage. Some were in this stage at the time

of the discovery--Acoma, for example. Finally, whole villages whose

inhabitants spoke the same language combined to form one larger village,

which, depending now on size and numbers for defense, was again located

on a site convenient for horticulture.

The process sketched above was by no means continuous. The population

was in slow but practically constant movement, much the same as that now

taking place in the Zuni country; it was a slow migration. Outlying

settlements were established at points convenient to cultivable fields,

and probably were intended to be occupied only during the summer.

Sometimes these temporary sites might be found more convenient than that

of the parent village, and it would gradually come about that some of

the inhabitants would remain there all the year. Eventually the

temporary settlement might outgrow the parent, and would in turn put out

other temporary settlements. This process would be possible only during

prolonged periods of peace, but it is known to have taken place in

several regions. Necessarily hundreds of small settlements, ranging in

size from one room to a great many, would be established, and as the

population moved onward would be abandoned, without ever developing into

regular villages occupied all the year. It is believed that many of the

single house remains of Mr Bandelier's classification[12] belong to this

type, as do also many cavate lodges, and in the present paper it will be

shown that some at least of the cliff ruins belong to the same category.

[Footnote 12: See a paper by the author on "Aboriginal remains in

Verde valley, Arizona," in 13th Ann. Rept. Bureau of Ethnology, p.

179 et seq.]

The cliff ruins are a striking feature, and the ordinary traveler is apt

to overlook the more important ruins which sometimes, if not generally,

are associated with them. The study of the ruins in Canyon de Chelly has

led to the conclusion that the cliff ruins there are generally

subordinate structures, connected with and inhabited at the same time as

a number of larger home villages located on the canyon bottom, and

occupying much the same relation to the latter that Moen-kapi does to

Oraibi, or that Nutria, Pescado, and Ojo Caliente do to Zuni; and that

they are the functional analogues of the "watch towers" of the San Juan

and of Zuni, and the brush shelters or "kisis" of Tusayan: in other

words, they were horticultural outlooks occupied only during the farming

season.

Mr G. Nordenskioeld, who examined a number of cliff and other ruins in

the Mancos canyon and the Mesa Verde region, adopts[13] a very simple

classification, as follows:

I. Ruins in the valleys, on the plains, or on the plateaus.

II. Ruins in caves in the walls of the canyons, subdivided as follows:

(a) Cave dwellings, or caves inhabited without the erection

of any buildings within them.

(b) Cliff dwellings, or buildings erected in caves.

[Footnote 13: The Cliff Dwellers of the Mesa Verde, pp. 9 and 114.]

From its topographic character it might be expected that the Canyon de

Chelly ruins would hardly come within a scheme of classification based

upon those found in the open country; and here, if anywhere, we should

find corroboration of the old idea that the cliff ruins were the homes

and last refuge of a race harassed by powerful enemies and finally

driven to the construction of dwellings in inaccessible cliffs, where a

last ineffectual stand was made against their foes; or the more recent

theory that they represent an early stage in the development of pueblo

architecture, when the pueblo builders were few in number and surrounded

by numerous enemies. Neither of these theories are in accord with the

facts of observation. The still later idea that the cliff dwellings were

used as places of refuge by various pueblo tribes who, when the occasion

for such use was passed, returned to their original homes, or to others

constructed like them, may explain some of the cliff ruins, but if

applicable at all to those of De Chelly, it applies only to a small

number of them.

[Illustration: Plate XLIII

Detailed Map of Part of Canyon De Chelly

Showing Areas of Cultivatable Land]

The ruins of De Chelly show unmistakably several periods of occupancy,

extending over considerable time and each fairly complete. They fall

easily into the classification previously suggested, and exhibit various

types, but the earliest and the latest forms are not found. In the

descriptions which follow the classification below has been employed:

I--Old villages on open sites.

II--Home villages on bottom lands.

III--Home villages located for defense.

IV--Cliff outlooks or farming shelters.

The Cliff Ruins of Canyon de Chelly, Arizona Sixteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1894-95, Government Printing Office, Washington, 1897, pages 73-198 · 第 11 / 30 题