CHAPTER VI.

THE HISTORY OF SHIPS AND SHIPPING INTERESTS (_continued_).

The Clyde and its Ship-building Interests—From Henry Bell to

Modern Ship-builders—The First Royal Naval Steamer—The First

Regular Sea-going Steamer—The Revolution in Ship-building—The Iron

Age—“Will Iron Float?”—The Invention of the

Screw-propeller—Ericsson, Smith, and Woodcroft—American

’Cuteness—Captain Stockton and his Boat—The First Steamer to Cross

the Atlantic—Voyages of the _Sirius_ and _Great Western_—The

International Struggle—The Collins and Cunard Lines—Fate of the

_Arctic_—The _Pacific_ never heard of more—Why the Cunard Company

has been Successful—Splendid Discipline on Board their Vessels—The

Fleets that Leave the Mersey.

What a contrast to the days of Henry Bell does the Clyde now present! From

a mere salmon stream it has become, in little more than half a century, by

far the largest and most important ship-building river in the wide world.

“Ancient historians have told us that when the first Punic war roused the

citizens of Rome to extraordinary exertions in the equipment of a fleet

for the destruction of the maritime supremacy of Carthage, the banks of

the Tiber resounded with the axe and the hammer, and that the extent of

the ship-building operations then carried on was a matter not merely of

surprise, but of wonder. How insignificant, however, was that sound when

compared with that of the steam-hammer and the anvil, and the din of the

work now to be heard on the banks of the Clyde. For miles on both sides of

the river stupendous ship-building yards line its banks, employing tens of

thousands of hardy and skilled mechanics earning their daily bread, as God

has destined all men to do, by ‘the sweat of their brow.’... Along those

banks there is now annually constructed a much larger amount of steam

tonnage than in all the other ports of Europe combined, those of England

alone excepted.” These great private yards have been and will be

invaluable in war times. Take such a firm as that of John Elder and Co.,

Fairfield, Glasgow, whose works cover sixty acres of ground. They have

built vessels in the course of a year aggregating 35,000 to 40,000 tons,

and have contracted for as many as six 4,000-ton steam-ships at a time.

One of these was delivered to her owners complete and ready for sea, with

steam up, within thirteen months of the time she was contracted for.

Bell’s _Comet_ was only of thirty tons, and its engine but of four-horse

power! Mr. James Deas, C.E., in a work on the Clyde and its commerce, &c.,

says:—“It was no uncommon occurrence for the passengers, when the little

steamer was getting exhausted, to take to turning the fly-wheel to assist

her.”(29) Poor Bell, like so many of the pioneers of grand and important

undertakings, did not profit much by his successful application of steam

to navigation, and in his declining years was chiefly supported by an

annuity of £50 granted by the Clyde trustees.

While the public, after the successful experiments already mentioned, and

others which followed, were beginning to appreciate the value of steamers,

the Admiralty would have nothing to do with them, and it took them about

forty years before they reluctantly applied steam to war vessels. The

absolutely first steam vessel built for the Royal Navy was a tug, also

named the _Comet_. She was constructed in 1819, after some experiments had

convinced Lord Melville and Sir George Cockburn of the value of steam

power in towing men-of-war. “At this period, Mr. Ronnie, who planned the

breakwater at Plymouth and new London Bridge, was ‘advising engineer’ to

the Admiralty, and on every occasion urged the application of steam power

to vessels of war. More than this, he hired at his own cost the Margate

steam-boat, the _Eclipse_, and successfully towed the _Eastings_, 74,

against the tide from Woolwich to Gravesend, June 14th, 1819. On this, the

Admiralty, supported by Lord Melville, gave up their objections.”(30)

Still, practically, it was not till after the Crimean war that steam

became the leading motive power in our war navy. The merchants were more

sensible. Mr. David Napier had, in 1818, launched a steamer of ninety tons

burden—the _Rob Roy_—from the yard of Mr. William Denny, of Dumbarton. For

two years she ran between Glasgow and Belfast, carrying the mails, and was

the first regular _sea-going steamer_ which had been built in either

Europe or the United States. But she also calls for particular mention for

another reason: she was subsequently transferred to the English Channel as

a packet-boat between Dover and Calais. And there are still, no doubt,

many travellers or residents of those towns who can remember the

inauguration of what is now a most important service. The same Napier,

whose name is very intimately connected with the history of the marine

engine, which he was constantly striving to improve, inaugurated, with the

assistance of capitalists, a line between Liverpool, Greenock, and

Glasgow. Next followed a line from London to Leith, which commenced with

two steamers, each fitted with engines of fifty horse-power. Now came an

immense advance, for in 1826, the first of the then considered “leviathan”

class of steamers—the _United Kingdom_—was built for the trade between

London and Edinburgh. She was 160 feet long, with engines of 200

horse-power. “People flocked from all quarters to inspect and admire her.”

[Illustration: THE “UNITED KINGDOM”.

(_From a Drawing by E. W. Cooke, R.A._)]

Although these two lines of regular steam communication between Liverpool

and the river Clyde, and between London and Edinburgh, were now

successfully established and proved of considerable importance in the

encouragement of steam navigation elsewhere, some years elapsed before

those rapid strides were made in its adaptation as a propelling power

which have rendered it one of the wonders of the present age. Indeed, this

power would probably never have made such an extraordinary advance had

iron not been adopted instead of wood for the construction of our ships.

Hitherto throughout all ages, timber alone had been used in ship-building.

The forests of Lebanon had supplied the naval architects of Tyre with

their materials; Italy cultivated her woods with unusual care so that

sufficient trees might be grown for the timber-planking and masts of ships

for its once powerful maritime republics; and in our own time how often

have we heard fears expressed that Great Britain would not be able to

continue the supply of sufficient oak for her royal dockyards, much less

for her merchant fleets? Yet, when shrewd, far-seeing men, no farther back

than the year 1830, talked about substituting iron for the “ribs” of a

ship instead of “timber,” and iron plates for “planking” instead of oak,

what, a howl of derision the public raised.

“‘Who ever heard of iron floating?’ they derisively inquired,” says

Lindsay. “It is true they might have seen old tin kettles float on every

pool of water before their doors almost any day of their lives—nay,

floating even more buoyantly than their discarded wooden coal-boxes, but

such common-place instructors were beneath their notice. Timber-built

ships had from time immemorial been in use in every nation and on every

sea, and had bravely battled with the storm from the days of Noah, and

were these, they sneeringly asked, to be supplanted by a material which in

itself would naturally sink? Such was the reasoning of the period; and,

indeed, the best of the arguments against the use of iron rested on

scarcely more solid foundation.”(31)

It is true that so early as 1809, Richard Trevethick and Robert Dickenson

had proposed to build “large ships with decks, beams, and sides of plate

iron,” and had even suggested “masts, yards, and spars” of iron, which

latter are now by no means uncommon. “But,” says Lindsay, “as these

inventors or patentees did not put their ideas into practice, no other

person (if, indeed, any other person gave even a passing thought to the

subject) was convinced that any craft beyond a boat or a river-barge could

be constructed of iron, much less that if made in the form of a ship, this

material would oppose more effectual resistance to the storms of the

ocean, or, if dashed upon the strand, to the angry fury of the waves, than

timber, however scientifically put together. But though no available

substance can withstand the raging elements with less chance of

destruction than plates of iron riveted together in the form of a boiler

(the principle on which iron ships are now constructed), the public could

not then appreciate their superior value; and it was not until 1818 that

the first _iron vessel_ was built.” This vessel is in use even now. Three

years afterwards a steam-engine was, for the first time, fitted into a

vessel built of iron—the _Aaron Manby_—constructed for Mr. Manby and

Captain Napier, afterwards Admiral Sir Charles Napier. Gradually the

suitableness of these vessels was becoming apparent, and from this time

dates the establishment of some of the greatest ship-building yards, like

those of the Lairds and Fairbairns. In 1834 the first-named firm built the

_Garry Owen_ for service between Limerick and Kilrush. Almost fortunately,

she was driven on shore with a number of wooden vessels, all of which were

wrecked or seriously damaged, while she got off with scarcely any damage,

and the credit of iron vessels became improved. But another of the chief

and more tenable objections to the extended use of iron vessels was the

perturbation of the compass. This has been clearly shown to proceed almost

entirely from the proximity of iron _not_ forming a part of the _hull_ of

the ship, the magnetic influence of which is comparatively even all round.

A funnel, tank, boilers, the machinery, the iron fastenings even of a

deck-house, &c., may all have their influences. Still these influences are

now regulated and understood, and iron ships are more commonly employed

than those of wood, showing that it is not an objection which can be urged

to-day. After the early steamers came by degrees iron sailing vessels,

till at length we find iron applied to a grand steamer, magnificent then

and first-class still, the _Great Britain_. “Experience by degrees

successfully met almost every objection; and science was again triumphant

over prejudice and ignorance. Iron had been made not merely to float, but

to ride buoyantly over the crest of the wave amid the raging elements.”

[Illustration: SECTION AND PLAN OF THE STERN OF A SCREW STEAMER.]

Then came the introduction of the screw-propeller, which, if we are to

believe some authorities, is an early invention of the Chinese. There have

been many claims to its invention in modern times. In May, 1804, Mr. J.

Stevens, of the United States, put to sea with a steam-boat propelled with

some form of screw. Trevethick, the engineer, in 1815, patented “a worm or

screw revolving in a cylinder at the head, sides, or stern of a vessel;”

and the following year, Robert Kinder applied for a patent for a shaft and

screw almost of exactly the form now in use. The French claim it, and only

a few years since erected at Boulogne a monument to Frédéric Sauvage, as

its inventor. On the front is a bronze bas-relief showing a vessel with a

screw-propeller. Sauvage’s life was similar to those of many other

inventors, in that he spent his days and fortune in perfecting inventions

which brought him no profit. Having lost his own money, and got into great

difficulties, he was thrown into a debtors’ prison, and subsequently ended

his days in a madhouse. Lindsay remarks properly that “the number of

claimants to every important invention is remarkable. An impartial student

will, however, probably come to the conclusion that the invention of the

screw and its application was, like that of the steam-engine itself, the

sole property of no one man.” The time for its development and proper use

had come, and many scientific students were inquiring concerning its

value.

There can be little doubt that the first demonstration in our country of

its value on a proper scale and in convincing form, was that made by

Captain John Ericsson, a Swedish engineer resident in London. After a

successful experiment with a model, he had a boat built forty-five feet in

length, and fitted with engine and two propellers. She was named the

_Francis B. Ogden_. “The result of her first trial went far beyond his

most sanguine expectations. No sooner were the engines put at full speed,

than she shot ahead at the rate of more than ten miles an hour.”

Afterwards she towed a schooner of 140 tons burden at seven miles an hour.

The next experiment was made in the presence of the Lords of the

Admiralty, and they were minute in their inspection. Ericsson felt

confident that they were convinced, and would soon order the construction

of a war-vessel on the new principle. In this, however, he was

disappointed, though he had given them a tolerably good proof of its value

by towing their barge at the rate of ten miles an hour for a considerable

distance. Scientific theorists reported against it, and said that a ship

thus propelled would be unsteerable. Lindsay records how Admiral Beechey,

one of the old school, in 1850, stated that “he did not believe that the

navy of the future—the Royal Navy—ever could consist of steamers! Nor

could he endure iron ships.”

While Ericsson was thus employed, Mr. Thomas Pettit Smith, who, on the

31st May, 1836, had taken out a patent for a “sort of screw or ‘worm,’

made to revolve rapidly under water in a recess or open space formed in

that part of the after-part of the vessel commonly called the dead rising

or dead wood of the stern,” was experimenting, and the following year

exhibited it in practical form in a small vessel. It appeared to several

gentlemen so satisfactory that a company was formed in July, 1839, to

purchase the patent. It was now applied to a vessel called the

_Archimedes_, the burden of which was 237 tons, and although her speed was

somewhat less than Ericsson’s vessel, the trial was undeniably

satisfactory, more especially as it was obvious that her engine was really

not large enough for a propeller of the size. In her next trials against

the _Widgeon_, the fastest paddle-wheel steamer then running between Dover

and Calais, the success of the screw might be regarded as an established

fact. The _Archimedes_ laboured under the disadvantage of having ten

horse-power less steam, while her burden was seventy-five tons more; she

had the advantage of carrying more sail. On the first three trials the

_Widgeon_ had a very slight advantage, in spite of her superior

steam-power and smaller tonnage, while on the last two the _Archimedes_

made the trip in less time than it had ever previously been performed by

any of the mail packets. Captain Chappell, R.N., afterwards took her clear

round England and Scotland, calling at numerous ports. The Admiralty at

length ordered the construction of a screw vessel, and the lines of the

_Rattler_ were laid down on the same model as the _Alecto_, a paddle-wheel

steamer then building.

Another claimant as an inventor, who should be mentioned most honourably,

is Mr. Woodcroft, some of whose experiments were being patented in 1826.

They were not tried on a suitable scale till after the successes of

Ericsson and Smith. Woodcroft’s “varying pitch screw-propeller,” patented

in 1844, the title of which describes itself, is to-day “considered the

best and most useful type.”

In following the progress of the screw, as applicable to the propulsion of

merchant vessels,(32) and its use in other countries, we must now recur to

the period when Ericsson was making his experiments on the Thames. At that

time an intelligent gentleman, Captain Robert F. Stockton, of the United

States’ Navy, was on a visit to London; being of an inquisitive turn of

mind, like most of his countrymen, he watched with great interest the

trials with the screw then in progress, and having obtained an

introduction to Ericsson, he accompanied him on one of his experimental

expeditions on the Thames. Unlike the Lords of the British Admiralty, who

allowed eight years to elapse before they built their first

screw-propeller, the _Rattler_, Captain Stockton was so impressed with the

value and utility of the discovery, that, although he had only made a

single trip in the _Francis B. Ogden_, and that merely from London Bridge

to Greenwich, he there and then gave Ericsson a commission to build for

him two boats for the United States, with steam machinery and propeller as

proposed by him. Stockton, impressed with its practical utility for war

purposes, was undismayed by the recorded opinions of scientific men, and

formed his own judgment from what he himself witnessed. He, therefore, not

only ordered the two iron boats on his own account, but at once brought

the subject before the Government of the United States, and caused various

plans and models to be made at his own expense, explaining the fitness of

the new invention for ships of war. So sanguine was he, indeed, of the

great importance of this new mode of propulsion, and so determined that

his views should be carried out, that he encouraged Ericsson to believe

that the Government of the United States would test his propeller on a

large scale; Ericsson, relying upon these promises, abandoned his

professional engagements in England, and took his departure for the United

States. But it was not until a change in the Federal administration, two

years afterwards, that Captain Stockton was able to obtain a favourable

hearing. Orders were then given to make an experiment in the _Princeton_,

which was successful. The propeller, as applied to this war vessel, was

similar in construction to that of the _Francis B. Ogden_, as well in

theory as in minute practical details. One of the boats, named after her

owner, the _Robert F. Stockton_, was built by Messrs. Laird, of

Birkenhead, and launched in 1838. She was 70 feet in length, 10 feet wide,

and drew 6 feet 9 inches of water. Her cylinders were 16 inches diameter

with 18 inches stroke, and her propellers 6 feet 4 inches in length. On

her trial trip on the Thames, made in January of the following year, she

accomplished a distance of nine miles in about half an hour with the tide,

proving the speed through the water to be between eleven and twelve miles

an hour. On her second trial, between Southwark and Waterloo Bridges, she

took in tow four laden barges with upright sides and square ends, having a

beam of fifteen feet each, and drawing four feet six inches of water. One

of these was lashed on each side, the other two being towed astern, and

though the weight of the whole must have been close upon 400 tons, and a

considerable resistance was offered by their forms, the steamer towed them

at the rate of 5½ miles an hour in slack water, or in eleven minutes

between the two bridges, a distance of one mile.

[Illustration: THE “ROBERT F. STOCKTON.”]

These experiments having been considered in every way satisfactory, the

_Robert F. Stockton_ left England for the United States in the beginning

of April, 1839, under the command of Captain Cram of the American merchant

service. Her crew consisted of four men and a boy; and having accomplished

the voyage _under sail_ in forty days, Captain Cram was presented with the

freedom of the city of New York for his daring in crossing the Atlantic in

so small a craft, constructed only for river navigation.

The first steamer to cross the Atlantic was the _Savannah_, of 300 tons,

which arrived in Liverpool from Savannah, Georgia, in thirty-one days, her

voyage having been made partly under sail. So to America belongs the

credit of having shown the practicability of employing steam power for the

most difficult and dangerous voyages. The _Savannah’s_ horse-power was too

small for her size, and although she arrived safely, the experiment was

not regarded by men of science as particularly successful. Dr. Lardner in

particular, and other scientists, expressed their belief that no vessel

could carry coal enough to steam the whole distance, and their discussions

greatly retarded the progress of Transatlantic steam navigation. The

voyage of the _Savannah_ was made in 1819; ten years elapsed before the

Atlantic traffic was renewed, so far as steam was concerned, by the

dispatch of an English-built steam-ship, the _Curaçoa_, which made several

trips from Holland to the West Indies. In 1833 a steam-ship, named the

_Royal William_, sailed from Quebec, and arrived safely at Gravesend. But

it was not till 1838 that the practicability of profitably employing

steam-ships on the Atlantic was demonstrated by the voyages of the

_Sirius_ and _Great Western_, the latter one of the finest vessels of the

day. Their arrival at New York is thus described by one of the journals of

that city:—

[Illustration: ARRIVAL OF THE “GREAT WESTERN” AT NEW YORK.]

“At three o’clock p.m., on Sunday the 22nd of April, the _Sirius_ first

descried the land, and early on Monday morning, the 23rd, anchored in the

North River immediately off the battery. The moment the intelligence was

made known, hundreds and thousands rushed, early in the morning, to the

battery. Nothing could exceed the excitement. The river was covered during

the whole day with row-boats, skiffs, and yawls, carrying the wondering

people out to get a close view of this extraordinary vessel. While people

were yet wondering how the _Sirius_ made out to cross the rude Atlantic,

it was announced, about eleven a.m. on Monday, from the telegraph, that a

huge steam-ship was in the offing. ‘_The Great Western! The Great

Western!_’ was on everybody’s tongue. About two o’clock p.m., the first

curl of her ascending smoke fell on the eyes of the thousands of anxious

spectators. A shout of enthusiasm rose in the air.” The movements of a

great steam-ship in and out of port are always watched with interest—why,

even the arrival of the “husbands’ boat” at Margate or Ramsgate is an

event! One can, then, well imagine and understand the excitement caused in

New York by the arrival of two fine vessels almost simultaneously from

England. It meant, in some branches of commerce, a complete revolution.

These first passages were made in seventeen and fifteen days respectively.

Almost immediately after this, the great Cunard Company commenced

operations, the Admiralty awarding them the mail contract. Then came the

great contest for the maritime supremacy, commercially regarded, of the

Atlantic Ocean, when American enterprise came into the field, and

organised a formidable rival to the English company in the Collins Line.

The history of this contest would fill a volume.

[Illustration: THE FIRST CUNARD STEAMER.]

The national pride of the Americans had been touched by the commercial

success of British steam-ships frequenting their ports, and they

determined, vulgarly speaking, “to have a piece of the pie.” American

genius and enterprise had sent forth a fleet of steamers to trade on their

coasts, lakes, and rivers, which a leading English authority considers

“were marvels of naval architecture, unsurpassed in speed, and in the

splendour of their equipment.” Their clipper-sailing ships “were the

finest the world had then produced, while their perfection in the art of

ship-building had even reached so high a point that they constructed

steamers to ascend rivers where there was hardly depth of water for an

Indian canoe; indeed, it was proverbially said, in honour of their skill

in the art, that their vessels would traverse valleys if only moistened by

the morning dews.” Why should they not have a great ocean line? It was

looked upon in Congress and by the country generally as almost a national

question, and it resulted in a heavy mail subsidy to Mr. Collins and his

colleagues. They immediately made arrangements for the construction of

four large vessels. Later, the Government increased the subsidy by over

one-third (from $19,250 per trip to $33,000) _but increased speed was

required in return_. How much this may have had to do with the two

terrible disasters about to be related will no doubt strike the reader.

The Collins Line commenced its voyages in 1850.

“A voyage across the Atlantic,” says Lindsay, “must ever be attended with

greater peril than almost any other ocean service of similar length and

duration; arising, as this does, from the boisterous character and

uncertainty of the weather, from the icebergs which float in huge masses

during spring along the northern line of passage, and from the many

vessels of every kind to be met with either employed in the Newfoundland

fisheries, or in the vast and daily-increasing intercourse between Europe

and America.

“In such a navigation the utmost care requires to be constantly exercised,

especially by steam-ships. Nevertheless, although the Collins Line of

steamers performed this passage with a speed hitherto unequalled, they

encountered no accidents worthy of notice during the first four years of

their career; but terrible calamities befell them soon afterwards.”

On the 21st of September, 1854, the _Arctic_, according to the usual

course, left Liverpool for New York. She had on board 233 passengers, of

whom 150 were first-class, together with a crew of 135 persons and a

valuable cargo. At mid-day on the 27th of that month, when about sixty

miles south-east of Cape Race, and during a dense fog, she came in contact

with the French steamer _Vesta_. By this collision the _Vesta_ seemed at

first to be so seriously injured, that in their terror and confusion, her

passengers, amounting to 147, and a crew of fifty men, conceived she was

about to sink, and that their only chance of safety lay in their getting

quickly into the _Arctic_. Impressed with this idea many of them rushed

into the boats, of which, as too frequently happens, one sank immediately,

and the other, containing thirteen persons, was swamped under the quarter

of the ship, all on board of her perishing. When, however, the captain of

the _Vesta_ more carefully examined his injuries, he found that though the

bows of his vessel were partially stove in, the foremost bulk-head had not

started. He therefore at once lightened his ship by the head,

strengthening the partition by every means in his power, and by great

exertions, courage, forethought, and seamanship, brought his shattered

vessel, without further loss, into the harbour of St. John’s.

In the meantime a frightful catastrophe befell the _Arctic_, and was so

little anticipated that the persons on board of her supposing that she had

only sustained a slight injury by the collision, had launched a boat for

the rescue of the passengers and crew of the _Vesta_. It was soon,

however, discovered that their own ship had sustained fatal injuries, and

the sea was rushing in so fast through three holes which had been pierced

in the hull below the water-line, that the engine fires would soon be

extinguished. The _Arctic’s_ head was therefore immediately laid for Cape

Race, the nearest point of land; but within four hours of the collision

the water reached the furnaces, and soon afterwards she foundered. As it

was blowing a strong gale at the time, some of the boats into which the

passengers and crew rushed were destroyed in launching; others which got

clear of the sinking ship were never again heard of, and only two, with

thirty-one of the crew and fourteen passengers, reached Newfoundland.

Among those who perished were the wife of Mr. Collins, and their son and

daughter; but the captain, who remained on board to the last, and the

first as well as the second and fourth officers, were saved. Seventy-two

men and four females sought refuge on a raft, which the seamen, when they

found the ship sinking, had hastily constructed; but one by one they were

swept away—every wave as it washed over the raft claiming one or more

victims as its prey; and at eight o’clock on the following morning _one_

human being alone was left out of the seventy-six persons, who only twelve

or fifteen hours before had hoped to save their lives on this temporary

structure. The solitary occupant of this fragile raft must have had a

brave heart and a strong nerve to have retained his place on it for a day

and a half after all his companions had perished, for it was not until

that time had elapsed that he was saved by a passing vessel. His tale of

how he and they parted was of the most heart-rending description.(33)

As a large portion of the first-class passengers of the _Arctic_ consisted

of persons of wealth and extensive commercial relations in the United

States, as well as in England and the colonies, and besides more than one

member of her aristocracy, the loss of the _Arctic_, and the terrible

incidents in connection with her fate, caused an unusual amount of grief

and consternation on both sides of the Atlantic.

Within little more than twelve months from this time another great

calamity befell the Collins Company, and the sad loss of their steamer

_Pacific_—from the mystery in which it was shrouded, if not as lamentable

as that of the _Arctic_ (for the soul of man has never been harrowed with

its details)—was equally deplorable. Although the ocean in this instance

has left no record of its ravages, the stern fact announced in the brief

words, “_she was never heard of_,” tells itself the sad, sad tale that a

great ship, with all her living inmates, in infancy, in manhood and old

age, and it may be full of hope and joy, had been engulfed in the blue

waters of the Atlantic—summoned, perhaps in a moment, to an eternity more

mysterious than that which surrounded their melancholy fate.

The splendid but unfortunate ship left Liverpool on the 23rd of January,

1856, having on board twenty-five first-class passengers, twenty

second-class passengers, and a crew of 141 persons, almost all of whom

were Americans. She carried the mails and a valuable cargo, the insurances

effected on her being 2,000,000 dollars. But no living soul ever returned

to tell where or how she was lost, nor were any articles belonging to her

ever found to afford a clue to her melancholy fate; it can only be

supposed that she sprang an overflowing leak, or more probably struck

suddenly when at full speed on an iceberg, and instantly foundered.

The Collins Line ceased to exist a few years after these serious

disasters, but the Cunard became more firmly established than ever, and

entered on that career of prosperity which has been the most remarkable of

any in the long list of steam-ship lines. Its fleet consisted of

forty-nine vessels in 1875, running not merely on the Atlantic service,

but to Mediterranean and other ports. A competent authority puts the money

value of the ships at about seven millions sterling. In the ocean line the

crews are engaged for a single voyage out and home. The company shipped

and discharged during the year ending July 1st, 1872, 43,000 men, which

means that they continuously employed about 8,600 persons on their ships.

About 1,500 men find regular employment in loading and unloading the

steam-ships, and from 500 to 1,500 more are engaged at the docks of the

company in Liverpool in fitting and refitting these vessels. “Hence the

company, although a private enterprise in the hands of only three

families, is entitled to rank with the great railway and other public

companies as an employer of labour.”(34) The Cunard Company, in 1861,

enrolled a regiment of Volunteer Artillery (the 11th Lancashire) 500

strong, composed entirely of their own _employés_, and they have always

shown much public spirit in Liverpool in the promotion of schools,

asylums, and other provident and charitable institutions for the seamen’s

benefit. During the Crimean war, and in 1861, when the friendly relations

between Great Britain and America were put in jeopardy by the forcible

arrest of Messrs. Mason and Slidell, when on board the Royal Mail steamer

_Trent_, the resources of the company were put into requisition for the

conveyance of troops and stores. Their two largest ships, the _Bothnia_

and _Scythia_, each of 4,535 tons burden, have saloons where 300 persons

can dine at one time, while their decks afford an unbroken promenade, for

passengers, of 425 feet.

[Illustration: THE CUNARD SCREW STEAM-SHIP “BOTHNIA.”]

The wonderful exemption from shipwreck and casualties, which is the just

pride of this company, is due to the admirable discipline and order

enforced. Take the following description of life on the _Bothnia_ as

detailed in the columns of our leading journal:—“The _Bothnia_ carries ten

boats, which are capable of containing her full complement of people; and

she has a crew of 150 officers and men, all told, divided into the three

classes of seamen, engineers and firemen, and stewards. It has always been

part of the Cunard Company’s system that every man, whatever his duties on

board the ship, should be a member of some particular boat’s crew, and

that the crew of each boat should be formed from all three of the classes

which have been mentioned.... As soon as all are on board, each man is

informed to which boat he is attached, and who is the commanding officer

of that boat, and each boat’s officer is expected to know every member of

his boat’s crew. In order to prevent mistakes, each man wears a metal

badge, with a brooch-fastening, which bears the number of his boat,” and

so forth. Before the passengers are on board, there is an inspection, the

crew being drawn up in two lines, each man being expected to answer to his

name. The muster-roll having been called, orders are given to prepare for

boat service; and the men break up into the necessary number of crews.

After the order “Boats out!” is given, the men fall to work with a will,

and the ten boats, each containing a keg of water, oars, spars, sails, an

axe, &c., are in three minutes properly launched into the water, the

captain from his place of vantage on the bridge looking sharply after

laziness or awkwardness. The same organisation of crews is applied to fire

duty. Some have charge of the buckets; others fetch and join the hose, or

take care of the jets; others are ready with wet blankets to throw over

the flames; but the essential matter is that each man has his place and

his duty. So for manning the pumps and other essential matters. These

drills over, the inspecting party proceeds to make a complete tour of the

vessel. The store-rooms are visited, and the steward cautioned never to

use any other light than a closed and locked lamp. The supply of rockets

and other signals is examined, the steering and signalling apparatus

tried, and only after everything has been found in order is the word given

for the ship to embark her passengers and proceed on her course. “If the

smallest defect,” says the _Times_, before quoted, “is discovered in any

part of a ship, no question is raised whether it will bear one voyage or

two voyages more, but the order, ‘Out with it!’ is given at once.” The

reign of order is as complete as on board a well-regulated man-of-war. On

the many other great steam-ship lines more or less of the same inspection

occurs, and on some, no doubt, the precautions taken are nearly as

careful. The Cunard Line is generally admitted to be, however, pre-eminent

in the care taken of life and property on board, the fact being that the

company has never lost a ship on the Atlantic. The illustration on page

109 shows one of their finest ships, the _Scotia_.

[Illustration: CUNARD PADDLE STEAM-SHIP “SCOTIA.”]

From the Mersey alone there are ten distinct fleets sailing to America,

including such magnificent steam-ships as those of the White Star and

Inman Lines. In the former the luxurious saloons are placed amidships, the

motion being less felt there. The Inman Line has made the quickest

passages across the Atlantic on record, and has carried as many as 50,000

steerage passengers in one year. In 1856 and 1857 this line carried 85,000

passengers, of both classes, to and from the United States, or about

one-third of all those crossing “the Great Ferry” for those years. The

shortness of time to which the Inman steamers have reduced the passage

across the Atlantic was conspicuously shown by the voyage of Prince Arthur

in 1869, who attended service at Queenstown on the Sunday morning of his

departure, and was landed at Halifax in time to attend morning service at

that place on the Sunday following. Their ship, the _City of Berlin_, of

5,500 tons, is the largest vessel afloat except the _Great Eastern_, and

has accommodation for 1,700 passengers. The White Star Line has two

vessels of 5,004 tons each, the _Britannic_ and _Germanic_. These few

facts will indicate—although we may not be able to grasp them in their

entirety—the immense growth of the ocean steam navigation in a period so

short as that which has elapsed from the first steam-voyage across the

Atlantic.

[Illustration: MR. PLIMSOLL.]

The Sea: Its Stirring Story of Adventure, Peril, & Heroism. Volume 2 · 第 6 / 22 章