The appearance and condition of Andrew Johnson before the
Senate, and representatives of foreign powers, when taking
the oath as Vice-President, March 4, 1865, was not calculated
to inspire general confidence. But, in the absence of further
display of the same kind, the public had become silent, hoping
something better. The memory of that incident threw a shadow
over the great office he was called to assume. Some were
favorably affected by the avowals of patriotism in numerous
off-hand speeches, although touching but a single chord.
Nothing was said of the great principles of Reconstruction,
but treason was to be made “odious.” The repetition of himself
impressed Chief Justice Chase, as well as Mr. Sumner, and he
said to the latter, “Let us see the President, and try to give
him another topic.” So, in company, at an early hour of the
evening, about a week after the commencement of his Presidency,
they called, and united in urging him to say something for the
equal rights of our colored fellow-citizens. Though reserved in
language, he was not unsympathetic in manner, so that, after
the interview, the Chief Justice, on reaching the street,
said: “Did you see how his face lighted at your appeal to
carry out the Declaration of Independence?” A few days later
Mr. Sumner called alone, and received from the President
positive assurance of agreement on the suffrage question.
His words were, “On this question, Mr. Sumner, there is no
difference between us,--you and I are alike.” An account of
these interviews, and the sequel, was subsequently given in an
address at Boston, October 2, 1866.
Very soon it was too apparent that the President had adopted an
opposite course. States were to be hurried back by Presidential
prerogative on the electoral basis anterior to the war. Mr.
Sumner from the beginning had regarded the votes of colored
fellow-citizens necessary to a proper reconstruction,--first,
as an act of justice to them, and, secondly, as a counterpoise
to the disloyal. He had urged this solution in the Senate, and
had repeatedly presented it to President Lincoln. The Diary of
Hon. Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy, according to an
article published by him,[247] shows how Mr. Sumner pressed
this duty in the most intimate councils. It appears that this
Secretary was at the War Department, Sunday evening, April
16th, the day after President Lincoln’s death, where he met
Speaker Colfax, Mr. Covode, the very earnest Representative
from Pennsylvania, Messrs. Dawes and Gooch, Representatives of
Massachusetts, and Mr. Sumner. After stating that Mr. Stanton
read to them the drafts of orders for the reorganization of
Virginia and North Carolina, the article proceeds:--
“Before concluding that which related to North Carolina,
Mr. Sumner interrupted the reading, and requested Mr.
Stanton to stop until he could understand whether any
provision was made for enfranchising the colored man.
Unless, said he, the black man is given the right to vote,
his freedom is mockery.
“Mr. Stanton said there were differences among our friends
on that subject, and it would be unwise, in his judgment,
to press it in this stage of the proceedings.
“Mr. Sumner declared he would not proceed a step, unless
the black man had his rights. He considered the black man’s
right to vote the essence, the great essential.”
In conformity with this declaration Mr. Sumner continued to
act, as appears in correspondence and speech. His Eulogy on
President Lincoln, at the request of the municipal authorities
of Boston, was an appeal for the black man. So also was his
private correspondence, during this summer, with Secretary
Stanton, Secretary McCulloch, Secretary Welles, Secretary
Harlan, and Attorney-General Speed, all of the Cabinet.
Meanwhile the President went forward in his “policy.” The
country was alarmed. Hon. Thaddeus Stevens, the acknowledged
leader of the House of Representatives, partook of the anxiety
which ensued. Though not yet prepared to press the ballot for
all, he was strenuous against the assumption and precipitation
of the President.
As early as May 10th he wrote to Mr. Sumner, from
Philadelphia:--
“I see the President is precipitating things. Virginia is
recognized. I fear before Congress meets he will have so
bedevilled matters as to render them incurable. It would be
well, if he would call an extra session of Congress. But I
almost despair of resisting Executive influence.”
This was followed by another letter, under date of June 3d,
from Caledonia, Penn., where were his iron-works:--
“Is it possible to devise any plan to arrest the Government
in its mad career? When will you be in Washington? Can’t we
enlist bold men enough to lay the foundation of a party to
take the helm of this Government and keep it off the rocks?”