Sudbury.—Two fragments of carving, from the former rood-screen, were

described in 1877 as having then been recently affixed to the church

chest.

Tideswell.—In 1845, Sir Stephen Glynne noted that “between the nave

and chancel is a good wood screen of Perpendicular character.” It was

“repaired” in 1882–3, the chisellings in the responds of the chancel

arch furnishing the outline of the original form of the vanished

upper portion. The lower part has been declared to be almost as

ancient as the church itself; but for the rest, it has been so much

altered and renovated that it is doubtful whether the gates or any

considerable portion of the upper half of the screen as now existing

is really authentic. The slender build of the screen has led to the

supposition that it cannot have been designed at the outset to carry

a rood-loft. That such, however, was added subsequently is clear from

the existence of the rood-stair, which, though since removed, was

standing in 1824. Its site was the western side of the north corner of

the chancel arch. It must have been a structure unusually conspicuous

compared with others built for the same purpose. It was of stone, and

occupied a space six feet square. The entrance was from the south, and

gave access to a small newel staircase, the doorway measuring about 4

ft. 2 in. in height by 22 inches in width. Some remains of it, lying

in the vicarage garden, were identified by the late Rev. Prebendary

Andrew, and described by him in the fifth volume of the _Journal of

the Derbyshire Archæological Society_ (published in 1883). What the

ancient rood-loft was like is not recorded. In the year 1724 a faculty

was obtained by one Samuel Eccles to take down an old loft (whether

the mediæval rood-loft or not it is impossible to tell) then existing

over the chancel, and to transfer it to the tower for the use and

advantage of the singers; and at the same time to erect a loft for

his own use over the entry into the chancel. The transported loft is

believed to have occupied its western position until about 1820, when

it was removed altogether, a new gallery being erected in its room.

Beside the rood-screen itself, wooden parcloses must have divided the

chantry chapels in the transepts from the nave and from the rest of the

church. At any rate a quantity of pieces of ancient wood-carving were

to be seen loose about the church in 1824, and “cart loads” of them are

said to have been removed in 1825 on the occasion of the re-pewing of

the building. A subsequent vicar, Rev. Prebendary Andrew (1864–1900),

set to work to restore as much as he could. Some pieces of woodwork he

rescued from various misuses within the church, others from private

possession in the parish. A length of carving that had been cut in two

and turned into bookstands, as well as two fragments of screenwork,

open tracery of great delicacy and beauty, he set up in the Lady

Chapel; while a third piece of tracery-work he placed in the middle

compartment of the communion table. “The parclose of the De Bower

chapel has recently”—it was written in 1877—“been restored in exactly

the same position that it previously occupied.”

Weston-on-Trent.—Rev. Dr. Cox in 1879 remarked on “the north aisle

being screened off by a parclose from the rest of the church.” The

length of the ancient rood-loft must have been the same as the width of

the nave, 18 ft. 5 in.

Wilne.—The rood-screen which occupies the chancel arch is of simple

Perpendicular workmanship. It is 18 ft. 4 in. long by 7 ft. 9 in. high.

There are ten bays, five on either side, arched. The lintel is plain,

without any kind of ornamentation applied, and there are no gates. A

small stone staircase, now walled up, to southwards of the chancel

arch, commemorates the entrance into the ancient rood-loft.

Youlgreave.—The churchwardens’ accounts, though not dating back earlier

than the beginning of the sixteenth century, contain some interesting

particulars about the rood-screen. In 1604, “the chancel gates were

boarded over,” and later in the same year occurs an item “for making

the partition betwixt the church and the chancell.” In 1661, a small

sum was paid “for 3 hinges for ye chancell gates,” which is evidence

that the rood-screen, howsoever sadly disfigured, with its doors, was

yet in existence at the above date. “There is now”—it was written in

1877—“no screen across the chancel arch, though it is in contemplation

to replace one, modelled on the mutilated remains of the lower part of

the old one, of Perpendicular design, which were removed at the time of

the ‘restoration’ (of 1869–73, by Mr. R. Norman Shaw), but have been

carefully preserved.” At about the end of the eighteenth century, the

fine old parclose erected round the eastern part of the south aisle was

removed.

Finally, I desire, as in duty bound, to acknowledge my obligations to

the Rev. Dr. Cox, whose monumental work on _The Churches of Derbyshire_

has been of inestimable service to me; to various writers, from whom I

have borrowed, in _The Reliquary_ and in the _Journal of the Derbyshire

Archæological Society_; to Rev. W. W. M. Kennedy for important

particulars concerning diocesan visitations; to Arthur Cox, Esq., of

Spondon Hall, for valuable introductions; and, lastly, to all those

clergy who have kindly allowed me to take photographs and measurements

in the churches committed to their charge.

PLANS OF THE PEAK FOREST

By Rev. J. Charles Cox, LL.D., F.S.A.

Derbyshire is fortunate in possessing a considerable number of plans

of the great tract of the Forest of the Peak, one of which is of late

Elizabethan date, and most of the remainder of the days of Charles I.

They are in safe custody in that great national storehouse in Chancery

Lane termed the Public Record Office. So far as we are aware, they have

never hitherto attracted the attention of any students of Derbyshire

history, or of any topographical writers. At all events, nothing has

hitherto been printed about them, although in many ways they are of

superlative interest.

George, Earl of Shrewsbury, the Lord-Lieutenant of the county, so

celebrated in history as the custodian of Mary Queen of Scots, was

taken again into the favour of Queen Elizabeth in his old age in

1587; he died in 1590. Some time between these two dates the Earl was

permitted to purchase a portion of the Longdendale district of the

Peak Forest, which was formally disafforested for the purpose. In

connection with this purchase, a large quaint map of the whole of the

three great divisions of the forest was prepared, on which are marked

large parallelograms, painted vermilion, where there were pasturage

rights. On the Ashop and Edale section of the forest four contiguous

large patches of vermilion are shown; these are lettered “quenes

farmes in Ashop and Edall.” Immediately to the west of these is another

large parallelogram, divided into five by parallel lines, and by the

side of this is “Edall the Quenes ma^{tes} Farmes are devided into Fyve

vacaries.” To the north of these pasturage grounds there are large

uncoloured spaces marked “Greate Waste,” and the same term is repeated

on a smaller patch to the south-east.

The section on the north-west of this plan, termed Longdendale, has

“Greate Waste” marked in various places over by far the greater portion

of the area. There is, however, a small vermilion parallelogram between

the towns of Glossop and Hayfield, the herbage of which pertained to

the Earl of Shrewsbury. A larger space in this section of the forest is

marked “The Herbage of Chynley, otherwise called Maidstonfeld. Godfrey

Bradshawe and others farm’s thereof.”

The third or southern section of the forest, called the Champion

or Champayne, has fully half of its area coloured red in somewhat

irregular patches. The largest space in the centre is lettered “The

Severalles of the Champyon,” and within this is a smaller area termed

“The Inner Severalles.” Attached to the larger space at different

angles are other areas marked “Halsted Harbage,” “Grene,” “Ferfeld

Harbage,” “Tyddeswall Harbage,” and “The Herbage of Boughtedge,

Tenauntes and Fermers thereof, viz.: Thomas Lee, Henry Bagshawe, and

George Thornehill.” There are also two nearly adjacent small patches of

which the names are not clear.

It thus becomes evident that it was only the townships or hamlets of

the Champayne division of the forest which had any claim to general

pasturage rights.

The highly interesting feature of this late Elizabethan plan is the

series of little outline pictures illustrative of the buildings of the

chief places within the forest district. Each of these is here given in

exact outline after the original, except that there is a dash of colour

on the roofs of all the buildings, which throws them into better

relief. Interesting as these are from an art point of view, they have

to be accepted with some caution as accurate in a topographical sense.

It is not, for instance, possible to imagine but that the sketch of the

Peak Castle was somewhat imaginary; nor can the sketches of some of

the churches be made to fit with the extant fabrics. It should also be

remarked that this plan is a good deal blemished in places by having

been roughly divided into three parts, with the result that several

fragments are now missing, and the sketches of Castleton and Hayfield

are somewhat mutilated.[77]

[77] When the list of the Duchy of Lancaster Maps and Plans was

recently drawn up and printed at the Public Record Office, the fact

that these three portions belonged to the same map was not recognised;

they are to be found under the respective numbers 7, 37, and 44.

[Illustration: No. 1.]

The view of Glossop may certainly be taken to prove that the old town

had its houses arranged in irregular blocks round the large church

as a centre (1). The parish church of Glossop was completely rebuilt

between 1831 and 1853; it is not, therefore, possible to say how far

the outline in the map is accurate. It is, however, fair to assume,

with regard to the churches as well as the houses, that the artist made

some effort to represent the reality, or otherwise the series of little

pictures would hardly have had so great a variety.

With regard to Hayfield church, the like difficulty arises, for the

old building was demolished in 1836; and here again it is difficult to

believe that the delineator drew this form of a church out of his own

imagination (2). In this case a portion of the hamlet on the left-hand

side has been torn off.

[Illustration: No. 2.]

The third pictured town in this division is Mellor, and in this

instance, too, the church was entirely rebuilt at the beginning of

last century, save for the western tower (3). A proof is here afforded

of some measure of accuracy, for in this case the western tower is

represented in its right place, and not as rising from the centre of

the building, as shown in the cases of Glossop and Hayfield. There

are, also, traces at the top of Mellor tower of its having formerly

supported a small spire, as is here shown.

[Illustration: No. 3.]

In the second division of the forest, viz., that of Ashop and Edale,

there are two of these township pictures, viz., Castleton and Hope.

Castleton is, unfortunately, mutilated; the parts to the left hand

of the castle are missing. As to Peak Castle, it is fairly obvious

that some effort, however poor, has been made to reproduce the actual

buildings (4). The old Norman keep of the time of Henry II. is

evidently intended to be shown in the centre of the background. The

fore-part shows the later substantial enclosing of the inner bailey,

probably of Edwardian date, most of which has long ago disappeared.

Perhaps the most interesting detail of this, the oldest picture of

the celebrated fortress, is the building within the bailey which is

surmounted by a cross, and is, therefore, clearly a detached chapel.

There are two or three entries in the record history of the Peak Castle

which have not yet been made public, which refer to this chapel as in

use in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. As to the church in the

town below, it is difficult to offer any conjecture as to how the

drawing can coincide with the present remains of the ancient church.

The draftsman seems to have had very exaggerated ideas as to the size

of the south porch.

With regard to the picture of Hope, little more can be said than that

here again it is very difficult to fit in this outline drawing with the

fabric of the church as it now exists, except that the western tower

still bears a low broached spire (5).

[Illustration: No. 4.]

The third, or Champayne, division of the forest has pictures of four

towns, viz., those of Chapel-en-le-Frith, Fairfield, Wormhill, and

Tideswell.

The various buildings that are grouped round the large church of

Chapel-en-le-Frith are sufficient to show that this old market town was

a place of some importance (6). In this case the church was rebuilt

throughout in the early part of last century, and there is very little

of historical record or other remains to tell us anything as to its

original proportions. There is, however, one gruesome record which

apparently shows that its size was considerably greater than that of

its successor; for in 1648 fifteen hundred prisoners of the Scottish

army defeated at Preston were confined within its walls when being

marched to London. They were kept in the church for over a fortnight,

and it is not surprising to learn that upwards of fifty died within

its walls. The outline drawing seems to suggest that the church was

of cruciform shape, with a tower and spire in the centre. The only

indication of a window is the large circular one of the south transept

over the porch; it is exceedingly unlikely that the draftsman produced

such a window as this from his own imagination.

[Illustration: No. 5.]

The destruction of the old churches in the Peak district was sadly

extensive about a hundred years ago. Another of the victims of the

then prevalent idea of running up a snug, cheap building, when the

old fabric had got into a state of dilapidation, was the church of

Fairfield, near Buxton (7). It was rebuilt in the years 1838–9, and

very little is known as to its original condition.

Wormhill, again, suffered after a like fashion, though at a later date

(8). The present church was rebuilt in 1863–4.

Tideswell is, perhaps, the most puzzling of all these pictures. Those

who know the singularly fine church of fourteenth century date, with

large chancel, transepts, double-aisled nave, and western tower, will

find it impossible to reconcile the outlined drawing with the church as

it really exists (9).

[Illustration: No. 6.]

We now come to the consideration of a considerably later series of

maps, which are done roughly to scale, of various townships within the

Peak forest. Derbyshire is exceptionally fortunate in having such a

series of carefully-preserved early plans. A list of the records of the

Duchy of Lancaster preserved at the Public Record Office was printed

in 1901. One section of this list is headed, “Maps and Plans”; they

consist principally of those made in the elucidation of the claims of

parties in disputes pending in the Court of the Duchy Chamber. The

three to which we have just referred are of the end of Elizabeth’s

reign, but otherwise they are almost entirely of various seventeenth

century dates. There are 116 items calendared as maps and plans at the

Public Record Office, of which Derbyshire has a large share, viz., 32,

or more than a quarter of the whole number. The reason for the making

of all these Derbyshire plans, save the three already mentioned, was

the enclosing or disafforesting of the Peak.

[Illustration: No. 7.]

During the reign of Charles I. many unhappy efforts were made to raise

funds for the Crown by re-establishing the almost extinct forest

courts. This was chiefly the work of Noy, the King’s Attorney-General,

styled by Carlyle “that invincible heap of learned rubbish.”

The revival of these courts, with all their costly and obsolete

formalities, accompanied by the imposition of absurdly heavy fines,

created bitter resentment wherever it was carried out, as in Surrey,

Berkshire, and Oxfordshire, and was, beyond doubt, one of the causes

that led to the Commonwealth trouble. In other parts of England where

there were royal forests, after the reimposition of forest law had

been so strenuously resisted, another line of action was adopted.

Attempts were made, occasionally with success, to secure money for

the Crown by the enclosure of forests, the Crown claiming a half, or

thereabouts, of the land, and selling them as soon as a title was

gained. This action led to continuous disturbance in Duffield, in the

south of Derbyshire, where the resistance made to enclosure by the

commoners and tenants was eventually successful.

[Illustration: No. 8.]

In the Peak, however, the destruction done to the crops by the small

remnant of the once vast herds of red deer was so persistent that the

commoners and others were only too ready to assent to any just scheme

of disafforesting. In 1635, various of the landowners and commoners of

the Peak petitioned the King, complaining of the severity, trouble,

and rigour of the forest laws, and praying that the deer, which were

still in sufficient numbers to do no small damage to the crops within

the forest and its purlieus, might be destroyed, and asking to be

allowed to compound by enclosing and improving the same. Thereupon a

commission of enquiry was issued, and two juries were empanelled, with

surveyors to assist them. The first jury viewed the whole forest and

its purlieus, and presented that the King might improve and enclose

one moiety in consideration of his rights, and that the other moiety

should be enclosed by the tenants, commoners and freeholders. The

second jury was empanelled to specially consider the case of the towns

within the purlieus, and they presented that the King, in view of the

largeness of the commons belonging to the towns of Chelmorton, Flagg,

Taddington, and Priestcliffe, might reasonably have for improvement and

enclosure one-third, and the remaining two-thirds for the commoners

and freeholders. A like division was to be adopted in several parts

within the forest. After some delay the commons were measured, and

surveys made of the different townships, dividing the land into three

sorts—best, middle, and worst, and the King’s share in each was

staked, and maps showing the results were drafted. The surveys were

not completed until 1640, and when all the preliminaries had been

adjusted, the King caused all the deer to be destroyed or removed, and

from that date onwards red deer were unknown within the High Peak. The

extirpation of the deer was, however, almost immediately followed by

the beginning of those “troublous times” which preceded the outbreak of

the Civil War. The whole of the proceedings towards enclosure fell into

abeyance. Soon after the restoration of the monarchy, much discussion

arose as to the revival of these projects, but it was not until 1674

that the proposals for disafforesting the open or waste portions of

the Peak Forest, and enclosing the portions that were capable of

cultivation or good for pasture, were completed. The Commissioners

appointed for this purpose were Sir John Gell, Sir John Cassy, and

fifteen others, including such well-known Peak names as Bagshawe, Eyre,

and Shallcross. The third portion assigned absolutely to the Crown was

almost immediately granted by letters patent to Thomas Eyre, of Gray’s

Inn, who speedily entered upon and enclosed the same, notwithstanding

certain futile opposition in the duchy court.

[Illustration: No. 9.]

It must have been a great assistance to the labours of these

commissioners to find that the maps of the time of Charles I., showing

the exact measurements and the three sorts of land, were still extant.

These maps, though of rough execution, are of the highest interest.[78]

[78] The following are the Record Office numbers of the maps of Charles

I.’s time:—13, Taddington and Priestcliffe; 14, 17, 22, 72, Bowden

Middlecale, etc.; 15, Castleton Commons; 18, Wormhill Commons; 19 and

107, Bradwell; 20, Mellor Moor and Commons; 23 and 79, Bowden Chapel;

38, Fairfield; 39, Hope; 40, Monyash; 89, Flagg and Chelmorton. There

are also three of Charles II. date, viz.:—16, Hope, wastes and commons;

75, Taddington; and 83, Bowden Middlecale.

[Illustration: No. 10.]

There are small, rudely-drawn and occasionally coloured outlines of

churches and houses on most of these maps. They are of a decidedly

inferior character to those on the large Elizabethan survey, but they

are still of some value. We give here two facsimiles of drawings

of Mellor church, and one of Fairfield (10). Those of Mellor are

sufficient to show that there was an aisled nave and a lower chancel in

addition to the surviving western tower. The tower appears to have lost

its low spire between the days of Elizabeth and Charles I. The drawing

of Fairfield seems to give a certain rough idea of what the old church

was like.

Occasionally the drawings on these plans, to denote the situation

of the more important halls or manor houses, are sufficient to give

a crude notion of the actual building. This is rather specially

the case with the Ridge Hall; it was a chief seat of the prolific

Bagshawe family, on the higher slopes of the hills to the west of

Chapel-en-le-Frith, which we know they occupied as early as the reign

of Edward II. (11). This hall was rebuilt on a large gabled scale in

the later Tudor or Elizabethan days. The two drawings here reproduced

are from maps of the respective reigns of Charles I. and Charles II.;

in the latter case the artist has made some endeavour to represent the

trees by which the hall was surrounded.

[Illustration: No. 11.]

The drawing of Bradshawe Hall, from a plan of 1640, is almost ludicrous

from its lack of resemblance to the real building, but seems to be

worth giving from its quaintness.

On one of the later maps the houses are drawn with more precision; but,

unfortunately, the names are not attached to some of the best examples

(in Mellor township), of which we here give two reproductions (12). The

very old set of lime-kilns at Dove Holes are most quaintly delineated

on three of the surveys.

[Illustration: No. 12.]

By far the most interesting feature of these maps, in the eyes at

least of an antiquary, are the numerous instances in which crosses are

marked. The remains of crosses and cross stumps on these Derbyshire

moors have been casually noticed from time to time by cursory writers.

In a paper contributed to the _Reliquary_ many years ago, when under

the editorship of Mr. Llewellynn Jewitt, it was asserted with some

confidence that these crosses marked out the three great divisions or

wards of the Forest of Peak. This was a natural kind of guess to make,

but investigation immediately proved that such a supposition was quite

baseless. With the possible solitary exception of the cross on the old

pack-horse track from the head of Edale into Hayfield, not one of these

crosses has any possible connection with forest bounds. Nor are they,

as has been conjectured by another writer, terminal stones of monastic

lands, for we know with a fair amount of accuracy the directions in

which such lands lay, and in no one case do these crosses correspond

with such limits. It is also quite obvious that for the most part

these Peak crosses cannot, by any stretch of imagination, be described

as mere wayside crosses, either to mark some special incident or

tragedy, or to excite the Christian devotion of the wayfarer; and this

for the simple reason that the majority of the crosses do not appear to

have been on any frequented track of either the remote or nearer past.

Nor is it possible to conceive, by those who have visited any number of

them, that they could have been utilized for the purposes of guiding or

general direction.

Memorials of old Derbyshire · 第 23 / 32 段