CHAPTER I.

MEMOIRS OF A MILLIONAIRE

BY

LUCIA TRUE AMES

AUTHOR OF “GREAT THOUGHTS FOR LITTLE THINKERS”

[Illustration]

BOSTON AND NEW YORK

HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY

=The Riverside Press, Cambridge=

1889

Copyright, 1889,

BY LUCIA TRUE AMES.

_All rights reserved._

_The Riverside Press, Cambridge, Mass., U. S. A._

Electrotyped and Printed by H. O. Houghton & Co.

Dedicated

TO

MY ONLY BROTHER, CHARLES H. AMES.

Written for all men and women to whom the privilege of American

citizenship has been vouchsafed, and to whom the stewardship of wealth

has been entrusted.

[Illustration]

EDITOR’S PREFACE.

Since the recent death of the noble woman whose name has become a

household word all over our land, and whose memoirs form the subject of

this volume, I have been repeatedly importuned to give to the public

some account of her remarkable life.

It is too soon yet to present an adequate biography, and for such a task

I should consider myself entirely unfitted. I have, however, endeavored,

though somewhat hastily, to put together such material, chiefly

selections from newspaper reports, letters, and diaries, as shall throw

light upon the numerous projects that were the outcome of her thought

and generosity, and which in certain ways are unparalleled in the annals

of those whose wealth has been devoted to the cause of humanity.

Cut off in the full ripeness of early womanhood, her work was

nevertheless accomplished, and millions shall in the ages to come reap

perennial harvests from the seed which in one short year her wisdom and

foresight sowed far and wide.

The world at large will know somewhat of her work; but only to those who

knew her best, to whom she revealed the warmth and intensity of her

strong nature, can the full beauty of her life be known.

The constant, subtle charm of her manner, now gracious and dignified,

now unconsciously naive and simple, only a master could portray. I must

content myself, therefore, with giving, in simplest words, but a few of

the many reminiscences that memory brings back of those moments which

may serve to make clear the thoughts and purposes that were the

mainspring of all her action, and which made her what she was, the

noblest woman I have ever known.

I have hesitated about using the word “Memoirs” in the title of this

volume. That word has a somewhat doleful and funereal sound, suggestive

of anything but the bright, vigorous life of her who was so intensely

warm and alive. But perhaps there is no other word that so well

expresses what I have here put together, and so I leave it as I wrote it

first, “Memoirs of a Millionaire.”

BOSTON, _June 7, 189–_.

MEMOIRS OF A MILLIONAIRE.

CHAPTER I.

The class of which I speak make themselves merry without duties. They

sit in decorated club-houses in the cities, and burn tobacco and play

whist; in the country they sit idle in stores and bar-rooms, and burn

tobacco, and gossip and sleep. They complain of the flatness of

American life; America has no illusions, no romance. They have no

perception of its destiny. They are not Americans.—EMERSON, _The

Fortune of the Republic_.

It was on the evening of election day that I first saw her. I had come

up from Salem to Boston, to spend the night and hear Booth and Barrett

the next day, and I had gone to dine at aunt Madison’s on Louisburg

Square.

The lamps had not been lighted, and we were all sitting cosily around

the open grate after dinner, talking over the _matinée_, and jesting

with two or three of Will’s college friends who were there for the

evening, when the portière was noiselessly drawn aside, and Mildred

Brewster came in with a cheery good evening.

I can recall now just how she looked, as, after the introductions were

over, she stood leaning on the back of aunt Madison’s chair, with the

ruddy glow of the firelight on her face, and her lithe figure dimly

outlined against the shadowy background.

I did not notice her much at first, for, after her blithe greeting, on

seeing strangers she had drawn back into the shadow and sat so quietly

that I, carrying on a gay banter with the young men, had almost

forgotten her.

I do not remember what was said at first. It did not make much

impression on me at the time, until, after a while, the talk grew a

little more serious, and the young men began to speak of their plans for

the future. They were all seniors, and each of them, except Will, had

plenty of money in his own right, with apparently nothing in life more

burdensome to do than to draw checks and order dinners at Young’s.

They were a handsome trio, broad-chested, keen-eyed, clad in the

daintiest of linen from Noyes Brothers,—“the jolliest swells in the

class,” Will called them.

Aunt Madison asked them, apropos of the election, how they had voted,

for they were all residents of Boston and had passed their majority.

They were evidently rather amused at the query, but each and all

politely replied that they hadn’t much enthusiasm about voting, and it

having been a rainy day, they had not taken the trouble to go to the

polls.

“You see, the fact is,” said the young man with the blonde mustache whom

Will called Ned Conro, “voting is a confounded bore, any way.”

“But of course you have an interest in national politics, if not in

municipal affairs?” said aunt Madison, inquiringly, as she looked up

from her knitting and beamed benevolently at the young man through her

gold-bowed spectacles. “I suppose you young men at Harvard, with all

your study of history and political economy, are wide awake about all

these things.”

“Oh, we talk free trade and protection more or less, that is, the

fellows did who took that course of study last year. I don’t go in for

that sort of thing myself very much; my money isn’t in manufactures, and

I don’t care a continental about the tariff one way or the other. And as

for politics,—of course we all go in for the hurrah and fun in a

presidential campaign, but I don’t look forward to doing anything

further in that line after I graduate. It is all well enough for any one

who has a fancy for it and who wants to run for office, and that sort of

thing. But there can’t be more than two senators and one governor in a

state at a time, and anything less than that isn’t worth the trouble.

“I’ve mighty little respect for any man who condescends to be a ward

politician. Boston is an Irish city, after all, though last year some of

the better class got their blood up and had a clearing out; but the game

isn’t worth the candle, and I, for one, am willing to let the Irish go

the whole figure if they wish to do it. We can’t get rid of them, and it

doesn’t pay to mix up with them. I don’t propose to vote to have my

father, or any other gentleman of good old New England stock, sit beside

some liquor-seller or grocer as common councilman or alderman.”

“Neither do I,” ejaculated my _vis-à-vis_, whom Will had introduced as

Mr. Mather; “a fellow who begins to bother his head about all these

little twopenny municipal affairs only soils his hands for his pains,

and doesn’t improve matters one atom. It’s well enough to vote if one

wants to, but what does a single vote amount to? It counts no more when

cast by a Harvard professor than by some South Cove ‘Mick.’ Suppose Mr.

Smith and Mr. Brown are up for school committee; you don’t know a thing

about either of them, except that they are nominated by a set of rummies

and demagogues, or else by a lot of women or pious temperance cranks.

You are a professional man and your time is worth ten dollars an

hour,—you don’t care a fig about the whole school committee business

anyway; it’s the women’s affair—they can vote on that. Let them turn out

and manage it as they did last year, if they want to; but you can’t

expect a man to look after these matters, and be elbowed and hooted down

at the caucuses, if he has the tastes of a gentleman and all the

responsibilities of a profession or a large business on his shoulders.”

“The fact is that in municipal matters the ballot ought to be put on a

property basis, and until that is done, I shall bother myself precious

little about it,” remarked the third young gentleman, twirling his seal

and addressing his three feminine listeners.

I wondered why Mildred’s cheeks had grown so rosy and why her dark eyes

had such a gleam in them as she laid down the bit of embroidery on which

her fingers had been busy, and turned toward the speaker. “What a

profile!” I thought; “almost pure Greek, only the chin is a little too

square.”

“The truth is,” the young man continued, “we have no great men now and

no great issues, unless you call all this frenzy about the school

question a great issue. We’ve got to come to see that the government has

no right to tax its citizens to teach history, anyway. It’s an

imposition to tax a man to send some one else’s child to a high school.

Let the state give a child the three R’s, and then if he wants to learn

about Tetzel or Luther, let his father pay to have him taught in his own

way. Politics is no profession for a young man. There’s no great amount

of money in it, unless you’re mighty shrewd, and tricky, too; and as for

fame, the man must be pretty thick-skinned who can stand the pelting

which every reputation gets nowadays, and not wince under it. For my

part, I think democracy is a good deal played out. It was all right so

long as men _were_ equal; but we’re getting about as stratified a

society now as there is anywhere in the Old World; and there’s no use in

the sentimental every-man-a-brother kind of talk. I don’t propose to

shake the greasy hand of any of these beastly foreigners that are coming

here and crowding us to the wall. I don’t grudge them the rights of

American citizenship; they may have it and welcome, if they want it; but

where they step in I step out. In fact, I think I shall settle down in

Paris or Florence for a while. There’s lots more fun for a fellow over

there.”

There was more of this sort of talk. I watched Mildred’s face, and

noticed that her lips were twitching and her fingers playing nervously

with the fringe of a scarlet silk shawl which she wore. Evidently she

was under some stress of strong emotion, though for what reason I but

vaguely guessed. She had come out of the shadow, and stood tall and

stately, with her arm resting on the mantel and her eyes fixed on the

speakers with such a look as I had never before seen on any countenance.

There was anger and pity and contempt, strangely mingled, on her mobile

features. She had forgotten herself, and I think they were fairly

startled at the look they read in her tell-tale face.

Will made an attempt to change the subject, but Mr. Mather broke in:

“You look as though you did not agree with us, Miss Brewster. Come, we

have monopolized the conversation so far, now tell us what _you_ think.”

She did not speak at first, and there was an awkward silence for a

minute. When it was broken, her voice sounded so painfully hard and calm

in its effort not to tremble that I scarcely recognized it.

“Within two weeks,” she said, speaking slowly, “I have sat for five

hours face to face with the leading anarchists of New England. I have

questioned them, and they have told me frankly of their doctrines, which

you already know, and which, I scarcely need to say, I heartily detest.

But I have not heard, either from the lips of these misguided men or

from any one for many months, anything which has so shocked and

surprised me as what I have just listened to here.”

I felt that she was trembling as she spoke, but her voice was low and

quiet.

She continued: “When one is filled with indignation and grief it is

difficult to speak justly and wisely, and therefore, if you will excuse

me, I think that I will not trust myself to say anything further.”

“Good heavens!” cried Mr. Mather, staring at her in undisguised

amazement, while his companions glanced slyly at each other with faint

smiles and an evident endeavor to make the best of an embarrassing

situation.

“I think, dear, you had better tell them what you are thinking of, lest

they misunderstand you; of course you don’t mean that they are worse

than anarchists,” said aunt Madison, gently.

“No, not worse, but more to blame,” replied Miss Brewster, with

extraordinary candor, and then recollecting herself, a crimson tide

suddenly mantled her neck and cheek and brow, and she drew back again

into the shadow.

“I beg your pardon,” she stammered; and then with a little forced laugh

she added, “you see, you oughtn’t to have tempted me to speak. I was

sure to give offense if I spoke my thoughts.”

“Ah, but we can’t excuse you unless you go on,” said Ned Conro,

persuasively. “As for me, you have whetted my curiosity so that I shan’t

sleep a wink to-night,” he went on, with a twinkle in his eye, “unless I

know why my father’s son and heir, who has hitherto supposed himself to

be always on the side of law and order, is more to blame than these

foreign wretches who have come over here with the notion in their addled

heads that they are going to upset this nineteenth-century civilization

with a few ounces of dynamite.”

Mr. Gordon echoed Mr. Conro’s request, while a quizzical smile played

around his lips, and I knew as well as if he had told me, that he was

saying to himself, “Gad, she’s a specimen! One of these cranky

women’s-righters, no doubt. How they do like to hold forth! These girls

always spoil a fellow’s fun with their high and mighty theories and

ideas.” And this son of a quadruple millionaire thrust his hands deep

into the pockets of his English trousers and stretched himself

comfortably to listen, with all the complacent condescension of a man to

whom twenty-two years of experience and masculine wisdom gave a

consciousness of virtuous superiority.

The flush had faded from Mildred’s cheek, but I fancied from the look in

her eyes that she was in no mood to be trifled with; this was no mere

passing gust of passion. She had received a wound which had cut her to

the quick; for, as I afterwards learned to know, hers was one of those

rare natures, rare in men, rarer still in women, which scarcely feels a

personal slight, but to which a grand, absorbing idea is more real and

vital than all else, and which counts treason to this the unpardonable

sin.

“If I speak, I must speak plainly,” said Mildred. “I have neither time

nor wit to clothe my thoughts in ambiguous, inoffensive words. Like

plain, blunt Antony, I can only ‘speak right on’ and say ‘what in my

heart doth beat and burn.’”

“Good, I like that,” said Mr. Mather gravely, and there was an instant’s

silence, broken only by the chime of the cathedral clock as it struck

the hour.

“I have been thinking,” said Mildred quietly, “of those words in that

record of the young Hebrew, who, it is said, sold his birthright for a

mess of pottage. I have been thinking also of those words of our own

Emerson: ‘We live in a new and exceptional age. America is another name

for Opportunity. Our whole history appears like a last effort of

Providence in behalf of the human race.’ Perhaps you do not see the

connection between these two thoughts, but to me it seems very close. To

have for one’s inheritance the birthright of American citizenship seems

to me something so rich and precious that to despise it and ignobly sell

it,—not like Esau for the mess of pottage which could relieve his

hunger,—but to sell it to the stranger for the sake of gaining immunity

from responsibility, yes, more than that, throwing it away out of sheer

contempt for it and ingratitude for what it has done for one, this seems

to me the acme of cowardice and selfishness.”

I noticed that Mr. Mather knit his brows at this, and I thought I

detected a slight flush in his cheeks, but perhaps it was only the

firelight. Mildred did not look up or hesitate, but went steadily on.

“We sit here in the Promised Land

That flows with Freedom’s honey and milk;

But ’twas they won it, sword in hand,

Making the nettle danger soft for us as silk.”

“Yes, they won it, not we; and we, the heirs of all the ages, for whom

the whole creation has groaned and travailed until now, we, the favored

children of the best age, the best land which history has known, we idly

fold our hands and let the wealth of all the past, which others have

toiled for and shed bloody sweat to gain, fall into our laps as a matter

of course, as if it were but the just due of such lordly creatures as

we.

“Of what value, pray, is all our study of history if we have so little

realizing sense of its meaning, if we have no imagination to fill out

with quivering, throbbing life this record of the past, which shows what

mankind has been, and what, thank God, we have escaped?

“Of what value are the sacrifices of those who at bitter cost bought us

our freedom and privilege, if we are so lost to all sense of honor as to

tacitly say, ‘everything has been done for us, to be sure, but we can’t

be expected to go out of our way to see that it is passed along to those

who are less favored’?”

Mr. Mather made a gesture of dissent and looked up as if to speak; but

Mildred did not notice him. She was gazing with fixed eyes into the

shadows, and seemed to have forgotten her little audience and to be

addressing herself to an unnumbered throng of unseen listeners. Her

bosom heaved and her breath came and went quickly as she went on with

her relentless sarcasm.

“Yes, our business as immortal sons of God is first of all to look out

for our precious selves. Let us all see to it that no annoying social or

economic questions shall disturb our minds. Let us not be distracted

from our culture and amusements by being forced to waste time in

settling the prosaic bread and butter problems of the ‘lower classes.’

Let us wash our hands of all responsibility. Why should we hold

ourselves debtors either to the Greeks or to the barbarians?

“Oh, we are not hard-hearted. We would live and let live. But we can

count it no part of our business to soil our fingers by lending a hand

to the poor wretch whose blind guide has led him into the miry ditch.

“Let him who ‘despises his birthright’ just think for an instant what

citizenship on the continent of Europe means. You talk about finding

‘more fun’ in Paris and Vienna than here, yes, to be sure; for there you

have nothing to do but to skim the cream of everything and dream away

your youth surrounded by all that the thought of the ages and modern

science can devise to stimulate your already fastidious palate. But

suppose you were a _citizen_ of Germany or Austria or Russia, and must

spend from three to six of the best years of your life in active service

in the army; suppose you were taxed to the extent of over thirty per

cent. of your earnings like the people of Italy; suppose you knew that

your country was growing poorer and taxation was on the frightful

increase as is the case in continental countries; suppose you were taxed

to support a church in which you did not believe, and a government which

granted you no representation; suppose privilege and prejudice hung like

a millstone round every effort for your social advancement!

“Why,” continued Mildred after a moment’s pause, “just imagine for an

instant all that is involved in the difference in comfort and mode of

life from the simple statement that during the ten years from 1870 to

1880, when the United States decreased its aggregate taxation nine per

cent., Germany increased hers over fifty per cent. Imagine, if you can,

what it means to the lives of millions of human beings when I say that

during a period when the wealth of Europe decreased per caput three per

cent. that of our country increased nearly forty per cent.

“It is one thing, I have found, to travel in Europe untaxed, unmolested,

and unaffected by that gloomy war cloud which continually hovers over

every nation; where, even in times of peace, one man out of twenty-two

is withdrawn from productive industries to train himself to destroy his

fellow-beings. It is quite another thing to be an irresponsible

traveler, free to come and go and say what he pleases.

“Let those who count their American citizenship of such slight worth

think what a delightful existence theirs would be if they were so

favored as to be one of the subjects of the Russian Tsar! Think of the

bliss of living in a land where one is never disturbed by the

encroachments of foreigners, or expected to attend caucuses and polls;

where, in fact, the less he knows about the government the better for

him and his! Fancy the pleasure in reading newspapers where the news of

the day is under such careful surveillance, through the kindness of the

censorship, that one is never disturbed by troublesome political

matters, and has always the calm consciousness that everything is going

well, although ninety per cent. of the hundred millions over whom the

Russian flag waves cannot write their names; where a man may not go from

one town to another without a passport; where for joining a club that

advocates a constitutional monarchy, as here you might join a club that

advocates Nationalism, you may be subject without a moment’s warning to

arrest and solitary confinement for a year or two without a trial! You

have read Kennan and Stepniak. You know these are hard facts.

“So when I see men who have been ground between the millstones of caste,

priestcraft, and governmental oppression come here and turn against all

government, I have less contempt and more patience for them than for the

young men of our land, who owe almost every blessing that they enjoy to

this government, and who from mere indolence and apathy choose to allow

the demagogue and ignorant alien to shape its destiny.

“You complain that we have a ‘stratified society.’ Are you not doing

your best to make it a stratified society and create a caste system when

you advocate a property qualification for the ballot, and would deny all

but the barest rudiments of education to the poor boy? One would think

that you had been brought up in a monarchy and did not realize that from

the people we must choose our legislators as well as our voters, and

that a system which can be tolerated in a country where rulers are

hereditary is most perilous for a government that is of ‘the people, by

the people, and for the people.’

“You say ‘there are no great men now,’ ‘no great issues.’ True, the war

is over, and Grant and Lincoln are dead, but

‘Life may be given in many ways,

And loyalty to truth be sealed

As bravely in the closet as in the field,

So bountiful is fate.’

“I do not doubt if our flag were openly dishonored you, too, would

spring to arms and give your life-blood as heroically as those who fell

at Manassas or in the Wilderness.

“But how many young men have that kind of heroism that impels them to

devote their culture and ability to unostentatious, unceasing service to

the state, though it bring no glory or reward in fame or office? No, the

cowards are not so often to be found on the battlefield as at the

committee meeting and the caucus.

“True, there seems to be nothing sublime in being a faithful health

commissioner, an Anthony Comstock, a General Armstrong, or a Felix

Adler; nothing glorious in busying one’s self with such prosy things as

labor statistics and tenement houses, with prison reform and sewage and

primary schools and ward politics. ’Tis a thankless task, and the large

per cent. of our Boston legal voters who did not vote yesterday

doubtless think, if they think at all, that even the casting of a ballot

once or twice a year is too great a sacrifice of their valuable time,

and more than ought to be expected of men whose private and social

interests are of far more importance than the welfare of the body

politic.

“And as for caucuses, how preposterous to expect a man who has such

important matters as Art Club receptions, Psychical Research meetings,

and Longwood toboggan parties to attend, to spend one or two evenings a

year in the company of grocers and saloon-keepers, all for the sake of

defeating some lamplighter or pawnbroker who wants a nomination for the

city council! What difference does it make who is on the council,

provided taxes are not raised?

“Yes,” continued Mildred, and a shade of melancholy replaced the quiet

scorn in her tone, “the last thing that you or they ever dream of is

that you have a debt to pay and are basely repudiating it.”

The voice, whose tremor at last betrayed the intensity of the feeling

that had hitherto been carefully guarded, ceased, and suddenly starting

with a self-conscious look, and coloring deeply, Mildred glided softly

from the room. Aunt Madison followed her.

The fire had burned low and the light was dim. The young men had

forgotten me in the sofa corner.

There was not a word said for a minute or two as they sat looking into

the bed of coals and listening to the wind shuddering through the bare

branches of the elms outside. Mr. Mather sat leaning forward with his

elbows on his knees and his head on his hands; I could not see his face.

Presently he looked up and made a motion as if to speak, but apparently

he changed his mind, for he said nothing. At last Mr. Gordon’s voice

broke the silence.

“I say, Madison,” he asked, with a studiously polite manner, “who is

this charming Miss Brewster who has favored us with the benefit of her

views?”

“She is a sort of second cousin of my mother,” Will replied. “She has

just returned from abroad, and I haven’t seen much of her yet.”

“Well,” rejoined the other, “with your permission, I will venture to say

that with all due respect to your mother’s second or third cousin, I

would as lief hear it thunder as to hear her talk. Why can’t a pretty

woman let well enough alone and not go into hysterics over what she

doesn’t know anything about? You would think, to hear her go on, that

the country was going to the devil, and that we were the cause of it.”

“I wonder if all those facts about Russia and the thirty per cent.

taxation in Italy are really true,” interposed Mr. Conro, meditatively.

“She reeled off all those statistics like a schoolma’am saying dates.”

“They are true if she says so, you can bet your life on that,” answered

Will, thoroughly nettled. “Being out at Cambridge most of the time, I

haven’t seen much of her, and I never heard her say so much on any

subject before to-night. I was about as much surprised as you were at

her coming out in that way; but if you and Gordon think she is the kind

of girl to go into hysterics over nothing, you are mightily mistaken.

Most people talk for the sake of talking, but I’ve seen enough of her to

know that when she says a thing it stands for something. What you said

hurt her in a way a fellow like you can’t understand. You’ve no interest

in a girl who has any notions beyond flattering you into thinking you

are the most stunning fellow going.”

“Beg pardon,” drawled Gordon, “but”—

“Hold on there,” interposed Mr. Mather, grimly; “you’ve said enough.

What she said was solid gospel, and you know it as well as I do.”

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