FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 33: Being first given by Sandford to his description of this

part of the ceremony of James II.'s coronation.]

[Footnote 34: Doleman's Conferences concerning Succession, &c.]

[Footnote 35: MS. Cott. Nero, c. ix. p. 172.]

[Footnote 36: See his curious Speech in M. Paris, Hist. Major, 1640, p.

197.]

[Footnote 37: Hoveden, Walsingham, &c. are quoted to this effect by

Taylor.]

[Footnote 38: History of the Anglo-Saxons, b. iv. chap. 1.]

[Footnote 39: Titles of Honour, p. ii. c. v. 26.]

[Footnote 40: Wharton's Troubles of Archbishop Laud, p. 324.]

[Footnote 41: Inserted on the union with Scotland, in 1707.]

[Footnote 42: In the oath recently taken by His Majesty the latter

members of this clause, read 'within England and Ireland, and the

territories thereunto belonging.']

[Footnote 43: Stow's Annals.]

[Footnote 44: In France we read of the exaltation of king Pharamond on a

shield, so early as the year 420; of the chairing of Gunbald, king of

Burgundy, A.D. 500, in which that prince fell from the supporting arms

of his subjects, nearly to the ground; and of king Pepin being elevated

on a target in 751. (Greg. Turon. Hist. lib. vii. cap. 10. Mezeray Hist.

de Pepin, &c.) In Navarre, the king and queen, after being anointed,

were thrice elevated before the altar on a shield emblazoned with the

arms of the kingdom, and upheld by six staves.]

[Footnote 45: Thus in the ordo of Henry VII.'s coronation; "the

cardinal," it is said, "sitting, shall anoynte the king,

kneeling."--IVE'S _Papers_.]

[Footnote 46: Vide Taylor's Additional Notes, p. 347, &c.]

[Footnote 47: It will complete the sketch of the history of an

institution closely connected with our subject, to observe, that George

I. on restoring it in 1725, constituted it a regular military order of

thirty-six companions and one grand-master, having as officers a dean,

genealogist, king at arms, register, secretary, usher and messenger; and

a seal, on one side of which is the figure of the king on horseback in

complete armour, the shield azure and three imperial crowns with the

circumscription, _Sigillum Honoratissimi Militaris Ordinis De Balneo_;

and on the reverse the same, impaling the royal arms.

The badge of the order exhibits a happy specimen of the art of moulding

old institutions to modern purposes. It consists of a rose, thistle and

shamrock, issuing from a sceptre surrounded by three imperial crowns,

enclosed within the ancient motto _Tria juncta in uno_. Of pure gold

chased and pierced, it is worn by the knight elect pendant from a red

riband across the right shoulder. The collar is also of gold, weighing

thirty ounces troy, and is composed of nine imperial crowns, and eight

roses, thistles, and shamrocks, issuing from a sceptre, enamelled in

proper colours, tied or linked together with seventeen gold knots,

enamelled white, and having the badge of the order pendant from it. The

star consists of three imperial crowns of gold, surrounded by the motto

upon a circle of red, with rays issuing from the silver centre forming a

star, and is embroidered on the left side of the upper garment.

The installation dress is a surcoat of white satin, a mantle of crimson

satin lined with white, tied at the neck with a cordon of crimson silk

and gold, with gold tassels, and the star of the order embroidered on

the left shoulder; a white silk hat adorned with a standing plume of

white ostrich feathers, white leather boots, edged and heeled, spurs of

crimson and gold, a sword in a white leather scabbard with cross hilts

of gold. Each knight is allowed three squires, who must be gentlemen of

blood, bearing coat armour, and who are entitled during life to all the

privileges and exemptions enjoyed by the esquires of the sovereign's

body, or the gentlemen of the privy chamber.

We need hardly add, that both in the number of knights and the

brilliancy of its appearance, this order maintained its full splendor at

the coronation of the fourth sovereign of the House of Brunswick.]

[Footnote 48: Johnes' Froissart, v. 12. p. 160, 1.]

[Footnote 49: King Richard II.]

[Footnote 50: Rot. Parl, vi. 278.]

[Footnote 51: Lingard's History of England, v. iii. p. 662, 3.]

[Footnote 52: Ives' Coronacion of Queene Elizabeth, p. 120.]

[Footnote 53: Ives' Coronacion of Queene Elizabeth, p. 120.]

[Footnote 54: Hall's Chronicle.]

[Footnote 55: Hall's Chronicle, Henry VIII.]

Sec.3. ANECDOTES OF THE ASSISTANT OFFICES OF THE CORONATION.

The assistant offices of the coronation are, for the far greater part,

ecclesiastical or hereditary. They are connected therefore with all the

religious changes, and family honours of the empire. The nobility bear

in person a part in the royal day, and approach and actually touch that

crown, from which, as the fountain of honour, they seem to renew, and

re-invigorate, their most ancient claims to distinction: while the

metropolitan of the English Church enjoys the exclusive right of

consecrating and crowning the monarch.

As early as the Norman Conquest, this privilege of the see of Canterbury

is spoken of as well-established; and but two subsequent instances occur

of its being overlooked or denied: both remarkably associated with the

history of the papal power in this country[56]. In the first, that of

the coronation by the archbishop of York of prince Henry, son of Henry

II., may be traced the incipient cause of the assassination of

archbishop Becket, whose martyrdom became conducive to the highest

triumphs of that power: in the second, queen Elizabeth's coronation by

Oglethorpe, bishop of Carlisle, and the refusal of all the other

prelates to assist in the ceremony, we behold its dying struggles for a

dominion never more to be renewed.

Mr. Lingard, who, as a Catholic, may be supposed to state these

transactions with a sufficient leaning to his own church, as expressly

connects the murder of Becket with a jealousy on this subject as any

other of our historians. Henry II. had employed the known enemy of the

archbishop, Roger of York, in the consecration of his son above alluded

to; but the primate and the king met on friendly terms at Rouen, in the

following month; they compromised their differences; and the former set

out on his return to his diocese. The Pope, however, "before he heard of

the reconciliation, had issued letters of suspension or excommunication

against the bishops who had officiated at the late coronation." The

archbishop had at one time resolved to suppress these letters, our

historian admits; and surely it was now an imperative duty so to do. But

the prelates concerned, it seems, who knew that he carried them about

him, had assembled at Canterbury, and sent to the coast Ranulf de Broc,

with a party of soldiers, to search him on his landing, and take them

from him. Information of the design reached him at Witsand: and "in a

moment of irritation," says Mr. L., "he despatched them before himself

by a trusty messenger, by whom, or by whose means, they were publicly

delivered to the bishops in the presence of their attendants. It was a

precipitate and unfortunate measure, the occasion, at least, of the

catastrophe that followed."

The prelates hastened to Normandy to demand redress and protection from

the king; who, irritated by their representation, exclaimed: "Of the

cowards who eat my bread, is there not one, who will free me from this

turbulent priest?" and the blood of Becket flowed a few days after in

reply. When he asked one of his assassins, "What is thy object?" he was

told that he must instantly absolve the bishops--"Till they offer

satisfaction, I will not," said the primate. "Then die," exclaimed his

murderers, and closed around him[57].

The _Lord Great Chamberlain's_ office commences with carrying the king

his shirt on the morning of the coronation, and assisting the

chamberlain of the household to dress his majesty. Queens regnant depute

this office to some of the ladies of the household: we are told that the

celebrated duchess of Marlborough last enjoyed it, at the coronation of

queen Anne.

The office gives a claim to all the furniture of the royal chamber, in

which its duties begin. The idea of our ancestors was, that the

coronation, and particularly the consecration of a king, conferred new

honours and talents of the most sacred and extraordinary description. He

was now made a new man, and elevated into a new order of beings;

"Consideration, like an angel, came

And whipt the offending Adam out of him;

Leaving his body as a paradise,

To envelope and contain celestial spirits[58]."

Hence every part of his office was new and kingly. Froissart describes

the consecration of Henry IV. immediately after the recognition, thus:

"after this the duke descended from his throne, and advanced to the

altar to be consecrated. This ceremony was performed by two archbishops

and ten bishops: he was stripped of all his royal state before the

altar, naked to his shirt, and was then anointed and consecrated in six

places; that is to say, on the head, the breast, the shoulders, before

and behind, on the back and hands: they then placed a bonnet on his

head; and while this was doing, the clergy chaunted the litany, a

service that is performed to hallow a font[59]." The lord chamberlain is

official governor of the palace for the time being, and the principal

personal attendant of the king.

The _Lord High Constable_ also attends the royal person, assists at the

reception of the regalia from the dean and chapter of Westminster, and,

together with the earl Marshal, ushers the champion into the hall.

_Of the Royal Championship._

Whether we consider its uninterrupted exercise, and that by one family,

for so many centuries, its feudal import, or its present splendid and

imposing effect, the office of champion certainly eclipses all the other

services of the coronation.

Since the coronation of Richard II. A.D. 1377, (of which there is in

Walsingham a detailed account) this office has been performed by a

Dymoke, the head of the family of that name who have held the manor of

Scrivelsby in Lincolnshire, worth about L1200 per annum, by the tenure

of this service. During the reigns of Edward II. and III. the right was

in dispute: prior to that period and from the days of the Conqueror it

was vested in the far-famed family of MARMION, whose chief, as

"----Lord of Fontenay,

Of Lutterworth and Scrivilbaye,

Of Tamworth tower and town,"

came from Normandy with William, and is there supposed to have held the

first of these possessions, on condition of performing the service of

champion to the successive dukes.

At the conquest the feudal system was established in England in its

maturest and strictest forms; and the present office being the most

perfect relic of that system known to modern times, a slight sketch of

its peculiarities will not be uninteresting.

The foundation of all the subsequent customs of homage, suit, service,

purveyance, &c. is to be traced in the original connexion between the

vassal and his lord, or the chief and his retainers, which Tacitus

notices as remarkable in ancient Germany. According to this, every

follower was to be found fighting by the side of his chief in time of

war, as the very first duty of social life--and in time of peace to look

up to him as the only legitimate fountain of honour and justice.

Certain it is, that this relation was, in substance, as well known and

supported by our Anglo-Saxon ancestors, before the accession of William,

as it was by our Highland neighbours, down to the rebellion in 1745. A

striking instance of the romantic and desperate courage to which it gave

rise occurs as early as the reign of Cynewulf, king of Wessex, A.D. 784.

Sigebircht, the deposed predecessor of this prince, was, in the first

year of his rival's reign, found murdered in the forest of Andreswald:

but left a brother, of the name of Cyneheard, who cherished for

thirty-one years the secret purpose of avenging his death. At last he

returned, with eighty-four retainers, into the neighbourhood of

Winchester, the royal residence; and, tracing the king to a country

seat at Merton, the abode of a favourite lady, surrounded the house at

midnight. Cynewulf was quickly roused; but his followers were scattered

throughout the place, and could not be collected until, after a brave

personal conflict with the enemy, the king's life-blood had satiated his

vengeance. Cyneheard now offered the royal train their liberty and

possessions, on condition of their peaceable departure; but they

rejected his proposals with scorn, and to a man died on the threshold of

their master. On the intelligence reaching the court, in the morning,

Osric and Wavirth, two powerful chieftains, surrounded themselves with

their vassals, and rode to Merton, where they were met by Cyneheard,

with professions of friendship. He called their attention to the

injuries of his family, the duty of avenging which had devolved upon

himself; urged his claim to the vacant throne; made them the most

liberal offers, in case of their acknowledgment of him; and concluded by

reminding them, that many of his adherents were their own near kinsmen.

"Our kinsmen," they indignantly answered, "are not dearer to us than was

our lord. To his murderer we shall never submit. If those who are

related to us wish to save their lives, let them depart." "The same

offer," rejoined the followers of Cyneheard, "was made to the attendants

of the king, who refused it. We will prove to-day that our attachment is

equal to theirs:" and Cyneheard, and all his adherents except one, were

slain[60].

But the Conqueror, owing his crown to the sword, more strictly adapted

the system which he found in use to his own military notions and future

safety. Having divided all the principal estates of the country amongst

his vassals, he converted the English military tenures into a regular

obligation, called knights' fees, which compelled each tenant in chief

to have a certain number of knights, or horsemen, always ready to assert

the rights of the crown, and to fight under its banner, in any cause,

"We will," says a law on this subject, yet extant, "that _all_ the

freemen of our kingdom possess their lands in peace, free of all

tollage and unjust exaction: that nothing be required or taken from them

but their free service, which they owe to us of right, as has been

appointed to them, and granted by us with hereditary right for ever, by

the common council of our whole kingdom." "And we command that all

earls, barons, knights, serjeants, and freemen, be always provided with

horses and arms as they ought; and that they be always ready to perform

to us their whole service, in manner as they owe it to us of right, for

their fees and tenements, and as we have appointed to them by the common

council of our whole kingdom, and as we have granted to them in fee a

right of inheritance[61]." This free service required the due quota of

horsemen, which each vassal was to furnish, to come, completely armed,

on his requisition, and to be maintained under the royal command, at the

charge of the party sending them, for forty days. Even the dignitaries

of the church, and monastic bodies holding lands, were not exempt from

this service.

Each tenant in chief subdivided his property into sub-vassalships,

imposing a similar service, and carrying downwards all the obligations

of homage, fealty, and personal attendance on all important occasions.

Out of such a system, that a favoured vassal should be selected to

assert the personal right of the monarch to his throne, will appear very

natural: it is only surprising that the violence and constant habit of

appealing to the sword, in which this with the other feudal claims

originated, should have left it to flow on in such an uninterrupted

course--a course of succession far more regular than the transmission of

the crown it is supposed to defend.

The championship is connected also with a remarkable feature of ancient

jurisprudence, the wager of battle, recently abolished. This was

regarded as an appeal to the judgment of _God_; and succeeded, at the

Conquest, the fires and other ordeals of our ancestors, which the

Normans affected to despise. The reader, however, may be disposed to

conjecture, that as much of the divine interposition might be expected

to decide the healing of a burn or scald, as the issue of a battle. The

older custom was for the accused to plunge his hand into a cauldron of

boiling water, and take out a stone or piece of iron of a given weight;

the depth of the vessel being proportionate to the magnitude of the

crime charged: or for him to seize, at the end of a religious service, a

bar of iron placed on a fire at the beginning of the service, and run

over a certain length of ground with it: the method in which the wounds

healed, in either case, being the criterion of guilt or innocence.

The wager of battle was certainly of more splendid pretensions, and was

introduced at first with these stipulations. If the opposite parties

were countrymen, they were to follow their national customs, whatever

they were; if the appellee were a foreigner, or of foreign descent, he

might offer wager of battle, and on its being declined, purge himself by

his own oath and that of his witnesses, according to the Norman law; or

if a native of the country, he might have his choice of the trial by

ordeal or by battle.

The solemn feelings and great religious sincerity with which our

forefathers regarded combats of this description, cannot be more

powerfully or more accurately depicted, than in the memorable combat

scene of IVANHOE:--

"The draw-bridge fell, the gates opened, and a knight, bearing the great

standard of the order, sallied from the castle, preceded by six

trumpets, and followed by the knights preceptors, two and two, the grand

master coming last, mounted on a stately horse, whose furniture was of

the simplest kind. Behind him came Brian de Bois Guilbert, armed

cap-a-pee in bright armour, but without his lance, shield, or sword,

which were borne by his two esquires behind him.--He looked ghastly

pale, as if he had not slept for several nights, yet reined in his

pawing war-horse with the habitual ease and grace proper to the best

lance of the Order of the Temple. His general appearance was grand and

commanding; but looking at him with attention, men read that in his dark

features from which we willingly withdraw our eyes.

"On either side rode Conrade of Mont Fitchet and Albert de Malvoisin,

who acted as godfathers to the champion. They were in their robes of

peace, the white dress of the order. Behind them followed other knights

companions of the Temple, with a long train of esquires and pages, clad

in black, aspirants to the honour of being one day knights of the

order."

After these walked the accused in a coarse white dress, surrounded by

wardens in sable livery.

"The slow procession moved up the gentle eminence, on the summit of

which was the tilt-yard, and entering the lists, marched once around

them from right to left, and when they had completed the circle made a

halt. There was then a momentary bustle while the grand-master and his

attendants" took their places: when "a long and loud flourish of

trumpets announced that the court was seated for judgment. Malvoisin,

then acting as godfather to the champion, stepped forward and laid the

glove of the Jewess, which was the pledge of battle, at the feet of the

grand-master.

"Valourous lord and reverend father," said he, "here standeth the good

knight Brian de Bois Guilbert, knight preceptor of the Order of the

Temple, who by accepting the pledge of battle which I now lay at your

reverence's feet, hath become bound to do his devoir in combat this day,

to maintain that this Jewish maiden, by name Rebecca, hath justly

deserved the doom passed upon her--condemning her to die as a sorceress.

Here, I say, he standeth such battle to do knightly and honourably, if

such should be your noble and sanctified pleasure."

"Hath he made oath," said the grand-master, "that his quarrel is just

and honourable? Bring forward the crucifix and the _Te igitur_."

"Sir and most reverend father," answered Malvoisin readily, "our brother

here present hath already sworn to the truth of his accusation, in the

hand of the good knight Conrade de Mont Fitchet, and otherwise he ought

not to be sworn, seeing his adversary is an unbeliever and may take no

oath."

"The grand-master having allowed the apology, commanded the herald to

stand forth and do his devoir. The trumpets then flourished, and a

herald stepping forward, proclaimed aloud, "Oyez, oyez, oyez. Here

standeth the good knight Sir Brian de Bois Guilbert, ready to do battle

with any knight of free blood who will sustain the quarrel allowed and

allotted to the Jewess Rebecca, to try by champion in respect of lawful

essoigne of her own body; and to such champion the reverend and valorous

grand-master here present allows a fair field, an equal partition of sun

and wind, and whatever else appertains to a fair combat." The trumpets

again sounded, and there was a dead pause of many minutes.--

"The judges had now been two hours in the lists, awaiting in vain the

appearance of a champion.

"It was the general belief, that no one could or would appear for a

Jewess accused of sorcery, and the knights, instigated by Malvoisin,

whispered to each other, that it was time to declare the pledge of

Rebecca forfeited. At this instant a knight, urging his horse to speed,

appeared on the plain, advancing towards the lists. An hundred voices

exclaimed, 'A champion,' 'a champion!' And, despite the prepossession

and prejudices of the multitude, they shouted unanimously as the knight

rode into the tilt-yard. The second glance, however, served to destroy

the hope that his timely arrival had excited. His horse, urged for many

miles to its utmost speed, appeared to reel from fatigue, and the rider,

however undauntedly he presented himself to the lists, either from

weakness, weariness, or both, seemed scarce able to support himself in

the saddle.

"To the summons of the herald who demanded his rank, his name and

purpose, the strange knight answered readily and boldly, 'I am a good

knight and noble, come hither to sustain with lance and sword the just

and lawful quarrel of this damsel, Rebecca, daughter of Isaac of York;

to uphold the doom pronounced against her to be false, and truthless,

and to defy Sir Brian de Bois Guilbert as a traitor, murtherer, and

liar; as I will prove in this field with my body against his, by the aid

of God, our Lady, and of Monseigneur Saint George, the good knight.'

"The stranger must first show," said Malvoisin, "that he is a good

knight, and of honourable lineage. The Temple sendeth not forth her

champion against nameless men."

"My name," said the knight, raising his helmet, "is better known, my

lineage more pure, Malvoisin, than thine own. I am Wilfrid of

Ivanhoe."--"Rebecca", said he, riding up to the fatal chair, "dost thou

accept of me for thy champion?"

"I do," she said, "I do!" fluttered by an emotion which the fear of

death was unable to produce.

--"Ivanhoe was already at his post, and had closed his visor, and

assumed his lance. Bois Guilbert did the same.

--"The herald then, seeing each champion in his place, uplifted his

voice, repeating thrice, _Faites vos devoirs, preux chevaliers_. After

the third cry, he withdrew to one side of the lists, and again

proclaimed, that none on peril of instant death should dare by word,

cry, or action, to interfere with, or disturb this fair field of combat.

The grand-master, who held in his hand the gage of battle, Rebecca's

glove, now threw it into the lists, and pronounced the fatal signal

words, _Laissez aller_. The trumpets sounded, and the knights charged

each other in full career."

The result arising out of the peculiar situation of one of the

combatants toward Rebecca, was his almost immediate death: but, seeing

him fall, Wilfrid assumed the rights of a victor, and "placing his foot

on his breast, and the sword point to his throat, commanded him to yield

or die on the spot. Bois Guilbert returned no answer.

"Slay him not, sir knight," said the grand-master, "unshriven and

unabsolved--kill not body and soul. We allow him vanquished."--"This is

indeed the judgment of God," said he, looking upwards--"_Fiat voluntas

tua_[62]!"

But Froissart records a most curious instance of the motives that were

sometimes assigned for "a deed of arms" of this description.

Shortly after Henry IV. had ascended the throne of our feeble Richard

II. Louis duke of Orleans sent him a letter of the following tenor.

"I Louis, by the grace of God, son and brother to the kings of France,

duke of Orleans, write and make known to you, that with the aid of God

and the blessed Trinity, in the desire which I have to gain renown, and

which you in like manner should feel, considering _idleness_ as the bane

of lords of high birth which do not employ themselves in arms, and

thinking I can no way better seek renown than by proposing to you to

meet me at an appointed place, each of us accompanied with one hundred

knights and esquires, of name and arms without reproach, there to combat

together until one of the parties shall surrender; and he to whom God

shall grant the victory, shall do with his prisoners as it may please

him. We will not employ any incantations that are forbidden by the

church, but make every use of the bodily strength granted us by God,

having armour as may be most agreeable to every one for the security of

his person, and with the usual arms; that is to say, lance, battle-axe,

sword and dagger, and each to employ them as he shall think most to his

advantage, without aiding himself by any bodkins, hooks, bearded darts,

poisoned needles, or razors, as may be done by persons unless they be

positively ordered to the contrary."

He then states, that "under the good pleasure of our Lady and my lord

St. Michael" he will wait the answer of the king at Angouleme: and

concludes,

"Most potent and noble prince, let me know your will in regard to this

proposal, and have the goodness to send me as speedy an answer as may

be; for in all affairs of arms, the shortest determination is the best,

especially for the kings of France, and great lords and princes; and as

many delays may arise from business of importance, which must be

attended to, as well as doubts respecting the veracity of our letters,

that you may know I am resolved, with God's help, on the accomplishment

of this deed of arms, I have signed this letter with my own hand, and

sealed it with my seal of arms. Written at my castle of Coucy, the 7th

of August, 1402."

Henry replied to this curious challenge, by expressing his surprise at

such an invitation from a sworn friend and ally.--"With regard to what

you say, that we ought to accept your proposal to avoid idleness," he

adds, "it is true we are not so much employed in arms and honourable

exploits as our noble predecessors have been; but the all-powerful God

may, when he pleases, make us follow their steps, and we through the

indulgence of his graces have not been so idle, but that we have been

able to defend our honour." He declines the meeting, at that time,

principally on account of the inequality of rank between the

parties,--but intimates that he shall be ready to afford all proper

satisfaction to his challenger on his next visit to the continent. This

affair ended in a mere war of words; but the real motive of Louis was

subsequently avowed by him to be the revenging on Henry what he had

"done against king Richard," the son-in-law of the king of France. "With

regard to your high station," he smartly says, "I do not think the

divine virtues have placed you there. God may have dissembled with you,

and have set you on a throne, like many other princes, whose reign has

ended in confusion; but in consideration of my own honour I do not wish

to be compared with you."

An _Inquisitio post mortem_, dated in the 7th of Edward III., speaks of

the tenure of the manor appertaining to the royal champion as follows:

"That the manor of Scrivelsby is holden by grand sergeanty, to wit by

the service of finding, on the day of coronation, an armed knight, who

shall prove by his body, _if need be_, that the king is true and

rightful heir to the kingdom."

It is remarkable that this important document neither prescribes the

absolute appearance of the lord of the manor as knight, but only that

he is bound to '_find_ an armed knight' if required; nor does it

describe the office as hereditary. With regard to the latter point, it

would seem that possession is the entire law of the case, and we suppose

the office would pass with the property by sale: with respect to the

former, the honour seems to have called forth the valour of every

successive lord, and princes have seldom imagined that their subjects

can in such a cause overstep their duty.

Anciently, the champion rode with the royal procession from the Hall to

the Abbey, and proclaimed the challenge on his way, as well as at the

feast: some instances have occurred of its being repeated also in the

city, as at the coronation of Henry IV. At his predecessors coronation

it is remarked by Walsingham, that sir John Dimmock, being armed

according to custom, came to the door of the Abbey with his attendants

before the service was concluded: and that the earl marshal of the day

went out to him and said, he should not have made his appearance so

soon.

The fate of our recent and future champions has become of late duly

regarded by law. To challenge all who should dispute the pretensions of

the king is rightly enough a post of honour; to accept the challenge

would always, we know, have been still more bold; but an act of

parliament passed during the regency (59 Geo. III. cap. 46.) abolishes

altogether the trial and actual battle; so that the champion's lands,

after being held with manifest peril for centuries, have at last become

a peaceable possession; and all dispute respecting the crown is of

course as fully disposed of. It no longer rests on the valour of a

single arm--not even on that of a Marmion, or a Dymoke.

There was another office, that of the _Lord High Steward_ of England, to

which in former times much authority was attached. He possessed a kind

of vice-regal power on the demise of the crown and until the coronation

of the rightful heir, and was a governor of the kingdom immediately

under the reigning monarch, so as to be able to control or remove the

judicial servants of the crown, at any time. What was once the

importance of this office is still indicated by the temporary

guardianship of St. Edward's crown being committed to an officer bearing

this title on the day of the coronation, and his honourable place of

walking immediately before the king in procession. The Earls of

Leicester once enjoyed this great dignity hereditarily; through them it

descended to the De Montford family, until, on the attainder of the last

Earl, it was granted by Henry III. to his younger son Edmund, by whom it

became transmitted to John of Gaunt, and eventually to Henry IV. while

Duke of Lancaster; since which period it has been prudently suffered to

merge in the crown.

The _Court of Claims_ takes its origin from the ancient prerogatives of

the Lord High Steward, who sat judicially in the Whitehall of the king's

palace, at Westminster, to receive the applications and decide upon the

claims of all those who held lands on the tenure of performing some

personal service at the coronation. It is a court, in fact, exercising

this part of his ancient office by commission. These services had the

name of _magnum servitium_, or grand sergeanty, as being attached to the

person of the king, and involve the honour of knighthood in all cases;

no person under the rank of a knight, nor a minor or female tenant,

being allowed to perform them.

Numerous offices occur in the list of claims, to which our limits will

not allow us to pay attention. Toward him who is "every inch a king"

every sort of service is supposed to confer honour; and many

comparatively trivial duties have been long connected with the more

substantial rights of property. The preceding offices require no

recognition of the Court of Claims for their exercise; but those which

follow are to be substantiated before this tribunal at each successive

coronation.

The hereditary _Grand Almoner_ of England is an honour attached to the

barony of Bedford. Its duties are to collect and distribute certain

monies at the coronation from a silver dish; which the Almoner claims

for his fee, together with all the cloth on which the king walks in

procession from the door of the hall at Westminster to the Abbey church.

The _Chief Butlership_ is traced by authentic records into the hands of

William de Albini, who came to England with William the Conqueror, and

has been exercised by some of the noblest families in the country since.

It is now an hereditary right of the Duke of Norfolk as Earl of Arundel,

and entitles the possessor to the best gold cup and cover, with all the

vessels and wine remaining under the bar, and all the pots and cups,

except those of gold and silver, which shall be in the wine cellar after

dinner.

In the remote periods of our history, when the assassination of princes

was practised by various arts, a faithful guardian of the royal cup

might well be esteemed an acquisition to the court. A "chief butler" was

one of the most ancient attendants on royalty, we know from Scripture

history, and, according to the same details, was instrumental in

bringing about that singular revolution in the court of Egypt[63],

which resulted in planting the Jews there, for the accomplishment of

some of the most extraordinary purposes of God. The same kind of office

seems to have been held by the Jewish chieftain Nehemiah in the court of

Persia, and to have given him considerable influence in accelerating the

return of his countrymen from their captivity in Babylon[64].

The _Dapifer_ or _Sewer_, who, "in his surcote, with tabard, sleeves,

and a hoode about his neck, and his towell above all, served the

messes," or arranged the dishes on the table of the coronation feast of

Elizabeth, Henry VII.'s queen, is an ancient worthy of the royal day,

whose office has become extinct. If the dishes are not become more

tractable, or the royal observation less nice, royal feasting has

become, perhaps, less rare in modern times, and this kind of skill,

therefore, more common.

The _Grand Carver--Grand Panniter_, or provider of bread, and the Royal

_Napier_, are offices that have also become extinct, while good carving

and good living have been still found at the royal table; and while the

_Chief Cupbearer_ has retained his office and the possession of the

manor of Great Wimondley, in Hertfordshire, as his reward.

The _Chief Lardiner_ is also still entitled to notice, as having the

care and management of the royal larder, and being duly careful of "the

remainder of beef, mutton, venison, kids, lard, and other flesh; as also

the fish, salt, &c. remaining in the larder," which fall to his share of

the feast. This office has been attached to the manor of Scoulton, in

Norfolk, from the reign of Henry II.

Nor should we omit to notice that the Lord Mayor and Citizens of London

claim a snug "seat next the cupboard, on the left side of the hall," in

virtue of their right to assist the Chief Butler in his duties at the

coronation feast; or that his lordship serves the king after dinner with

wine in a gold cup, having the cup and its cover for a fee. It is

remarkable that the city claims a right to perform the same service, and

to receive a similar fee, at the coronation of our queens: but as this

escaped Her Majesty's law officers in the late argument for her

coronation, we will not suppose it had any connexion with the strong

desire for that event at the Mansion House. The mayor, bailiffs, and

commonalty of Oxford also claim to assist in the office of butlery, and

receive the humbler reward of three maple cups.

With other presents--of grout or gruel, maple cups and napkins, _to_ the

king, gentle reader, we will suppose thou hast of late been sufficiently

acquainted; but the conspicuous duty of the Barons of the Cinque Ports

must not pass unnoticed.

These ports claim to furnish sixteen supporters of the royal canopy, in

the following proportion, _i.e._--Hastings, 3; Dover, 2; Hithe, 2; Rye,

2; Sandwich, 3; Rumney, 2; Winchelsea, 2. It is called in an account of

the coronation of Richard I. "a silk _umbraculum_, borne on four

lances:" but is now generally composed of cloth of gold, having a gilt

silver bell at each of the four corners, which are supported by four

staves of silver. The origin of this claim is involved in such remote

antiquity, that a charter of Charles II. speaks of "the time of the

contrary being never remembered to have been." We have seen that a

crown, ascribed to the days of King Alfred, bore a couple of bells on

its sides. These accompaniments of royal and pontifical dignity, appear

to be of Eastern origin; but the modern application of them is curiously

contrasted with the ancient design. At the doors of the tents or houses

of grandees a bell or sonorous body was generally placed, that

applicants for admission might announce _their_ desires[65]: thus the

Jewish High Priest wore bells round the lower border of his sacerdotal

garments, "that his sound might be heard" on approaching the presence of

God. It was clearly designed to indicate an application for the audience

of a superior: but in the roar of cannon, the clatter of church bells,

and the warm gratulations of such a people as received His Majesty on a

late occasion, _what_ tidings of any kind could the feeble bells of the

canopy convey?

We shall notice but one other claim, that of the lord of the Isle of Man

to present the king with the interesting present of two falcons on the

day of his coronation. "Hawks and falcons were favourite subjects of

amusement, and valuable presents in those days," says Mr. Turner[66],

"when the country being much over-run with wood, all species of the

feathered race must have abounded. A king of Kent begged of a friend

abroad two falcons of such skill and courage as to attack cranes

willingly, and seizing them to throw them on the ground. An Anglo-Saxon,

by his will, gives two hawks (hafocas), and all his stag-hounds (head or

hundas) to his natural lord." And similarly to this claim of the king on

the lord of Man, "Ethelstan," according to this writer, "made North

Wales furnish him with as many dogs as he chose, whose scent-pursuing

noses might explore the haunts and coverts of the deer; he also exacted

_birds_ 'who knew how to hunt others along the atmosphere[67].'"

The Isle of Man was given in the reign of Henry IV. to the

Northumberland family; on the forfeiture of that earldom Sir John

Stanley became possessed of it, on the present tenure of presenting the

kings of England with two falcons on the day of their coronation; and

although the sovereignty was purchased from the Duke of Athol by the

crown during the late king's reign, that nobleman still holds his

manorial rights by the performance of this duty.

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