STÉPHANE MALLARMÉ AND THE IDEA OF DECADENCE

Decadence: A very convenient word for ignorant

pedagogues; a vague word behind which our

laziness and lack of curiosity concerning the

law seek shelter.

BAUDELAIRE: Letter to Jules Janin.

I

Abruptly, about 1885, the idea of decadence entered French literature.

After serving to glorify or to ridicule a whole group of poets, it

had perched, as it were, upon a single head. Stéphane Mallarmé was

the prince of this ironical, almost injurious realm, as it would have

been, had the word itself been rightly understood and employed. But,

by an eccentricity which is a Latin trait, the academic world, in

keeping with its normal but unwholesome horror when confronted with

new tendencies, called thus the fever for originality which tormented

a generation. M. Mallarmé, rendered responsible for the acts of

rebellion which he had encouraged, appeared to the innocent ass-drivers

who accompany but do not conduct the caravan a redoubtable Aladdin,

assassin of the sound principles of universal imitation.

These are, after all, thoroughly literary habits. They have been

flourishing now for nearly three centuries, and the most celebrated

revolts have hardly lopped their branches--have never uprooted them. No

sooner had the Romantic insolences subsided than the poet was forced

to crawl, half-smothered, under the ancient greenwood which furnishes

ferules.

These habits are also thoroughly Latin. The Romans, so long as they

were Romans only, knew nothing of individualism. Their civilization

offers the spectacle of a fine social animality. Emulation with them

aimed at likeness, just as, with us, it aims at unlikeness. Once

they possessed five or six poets--successful off-shoots of Hellenic

grafting--they refused to admit any others, and it is quite possible

that, their social, racial instinct dominating the instinct of freedom

and individuality, no poet of fresh inspiration was born to them for

four or five centuries. They had the emperor and they had Virgil, and

they obeyed both equally until the Christian revolt and the barbarian

invasion joined hands above the Capitol. Literary liberty, like all

other liberties, is born of the union of consciousness and strength.

The day when Saint Ambrose, writing his hymns, disregarded the Horatian

principles should be memorable, for it marks unmistakably the birth of

a new mentality.

Just as the political history of the Romans has furnished us with the

conception of historical decadence, so the history of their literature

has furnished us with the conception of literary decadence--the

two faces of a single idea; for it has been easy to indicate the

coincidence of the two movements, and to inculcate the belief that

there was a necessary connection between the two. Montesquieu owes his

fame to the fact that he was particularly the dupe of this illusion.

Savages find it very difficult to admit the possibility of natural

death. For them, every death is a murder. They have not the slightest

sense of law; they live in the domain of the accidental. It has been

agreed to call this state of mind inferior, and it is inferior,

though the notion of rigid law is just as false and as dangerous as

its negation. The only absolutely necessary laws are natural laws,

which can neither vary nor change. In the case of social and political

evolution, not only are there no necessary laws, but there are no very

general laws even. Either these so-called laws, confused with the

facts which they explain, amount to nothing but wise and honourable

assertions, or else they declare, though over-emphatically, the very

principle of change. Empires, then, are born, grow and die. Social

combinations are unstable. Human groups have, at different epochs,

different powers of cohesion. New affinities appear and are propagated.

Here there would be the material for a treatise on social mechanics,

if the writer did not insist too rigorously on squaring his philosophy

with the reality of unexpected catastrophes. For the unexpected must

be left a place which is sometimes the throne whence irony flashes and

laughs. The idea of decadence is, then, merely the idea of natural

death. Historians admit no other. To explain the taking of Byzantium

by the Turks, they make us listen to the murmur of theological

quarrels, and the crack of the Blue's whip in the circus. Longchamps

leads to Sedan, no doubt, but Epsom leads to Waterloo also. The long

decadence of crumbling empires is one of the most singular illusions

in history. If certain empires have died of sickness or of old age,

the greater number, on the contrary, have succumbed to violent death,

in the plenitude of their physical power, in the full force of their

intellectual vigour.

Then, too, intelligence is personal, and no reasonable relation can

be established between the power of a people and the genius of an

individual. Neither Greek literature, nor the literatures of the Middle

Ages, correspond to stable and powerful political institutions, Greek,

Italian or French; and it is precisely now, when their material power

has become negligible, that the Scandinavian kingdoms have decked

themselves with original talents. It would, perhaps, be nearer the

truth to say that political decadence is the condition most favourable

for intellectual flowering. It is when a Gustavus Adolphus and a

Charles XII are no longer possible, that an Ibsen and a Björnson

appear. In the same way, the fall of Napoleon seemed a signal for

nature to clothe herself again joyously in green, and to put forth

her most magnificent growths. Goethe was the contemporary of his

country's ruin. In order to exercise and satisfy our tendencies towards

historical scepticism, we should not, however, fail to oppose to these

examples the phenomena of those doubly glorious epochs of which the

pompous century of Louis XIV is the venerated model. After this, a

few minutes' reflection will force us to adopt a somewhat different

opinion from that which passes current persistently in text-books and

in conversation.

Bossuet was the first to whom it occurred to judge universal

history--or what he naïvely regarded as such--in accordance with

the principles of Biblical Judaism. He saw the fall of all those

empires upon which Jehovah had laid his heavy hand. This is the idea

of decadence explained by that of punishment. Montesquieu's more

complicated philosophy is perhaps even more puerile. It is impossible

to name without a sort of disgust a historian who dates the decadence

of Rome from the dawn of those admirable centuries of world-peace

which, perhaps, constitute the one happy epoch of civilized humanity.

The meaning of the words must be scrutinized closely. Then it will be

perceived that they have no sense, and that memorable writers used them

all their lives without understanding them. But however debatable, or

at least however vague, it may be, the general idea of decadence is

clear and distinct compared with the more restricted notion of literary

decadence.

From Racine to Vigny, France produced no great poet. This is a fact.

Such a period is certainly one of literary decadence; yet we should

not go further than the fact itself, or attribute to it an absurd

character of logic and necessity. Poetry was asleep in the eighteenth

century, through lack of poets; but this failure is not the result of a

too free flowering prior to that period. It is what it is, and nothing

more. If we call it decadence, we admit the existence of a sort of

mysterious organism--a being, a woman--Poetry--who is born, brings

forth, and dies, at almost regular intervals, after the manner of human

beings. This is an agreeable conception--subject for a dissertation or

lecture--but one which should be omitted from a discussion, which aims

only at the anatomy of an idea.

The principal trait of eighteenth century poetry is its spirit of

imitation. That century was Roman in its cultivation of this spirit.

It imitated furiously, gracefully, tenderly, ironically, stupidly.

It was "Chinese" as well as Roman. There were "models." The word

was imperative. The poet was not obliged to describe the impression

produced upon him by life; he had to watch Racine and scale the

mountain. What a singular psychology! The same philosopher who sapped

the idea of respect in politics, replastered and whitewashed it anew

in literature. There were critics. While Goethe was writing _Werther_,

they were comparing Gilbert and Boileau. It was a degradation. Must

we seek a cause for it? That would be vain. To attempt to explain why

no poet was born in France for a hundred years, with the exception of

Delille[1] and of Chénier, would lead necessarily to explaining the

birth of Ronsard, Théophile or Racine also. We know nothing about it,

and nothing can be known. Stripped of its mysticism, its necessity, all

its historical genealogy, the idea of literary decadence is reduced to

a purely negative notion--to the simple idea of absence. This sounds

so simple that one scarcely dares to express it; but, when superior

intelligences are lacking at a given moment, the multiplication of

mediocrities makes itself acutely and actively felt; and, as the

mediocre man is an imitator, the epochs that have justly been called

decadent are nothing but epochs of imitation. In the last analysis, the

idea of decadence is identical with the idea of imitation.

Decadence, and Other Essays on the Culture of Ideas · 第 19 / 32 题