THE DISASSOCIATION OF IDEAS

There are two ways of thinking. One can either accept current ideas and

associations of ideas, just as they are, or else undertake, on his own

account, new associations or, what is rarer, original disassociations.

The intelligence capable of such efforts is, more or less, according

to the degree, or according to the abundance and variety of its other

gifts, a creative intelligence. It is a question either of inventing

new relations between old ideas, old images, or of separating old

ideas, old images united by tradition, of considering them one by one,

free to work them over and arrange an infinite number of new couples

which a fresh operation will disunite once more, and so on till new

ties, always fragile and doubtful, are formed.

In the realm of facts and of experience such operations would

necessarily be limited by the resistance of matter and the

uncompromising character of physical laws. In the purely intellectual

domain they are subject to logic; but logic itself being an

intellectual fabric, its indulgence is almost unlimited. In truth,

the association and the disassociation of ideas (or of images, for

the idea is merely a worn-out image) pursue a winding course which

it is impossible to determine, and whose general direction, even, it

is difficult to follow. There are no ideas so remote, no images so

ill-assorted, that an easy habit of association cannot bring them

together, at least, momentarily. Victor Hugo, seeing a cable wrapped

with rags at the point where it crossed a sharp ridge, saw, at the

same time, the knees of tragic actresses padded to break the dramatic

falls in the fifth act;[1] and these two things so remote--a rope

anchored on a rock, and the knees of an actress--are evoked, as we

read, in a parallel which takes our fancy because the knees and the

rope are equally "furred,"[2] the first above and the latter below, at

the bend; because the elbow made by a cable thus cast bears a certain

resemblance to a leg that is bent; because Giliatt's situation is quite

tragic; and, finally, because, even while perceiving the logic of these

comparisons, we perceive, no less clearly, their delicious absurdity.

Such an association is perforce extremely fugitive, unless the language

adopts it and makes of it one of those figures of speech with which

it delights to enrich itself. It should occasion no surprise were

this bend of a cable to be called its "knee." In any event, the two

images remain ever ready to be divorced, divorce being the permanent

rule in the world of ideas, which is the world of free love. This fact

sometimes scandalizes simple folk. Whoever first dared to say the

"mouth" or the "jaw" of a cannon, according to which of those terms is

the older, was, without doubt, accused either of preciousness or of

coarseness. If it be improper to speak of the "knee" of a rope, it is

quite proper to speak of the "elbow" of a pipe or the "paunch" of a

bottle. But these examples are presented merely as elementary types of

a mechanism which is more familiar to us in practice than in theory.

Leaving aside all images still living, we shall concern ourselves

exclusively with ideas--that is to say, those tenacious and fugitive

shades which flutter about eternally bewildered in men's brains.

There are associations of ideas so durable that they seem everlasting,

so closely knit that they resemble those double stars which the naked

eye seeks in vain to separate. They are usually called "commonplaces."

This expression, relic of an old rhetorical term, _loci communes

sermonis_, has, especially since the development of individualism,

assumed a slighting sense which it was far from possessing at the

start, and even as late as the seventeenth century. The meaning of

"commonplace" has also been narrowed, as well as debased, till it has

come to be a variant of cliché, or hackneyed expression--that which has

already been seen or heard; and, for the mass of men, who employ words

without precision, commonplace is now one of the synonyms of _cliché_.

But _cliché_ refers to the words, commonplace to the ideas. _Cliché_

defines the form or the letter, commonplace the substance or the sense.

To confound them is to confound the thought with the expression of the

thought. The _cliché_ is immediately perceptible. The commonplace very

often escapes notice if clothed in an original dress. There are not

many examples, in any literature, of new ideas expressed in a new form.

The most captious mind must commonly content itself with one or other

of these pleasures, only too happy when not deprived of both at once,

which is not very rarely the case.

The commonplace is both more and less than a hackneyed expression. It

is hackneyed, but sometimes unavoidably so. It is hackneyed, but so

universally accepted that it comes consequently to be called a truth.

Most truths which travel the world (truths are great travellers) may

be regarded as commonplaces, that is to say, associations of ideas

common to a large number of men, none of whom would dare deliberately

to disassociate them. Man, in spite of his lying tendency, has great

respect for what he calls the truth. This is because truth is the staff

with which he travels through life, because commonplaces are the bread

in his wallet, the wine in his gourd. Deprived of the truth contained

in commonplaces, men would be without defence, without support, and

without nourishment. They have so great a need of truths that they

adopt new ones without rejecting the old. Civilized man's brain is a

museum of contradictory truths. This does not disturb him, because he

is a "successive." He ruminates his truths one after the other. He

thinks as he eats. We should vomit with horror if we had presented to

us, in a large dish, the various aliments, from meat to fruit, mixed

with soup, wine and coffee, destined to form our "successive" repast.

Our horror would be as great were we shown the repellent amalgam

of contradictory truths which find lodgment in our mind. Some few

analytical intelligences have sought vainly to draw up in cold blood

the inventory of their contradictions. To each objection offered by

reason, sentiment opposes an immediately valid excuse; for, as M.

Ribot has pointed out, the sentiments are what is strongest in us,

representing the elements of permanence and continuity. It is not

less difficult to inventory the contradictions of others, where a

single individual is concerned; for here we come up against hypocrisy

which has, precisely, as its social rôle, to dissimulate the too

strident clash of our variegated convictions. We should then question

all men--that is to say, the human entity--or at least groups of men

sufficiently numerous for the cynicism of some to compensate the

hypocrisy of others.

In the lower animal regions and in the vegetable world, budding is

one of the ways in which life is created. Scission is seen to take

place equally in the world of ideas; but the result, instead of being

a new life, is a new abstraction. All general grammars, or elementary

treatises on logic, teach how abstractions are formed. They have

neglected to teach how they are not formed--that is, why a given

commonplace persists in living on without posterity. It is a somewhat

delicate question, but it would suggest interesting remarks for a

chapter to be called "Refractory commonplaces, or the impossibility of

disassociating certain ideas." It would, perhaps, be useful to examine

first how ideas become associated, and to what end. The method of this

operation is of the simplest sort. Its principle is analogy. There are

very remote analogies; there are others so close that they lie within

reach of all.

A great many commonplaces have an historic origin. One day two ideas

became united under the influence of events, and this union proved more

or less lasting. Having seen with its own eyes the death-struggle of

Byzantium, Europe coupled these two ideas, Byzantium-Decadence, which

became a commonplace, an incontestable truth for all men who read and

write, and thus necessarily for all the rest--for those who cannot

verify the truths offered them. From Byzantium, this association of

ideas was extended to the whole Roman Empire, which is now, for sage

and respectful historians, nothing but a succession of decadences.

We read recently in a weighty newspaper: "If the despotic form of

government possessed a special virtue, conducive to the creation of

good armies, would not the establishment of the empire have inaugurated

an era of development in the military power of the Romans? It was, on

the contrary, a signal for downfall and destruction." This commonplace,

of Christian origin, has been popularized, in modern times, as

everyone knows, by Montesquieu and Gibbon. It has been magisterially

disassociated by M. Gaston Paris, and is now nothing but nonsense.

But, as its genealogy is known--as its birth and its death have been

witnessed--it may serve fairly well as an example to explain the

nature of a great historic truth.

The secret purpose of the commonplace is, in fact, to express a truth.

Isolated ideas represent merely facts or abstractions. To form a truth,

two factors are needed--a fact and an abstraction. Such, at least, is

the commonest mode of generation. Almost every truth, almost every

commonplace, may be resolved into these two elements.

The word "truth" may almost always be employed concurrently with

the word "commonplace," and is thus defined, once and for all, as a

commonplace which has not yet been disassociated, disassociation being

analogous to what, in chemistry, is called analysis. Chemical analysis

challenges neither the existence nor the qualities of the substance

which it disassociates into diverse elements often disassociable in

their turn. It limits itself to liberating these elements and offering

them to synthesis which, varying the proportions and adding new

elements, will, if it likes, obtain entirely different substances. With

the fragments of a truth can be constructed another truth "identically

contrary." Such a task would be a mere game, but useful, nevertheless,

like all those exercises which limber the intelligence and lead it

towards that state of disdainful nobility to which it should aspire.

There are, however, truths that one dreams neither of analyzing nor of

denying. Whether furnished us by the secular experience of humanity,

or forming part of the axioms of science, they are incontestable. The

preacher who proclaimed from the pulpit, before Louis XIV, "Gentlemen,

we shall all die!" proffered a truth which the king, though he scowled,

did not pretend seriously to dispute. It is, however, one of those

truths that have doubtless experienced the greatest difficulty in

becoming established, and are not, even now, universally admitted.

It was not all at once that the Aryan races connected these two

ideas--that of death and that of necessity. Many black tribes still

have not reached this point. There is no natural death, no necessary

death, for the Negro. The sorcerer is consulted, at each decease,

in order to ascertain the author of this secret and magic crime. We

ourselves are still somewhat in the same mental state, and every

premature death of a prominent man gives immediate rise to rumours of

poisoning, of mysterious murder. Everyone remembers the legends started

by the death of Gambetta and of Félix Faure. They connect naturally

with those that stirred the end of the seventeenth century--with those

which, far more than the facts, doubtless rare, darkened the sixteenth

century in Italy. Stendhal, in his Roman anecdotes, overworks this

poison superstition which must still, in our day, claim more than one

judicial victim.

Man associates ideas, not at all in accordance with verifiable

exactitude, but with his pleasure and his interest. That is why most

truths are merely prejudices. Those that are least open to question are

also those that he has always sought to combat cunningly with the ruse

of silence. The same inertia is opposed to the work of disassociation

seen operating slowly on certain truths.

The state of disassociation reached by moral commonplaces seems to bear

a rather close relation to the degree of intellectual civilization.

Here, too, it is a question of a sort of struggle, carried on, not

by individuals, but by peoples formed into nations, against palpable

facts which, while augmenting the intensity of the individual life,

diminish, for that very reason, as experience proves, the intensity of

collective life and energy. There is no doubt that a man can derive

from immorality itself--from his refusal to subscribe to the prejudices

inscribed in a decalogue--a great personal benefit; but a collectivity

of individuals too strong, too mutually independent, makes but a

mediocre people. We have, in such cases, the spectacle of the social

instinct entering the lists against the individual instinct, and of

societies professing, as such, a morality that each of its intelligent

members, followed by a very large part of the herd, deems vain, outworn

or tyrannical.

A rather curious illustration of these principles will be found by

examining the present state of sexual morality. This morality, peculiar

to Christian peoples, is based upon the exceedingly close association

of two ideas--that of carnal pleasure and that of generation. Any

man or people that has not disassociated these two ideas, has not

mentally liberated the elements of this truth, namely, that outside

of the properly generative act, accomplished under the protection of

the laws, whether religious or civil--the second being mere parodies

of the first, in our essentially Christian civilizations--sexual acts

are sins, errors, faults, weaknesses. Whoever consciously adopts

this rule, sanctioned by the codes, belongs evidently to a still

rudimentary civilization. The highest civilization being that in which

the individual is freest, the most exempt from obligations, this

proposition would be open to question only if taken as a provocation

to libertinism, or as a depreciation of asceticism. It does not matter

here whether it be moral or immoral. It ought, if exact, to be seen,

at the first glance, in the facts. Nothing is easier. A statistical

table of European natality will convince the stubbornest that there

is a very close bond--a bond of cause and effect--between a people's

intellectuality and its fecundity. The same is true for individuals

as for social groups. It is as a result of intellectual weakness that

working-men allow their homes to be flooded with offspring. The slums

are full of unfortunate individuals who, having begotten a dozen

children, are surprised to find life harsh. These poor creatures, who

lack even the excuse of religious beliefs, have not yet learned to

disassociate the idea of carnal pleasure and that of generation. In

their case, the first determines the second, and their acts respond to

a childish, almost animal cerebral process. The man who has reached a

really human stage in the scale of intelligence, limits his offspring

at will. It is one of his privileges, but it is among those that he

attains only to die of them.

Fortunate for the individual whom it sets free, this particular

disassociation is, in fact, far less fortunate for a people. However,

it will favour the further development of civilization, by maintaining

upon the earth, the spaces required for human evolution.

It was not till fairly late that the Greeks succeeded in separating

the idea of woman and that of generation; but they had already

disassociated, at a very early date, the idea of generation and that

of carnal pleasure. When they ceased to consider woman solely as an

instrument of generation, the reign of the courtesans began. The Greeks

seem, moreover, always to have had an extremely vague sexual morality,

though this did not prevent them from cutting a certain figure in

history.

Christianity could not, without forswearing its own principles,

encourage the disassociation of the idea of carnal pleasure and that

of generation; but it successfully promoted, on the other hand, the

disassociation of the idea of love and that of carnal pleasure, and

this was one of the great conquests of humanity. The Egyptians were so

far incapable of understanding such a disassociation, that the love of

a brother and sister would have seemed nothing to them if it had not

led to sexual intercourse. The lower classes of great cities are often

enough quite Egyptian in this regard. The different sorts of incest

which occasionally come to our notice, testify to the fact than an

analogous state of mind is not absolutely incompatible with a certain

intellectual culture. The peculiarly Christian form of chaste love,

freed from all idea of physical pleasure, is divine love, such as it

is seen flowering in the mystical exaltation of the contemplatives.

This is the really pure love, since it corresponds to nothing that

can be defined. It is the intelligence adoring itself in its own

infinite self-made image. Whatever sensual element may be involved

has its source in the very constitution of the human body, and in the

law governing the interdependence of the organs. No account should,

therefore, be taken of it in a non-physiological study. What has been

clumsily called Platonic love is thus a Christian creation. It is in

the last analysis a passionate friendship, as vital and jealous as

physical love, but freed from the idea of carnal pleasure, just as

the latter had already been freed from the idea of generation. This

ideal state of the human affections is the first stage on the road to

asceticism, and asceticism might be defined as the state of mind in

which all ideas are disassociated.

With the waning of the Christian influence, the first stage of

asceticism has become a less and less frequent halting-place, and

asceticism itself, grown equally rare, is often reached by another

route. In our day the idea of love has once more been closely connected

with the idea of physical pleasure, and moralists are busy refashioning

its primitive association with the idea of generation. It is a rather

curious retrogression.

An historical psychology of humanity could be attempted by determining

the precise degree of disassociation attained, in the course of the

centuries, by a certain number of those truths which the orthodox agree

to call primordial. This method ought even to form the base, and this

determination the very aim, of history. Since everything in man comes

back to the intelligence, everything in history ought to come back to

psychology. It would be some excuse for the facts, were they found to

admit of an explanation neither diplomatic nor strategic. What was

the association of ideas, or the truth not yet disassociated, which

favoured the accomplishment of the mission which Jeanne d'Arc believed

to have been received from heaven? To answer this question, it would

be necessary to discover certain ideas capable of uniting equally in

French brains and in English, or a truth at that time indisputably

admitted by all Christendom. Jeanne d'Arc was regarded, at once by her

friends and by her enemies, as possessing a supernatural power. For

the English, she was a very potent sorceress. Opinion is unanimous on

this point, and there is abundant evidence. But for her partisans? For

them she was doubtless a sorceress also, or rather, a magician. Magic

is not necessarily diabolical. Supernatural beings, that were neither

angels nor demons, but Powers which man's intelligence could bring

under its dominion, were afloat in the imagination. The magician was

the good sorcerer. Were this not so, would a man as wise and as saintly

as Albertus Magnus have been taxed with magic? The soldier who followed

Jeanne d'Arc, and the soldier who fought her, sorceress or magician,

formed of her, quite probably, an idea identical in its dreadful

absurdity. But if the English shouted the name of sorceress, the French

withheld the name of "magician," doubtless for the same reason which so

long protected the usurper Ta-Kiang through the marvellous adventures

narrated by Judith Gautier in her admirable _Dragon Impérial_.

What idea, at any given moment, did each class of society form of the

soldier? Would not the answer to this question contain a whole course

in history? Coming down to our own time, it might be asked at what

moment the idea of honour and the military idea became united in the

common mind. Is the union a survival of the aristocratic conception

of the army? Was the association formed as a result of the events of

thirty years ago, when the people decided to exalt the soldier for its

own encouragement? This idea of honour should be clearly understood. It

contains several other ideas--ideas of bravery, of disinterestedness,

of discipline, of sacrifice, of heroism, of probity, of loyalty, of

frankness, of good humour, of openness, of simplicity, etc. The word

itself would, in fine, be found to sum up the qualities of which the

French race believes itself to be the expression. To determine its

origin would be, then, to determine automatically the period when

the Frenchman began to believe himself a compendium of all the manly

virtues. The military man has remained in France, in spite of recent

objections, the very type of the man of honour. The two ideas are

united very energetically. They form a truth which is scarcely disputed

to-day, except by individuals of slight authority or of doubtful

sincerity. Its disassociation is, therefore, very little advanced as

regards the nation as a whole. It was, however, for a moment at least,

completely effected in certain minds. This involved, from the strictly

intellectual point of view, a considerable effort of abstraction which

we cannot but admire when we regard dispassionately the cerebral

machine in its functioning. Doubtless the result achieved was not

the product of normal reasoning. The disassociation was accomplished

in a fit of fever. It was unconscious, and it was momentary; but it

_was_, and that is the important point for the observer. The idea of

honour, with all it implies, became separated from the military idea,

which, in this instance, is the factual idea, the female idea, ready

to receive all the modifiers, and it was perceived that, if there

was a certain logical relation between them, this relation was not

necessary. There is the decisive point. A truth is dead when it has

been shown that the relations between the elements are habitual, and

not necessary; and, as the death of a truth is a great benefit for

mankind, this disassociation would have been very important if it had

been definitive, if it had remained stable. Unfortunately, after the

effort to attain the pure idea, the old mental habits resumed their

sway. The former modifying element was instantly replaced by an element

by no means new, less logical than the other, and even less necessary.

The operation seemed to have miscarried. Association of ideas occurred

again in the very same form as before, though one of the elements had

now been turned inside out, like an old glove. For honour had been

substituted dishonour, with all the adventitious ideas belonging to

the old element transformed into cowardice, deceitfulness, lack of

discipline, falseness, duplicity, wickedness, etc. This new association

of ideas may have a destructive value, but it offers no intellectual

interest.

The moral of this anecdote is that the ideas which seem to us the

clearest, the most evident,--the most palpable, as it were--are, even

so, not strong enough to impose themselves in all their nakedness

upon the average mind. In order to assimilate the idea of the army,

a contemporary brain must swathe it with elements which have only a

chance or current relation with the main idea. A humble politician

cannot, doubtless, be expected to adopt Napoleon's simple idea of

an army as a sword. Very simple ideas lie within the reach of very

complicated minds only. It seems, however, that it should not be absurd

to regard the army merely as the exteriorized force of a nation, and

then to demand of this particular force only those very qualities which

are demanded of force in general. But perhaps even this is too simple?

What excellent opportunities the present offers for one who would

study the mechanism of the association and disassociation of ideas!

We often talk of ideas. We write on the evolution of ideas. Yet no

word is vaguer or more ill-defined. There are naïve writers who hold

forth on the Idea, with a capital I. There are co-operative societies

that start out suddenly in quest of the Idea. There are people who

devote themselves to the Idea, who live with their gaze fixed upon the

Idea. Just what is meant by such rambling? That is what I have never

been able to understand. Employed thus, alone, the word is perhaps a

corruption of the word Ideal. Is the modifying term perhaps understood

also? Is it a stray fragment of the Hegelian philosophy which the

slow advance of the great social glacier has, in passing, deposited

in certain heads, where it rolls and clatters about like a rock? No

one knows. Employed as a relative, the word is not much clearer in

ordinary phraseologies. Its primitive meaning is too far forgotten, as

well as the fact that an idea is nothing but an image that has reached

the state of abstraction, of notion; but it is forgotten also that,

in order to be entitled to the name of idea, a notion must be free

from all compromise with the contingent. A notion, reaching the estate

of idea, has become indisputable. It is a cipher, a sign--one of the

letters in the alphabet of thought.

Ideas cannot be classed as true and false. The idea is necessarily

true. An idea that can be disputed is an idea mingled with concrete

notions, that is to say, a truth. The work of disassociation tends,

precisely, to free the truth from all its fragile part, in order

to obtain the pure, one, and consequently unassailable idea. But

if words were never used save in their unique and absolute sense,

connected discourse would be difficult. There must be left a little

of that vagueness and flexibility which usage has given them; and, in

particular, too much stress must not be laid upon the gap separating

the abstract from the concrete. There is an intermediate state between

ice and water--that in which the latter begins to congeal, when it

still cracks and yields under the pressure of the hand plunged into

it. Perhaps we should not even demand that the words contained in

philosophic handbooks should abdicate all pretension to ambiguity.

The idea of army, which aroused serious polemics, and which was

liberated an instant, only to be obscured anew, is one of those

that border on the concrete and cannot be spoken of without minute

references to reality. The idea of justice, on the contrary, can be

considered in itself, _in abstracto_. In the inquiry made by M. Ribot

on the subject of general ideas, almost all those who heard the word

Justice pronounced, saw, in their mind's eye, the legendary lady with

the scales. There is, in this traditional representation of an abstract

idea, a notion of the very origin of that idea.

The idea of justice is, in fact, nothing but the idea of equilibrium.

Justice is the dead-point in a series of acts--the ideal point at

which contrary forces neutralize each other to produce inertia. Life

which had passed this dead-point of absolute justice could not longer

live, since the idea of life, identical with that of a conflict of

forces, is necessarily the idea of justice. The reign of justice could

only be the reign of silence and of petrification. Mouths cease to

speak--vain organs of stupefied brains--and arms uplifted in suspended

gesture describe nothing further in the frozen air. Theologians

situated justice beyond the world, in eternity. There only can it be

conceived, and there only can it, without danger to life, exercise

once and for all its tyranny which knows but one sort of decree, the

decree of death. The idea of justice, then, clearly belongs to the

series of ideas that are indisputable and undemonstrable. Nothing can

be done with it in its pure state. It must be associated with some

element of fact, or we must cease using a word which corresponds only

to an inconceivable entity. To tell the truth, the idea of justice

is perhaps here disassociated for the first time. Under this name

men allege sometimes the idea of punishment, which is very familiar

to them, sometimes the idea of non-punishment--a neutral idea, mere

shadow of the former. It is question of punishing the guilty and of

not disturbing the innocent--a distinction which, in order to be

comprehensible, would immediately imply a definition of guilt and

a definition of innocence. That is difficult, these words from the

moral dictionary having to-day nothing but a dwindling and entirely

relative significance. And why, it might be asked, should a guilty man

be punished? It would seem, on the contrary, as if the innocent man,

who is supposed to be healthy and normal, were much more capable of

supporting punishment than the guilty man, who is sick and weakly. Why

should not the imbecile, who has let himself be robbed, be punished

instead of the robber, who has certain excuses to offer? That is

what justice would decree if, instead of a theological conception,

it were still, as at Sparta, an imitation of nature. Nothing exists

save by virtue of disequilibrium, of injustice. Every existence is

a theft practised upon other existences. No life flourishes except

in a cemetery. If, instead of being the denier of natural laws,

humanity wished to become their auxiliary, it would seek to protect

the strong against the coalition of the weak, and give the people to

the aristocrats as a footstool. It would seem, on the contrary, as if

that which is to-day understood by justice were, simultaneously with

the punishment of the guilty, the extermination of the strong, and,

simultaneously with the non-punishment of the innocent, the exaltation

of the humble. The origin of this complex, bastard, hypocritical idea

should then be sought in the Gospel, in the "woe to the rich" of

the Jewish demagogues. Thus understood, the idea of justice appears

contaminated at once by hatred and by envy. It no longer retains

anything of its original meaning, and one cannot attempt its analysis

without danger of being duped by the vulgar meaning of the words.

Yet, with a little care, it would be seen that the depreciation of

this useful term arose originally from a confusion between the idea

of right and the idea of punishment. The day when justice came to

mean sometimes criminal justice, sometimes civil justice, the world

confused these two practical notions, and the teachers of the people,

incapable of a serious effort of disassociation, have come to magnify

a misunderstanding which, moreover, serves their own interests. The

real idea of justice appears then, finally, as quite non-existent in

the very word which figures in the human vocabulary. This word resolves

itself, on analysis, into elements which are still very complex, and

among which may be distinguished the idea of right and the idea of

punishment. But there is so much that is illogical in this curious

coupling, that we should be inclined to doubt the accuracy of our

operation, did not the social facts furnish its proof.

We might here examine this question: do abstract words really exist for

the people, for the average man? Probably not. It would even seem as if

the same word attained only graduated stages of abstraction, according

to the degree of intellectual culture. The pure idea is more or less

contaminated by concern for personal, caste or group interests, and

the word justice, for example, thus clothes all sorts of particular

and limited meanings under the weight of which its supreme sense

disappears, overwhelmed.

The moment an idea is disassociated and it enters thus, quite

naked, into circulation, it begins to pick up, in the course of its

wanderings, all sorts of parasitic vegetations. Sometimes the original

organism disappears entirely, devoured by the egoistic colonies which

develop in it. A very amusing example of the way in which ideas are

thus deflected was recently given by the corporation of house-painters,

at the ceremony called the "Triumph of the Republic." These workmen

carried a banner on which their demands for social justice were summed

up in the cry: "Down with Ripolin!" The reader should know that Ripolin

is a prepared paint which anyone can apply, in order to understand the

full sincerity of this slogan as well as its artlessness. Ripolin here

represents injustice and oppression. It is the enemy, the devil. We

all have our ripolin with which we colour, according to our needs, the

abstract ideas which otherwise would be of no personal use to us.

It is under one of these motleys that the idea of liberty is presented

to us by the politicians. Hearing this word, we now perceive little

other than the idea of political liberty, and it would seem as if all

the liberties which man is capable of enjoying were summed up in this

ambiguous expression. Moreover, it is the same with the pure idea of

liberty, as with the pure idea of justice; it is of no use to us in

the ordinary business of life. Neither man nor nature is free, any

more than either is just. Reasoning has no hold upon such ideas. To

express them is to assert them, but they would necessarily falsify

every argument into which one might wish to introduce them. Reduced

to its social significance, the idea of liberty is still incompletely

disassociated. There is no general idea of liberty, and it is difficult

to form one, since the liberty of an individual is exercised only at

the expense of the liberty of others. Formerly liberty was called

privilege. Taking everything into account, that is perhaps its true

name. Even to-day one of our relative liberties--the liberty of the

press--is an ensemble of privileges. Privileges also are the liberty

of speech granted to lawyers, the liberty of trade unions, and,

to-morrow, the liberty of association as it is now proposed to us. The

idea of liberty is perhaps only an emphatic corruption of the idea of

privilege. The Latins, who made great use of the word liberty, meant by

it the privilege of the Roman citizen.

It is seen that there is often an enormous gap between the common

meaning of a word and its real significance in the depths of obscure

verbal consciousnesses, whether because several associated ideas

are expressed by a single word, or because the primitive idea has

been submerged by the invasion of a secondary idea. It is thus

possible--especially in dealing with generalizations--to write

sentences having at once an apparent and a secret meaning. Words,

which are signs, are almost always ciphers as well. The unconscious

conventional language is very much in use, and there are even matters

where it is the only one employed. But cipher implies deciphering. It

is not easy to understand even the sincerest writing, and the author

himself often goes astray because the meaning of words varies not only

from one man to another, but from moment to moment, in the case of the

same man. Language is thus a great cause of deception. It evolves in

abstraction, while life evolves in complete concrete reality. Between

speech and the things designated by speech, there is the same distance

as between a landscape and the description of a landscape. And it must

still further be borne in mind that the landscapes which we depict

are known to us, most often, only through words which are, in turn,

reflections of anterior words. Yet we understand each other. It is a

miracle which I have no intention of analyzing at present. It will

be more to our purpose, in concluding this sketch, which is merely a

method, to undertake the examination of the quite modern ideas of art

and of beauty.

I am ignorant of their origins, but they are later than the classic

languages, which possess no fixed and precise words to express them,

though the ancients were as well able as we to enjoy the reality

they contain--better, even. They are intertangled. The idea of art

is dependent upon the idea of beauty; but this latter idea is itself

nothing but the idea of harmony, and the idea of harmony reduces

itself to the idea of logic. The beautiful is that which is in its

place. Thence arise the sentiments of pleasure given us by beauty. Or

rather, beauty is a logic which is perceived as a pleasure. If this

be admitted, it will at once be understood why the idea of beauty, in

societies dominated by women, is almost always restricted to the idea

of feminine beauty. Beauty is a woman. There is in this an interesting

subject for analysis, but the question is somewhat complicated. It

would be necessary to show, first, that woman is no more beautiful than

man; that, situated on the same plane in nature, constructed on the

same model, made of the same flesh, she would appear to a sensitive

intelligence, exterior to humanity, exactly the female of man--exactly

what, for man, a jenny is to a jack. And, observing them more closely,

the Martian, who wished to learn something concerning the aesthetics of

terrestrial forms, would even note that, if there be a real difference

in beauty between a man and a woman of the same race, of the same

caste, and of the same age, this difference is almost always in favour

of the man; and that, moreover, if neither the man nor the woman be

entirely beautiful, the defects of the human race are more accentuated

in the woman, where the twofold projection of the belly and the

buttocks--sexual attractions, no doubt--breaks unpleasantly the double

line of the silhouette. The curve of the breasts is almost inflected

under the influence of the back, which has a hollow tendency. Cranach's

nudes confess naïvely these eternal imperfections of woman. Another

defect which artists, when they have taste, remedy instinctively, is

the shortness of the legs, so marked in the photographs of nude women.

This cold anatomy of feminine beauty has often been made. It is, then,

useless to insist upon it--all the more because, unfortunately, its

verification is only too easy. But if woman's beauty be so vulnerable

to criticism, how does it happen that, in spite of all, it remains

indisputable--that it has become for us the very basis and leaven of

the idea of beauty? It is a sexual illusion. The idea of beauty is

not a pure idea. It is intimately connected with the idea of carnal

pleasure. Stendhal had an obscure perception of this line of reasoning

when he defined beauty as "a promise of happiness." Beauty is a woman,

even for women themselves, who have carried docility with regard to

men to the point of adopting this aphorism which they are capable of

understanding only under the form of extreme sensual perversion. We

know, however, that women have a particular type of beauty, which men

have naturally branded "doll-like." If women were sincere, they would

long ago have stigmatized equally the type of feminine beauty by which

man most readily lets himself be seduced.

This identification of woman and beauty goes so far to-day that we

have had innocently proposed us the "apotheosis of woman," meaning the

glorification of beauty, with all the promises contained in Stendhal's

definition taken in its erotic sense. Beauty is a woman and woman is a

beauty. The caricaturists accentuate the common sentiment by invariably

coupling with a woman, whom they strive to render beautiful, a man

whose ugliness they stress to the extreme of vulgarity; and this in

spite of the fact that pretty women are so rare in life, that after

thirty a woman is almost always inferior, age for age, in plastic

beauty, to her husband or lover. It is true that this inferiority is no

easier to demonstrate than it is to feel, and that reasoning remains

ineffective, once the page is finished, for the reader as well as for

the writer; and this is very fortunate.

The idea of beauty has never been disassociated save by aestheticians.

The common run of men accept Stendhal's definition, which amounts to

saying that this idea does not exist--that it has been absolutely

devoured by the idea of happiness--of sexual happiness, happiness given

by a woman. That is why the cult of beauty is suspect for moralists who

have analyzed the value of certain abstract words. They translate this

one by the cult of the flesh, and they would be right, if that last

expression did not imply a somewhat silly attack upon one of man's most

natural tendencies. The necessary result has been that, in opposing

such excessive apotheosis of woman, they have infringed upon the rights

of art. Art being the expression of beauty, and it being possible to

understand beauty only under the material aspects of the true idea

which it contains, art has become almost uniquely feminine. Beauty is

woman; and art, also, is woman. But the latter is less absolute. The

notion of art is even fairly clear for artists and for the _élite_. The

idea of art has been extremely well liberated. There is a pure art

which is concerned exclusively with self-realization. No definition

of it even should be given; for such a definition could not be made

without connecting the idea of art with ideas which are foreign to it,

and which would tend to obscure and sully it.

Previous to this disassociation, which is recent, and whose origin

is known, the idea of art was connected with diverse ideas which are

normally foreign to it--ideas of morality, of utility, or education.

Art was the edifying illustration introduced into religious or

philosophical catechism. This was the conception of the last two

centuries. We freed ourselves from that yoke. There are now those who

would like to put it back upon our necks. The idea of art has again

been sullied, this time with the idea of utility. Art is called social

by modern preachers. It is also called democratic, both epithets being

well chosen, if it was meant by them to imply complete negation of its

principal function. Admitting art because it can improve individuals

or the masses, is like admitting roses because an eye-wash can be

extracted from them. It is confounding two series of notions which

the well-regulated exercise of the intelligence places upon entirely

different planes. The plastic arts have a language; but this language

cannot be translated into words and phrases. The work of art says

things which are addressed directly to the aesthetic sense, and to

it alone. What it can add, in such a way as to be understood by our

other, faculties, is not worth listening to. And yet it is this

negligible element which interests the boosters of social art. They

are the majority and, as we are governed by the law of numbers, their

triumph seems assured. The idea of art will, perhaps, prove to have

been disassociated for a few years only, and for a small group of

intelligences.

There are, then, a very large number of ideas that are never employed

by men in their pure state, either because they have not yet been

disassociated, or because this disassociation has been incapable of

achieving stability. There are also a great many ideas which exist in

the state of disassociation, or that can provisionally be considered so

to exist, but which have a special affinity for other ideas with which

they are most commonly encountered. There are still others which seem

refractory to certain associations, whereas the facts to which they

correspond are, in reality, extremely frequent. Here are a few examples

of these affinities and of these repulsions, chosen in the profoundly

interesting realm of commonplaces, or truths.

Flags were originally religious tokens, like the oriflamme of

Saint-Denis, and their symbolic utility has remained at least as

great as their real usefulness. But how, outside of war, have they

become symbols of the idea of country? This is easier to explain by

the facts themselves than by abstract logic. To-day, in nearly all

civilized countries, the idea of country and the idea of flag are

invincibly associated. The two words are even interchangeable. But

this is a question of symbolism quite as much as of association of

ideas. Insistence upon it would lead us to the language of colours,

counterpart of the language of flowers, but still more unstable and

arbitrary. If it is amusing to note that the blue of the French flag is

the consecrated colour of the Virgin and of the children of Mary, it

is no less so to find that the pious purple of the robe of Saint-Denis

has become a revolutionary symbol. Like the atoms of Epicurus, ideas

cling together as best they may, through chance encounters, shocks and

accidents.

Certain associations, though very recent, have rapidly acquired a

singular authority, like those of education and intelligence, of

education and morality. But, at most, education may have something

to say for one of the particular forms of memory, or for a literal

knowledge of the commonplaces contained in the Decalogue. The

absurdity of these forced relations appears very clearly in that

which concerns woman. It seems clear that there is a certain sort of

education--that which they receive to-day--which, far from stimulating

their intelligence, tends rather to blunt it. Since they have been

educated seriously, they no longer have the least influence either

in politics or in literature. Compare, in this connection, our last

thirty years with the last thirty years of the _ancien régime_.

These two associations of ideas have, nevertheless, become veritable

commonplaces--truths which it is as useless to expose as to combat.

They take their place with all those which infest books and the

degenerate lobes of man's brain--with old and venerable truths like:

virtue-recompense, vice-punishment, God-goodness, crime-remorse,

duty-happiness, authority-respect, unhappiness-punishment,

future-progress, and thousands of others, some of which, though absurd,

are useful to mankind.

It would be equally possible to make a long catalogue of the

ideas which men refuse to associate, while delighting in the most

disconcerting _débauches_. We have given above the explanation of this

stubborn attitude, namely, that their principal occupation is the

pursuit of happiness, and that they are much more concerned with

reasoning in accordance with their interests than with the rules of

logic.

Thence the universal aversion to connecting the idea of nothingness

with the idea of death. Though the former is evidently contained in the

latter, humanity insists upon considering them separately. It opposes

their union with all its force, never tiring of driving between them a

chimerical wedge upon which resound the hammer-blows of hope. This is

the finest example of the illogical that we can offer ourselves for our

diversion, and the best proof that, in the gravest matters, as in those

of slightest concern, it is sentiment which always triumphs over reason.

Is it a great thing to have learned that? Perhaps.

November, 1899.

[1] _Les Travailleurs de la Mer_, 2nd part, 1st Book, VII.

[2] Technical term.

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