1765, it received the royal assent. The night after it passed, Dr.
Franklin wrote to Charles Thomson: "The sun of liberty is set; you must
light up the candles of industry and economy." Thomson answered, "I was
apprehensive that other lights would be the consequence"; and he
foretold the opposition which shortly took place. On its being suggested
from authority that the stamp officers would not be sent from Great
Britain, but selected from among the Americans, the colony agents were
desired to point out proper persons for that purpose. They generally
nominated their friends, which affords a presumptive proof that they
supposed the act would have gone down. In this opinion they were far
from being singular.
That the colonists would be ultimately obliged to submit to the Stamp
Act was at first commonly believed, both in England and America. The
framers of it, in particular, flattered themselves that the confusion
which would arise upon the disuse of writings, and the insecurity of
property which would result from using any other than that required by
law, would compel the colonies, however reluctant, to use the stamped
paper, and consequently to pay the taxes imposed thereon. They therefore
boasted that it was a law which would execute itself. By the term of the
Stamp Act, it was not to take effect till November 1st--a period of more
than seven months after its passing. This gave the colonists an
opportunity of leisurely canvassing the new subject and examining fully
on every side. In the first part of this interval, struck with
astonishment, they lay in silent consternation, and could not determine
what course to pursue. By degrees they recovered their recollection.
Virginia led the way in opposition to the Stamp Act. Patrick Henry, on
May 29, 1765, brought into the House of Burgesses of that colony
vigorous resolutions, which were substantially adopted. [See Bancroft's
account.]
They were well received by the people and immediately forwarded to the
other provinces. They circulated extensively and gave a spring to the
discontented. Till they appeared, most were of opinion that the act
would be quietly adopted. Murmurs, indeed, were common, but they seemed
to be such as would soon die away. The countenance of so respectable a
colony as Virginia confirmed the wavering and emboldened the timid.
Opposition to the Stamp Act, from that period, assumed a bolder face.
The fire of liberty blazed forth from the press. Some well-judged
publications set the rights of the colonists in a plain but strong point
of view. The tongues and the pens of the well-informed citizens labored
in kindling the latent sparks of patriotism. The flame spread from
breast to breast till the conflagration became general. In this
business, New England had a principal share. The inhabitants of that
part of America, in particular, considered their obligations to the
mother-country, for past favors, to be very inconsiderable. They were
fully informed that their forefathers were driven by persecution to the
woods of America, and had there, without any expense to the parent
state, effected a settlement on bare creation. Their resentment, for the
invasion of their accustomed right of taxation, was not so much
mitigated by the recollection of late favors as it was heightened by the
tradition of grievous sufferings to which their ancestors, by the rulers
of England, had been subjected.
The heavy burdens which the operation of the Stamp Act would have
imposed on the colonists, together with the precedent it would establish
of future exactions, furnished the American patriots with arguments
calculated as well to move the passions as to convince the judgments of
their fellow-colonists. In great warmth they exclaimed: "If the
Parliament have a right to levy the stamp duties, they may by the same
authority lay on us imposts, excises, and other taxes without end, till
their rapacity is satisfied or our abilities are exhausted. We cannot,
at future elections, displace these men who so lavishly grant away our
property. Their seat and their power are independent of us, and it will
rest with their generosity where to stop in transferring the expenses of
government from their own to our shoulders."
It was fortunate for the liberties of America that newspapers were the
subject of a heavy stamp duty. Printers, when uninfluenced by
government, have generally arranged themselves on the side of liberty,
nor are they less remarkable for their attention to the profits of their
profession. A stamp duty, which openly invaded the first and threatened
a diminution of the last provoked their united zealous opposition. They
daily presented to the public original dissertations tending to prove
that if the Stamp Act were suffered to operate, the liberties of
Americans were at an end, and their property virtually transferred to
their transatlantic fellow-subjects. The writers among the Americans,
seriously alarmed for the fate of their country, came forward with
essays to prove that, agreeably to the British Constitution, taxation
and representation were inseparable; that the only constitutional mode
of raising money from the colonists was by acts of their own
legislatures; that the crown possessed no further power than that of
requisition; and that the Parliamentary right of taxation was confined
to the mother-country, where it originated from the natural right of man
to do what he pleased with his own, transferred by consent from the
electors of Great Britain to those whom they chose to represent them in
Parliament.
They also insisted much on the misapplication of public money by the
British ministry. Great pains were taken to inform the colonists of the
large sums annually bestowed on pensioned favorites and for the various
purposes of bribery. Their passions were inflamed by high-colored
representations of the hardship of being obliged to pay the earnings of
their industry into a British treasury, well known to be a fund for
corruption.
While a variety of legal and illegal methods were adopted to oppose the
Stamp Act, November 1st, on which it was to commence its operation,
approached. At Boston the day was ushered in by a funereal tolling of
bells. Many shops and stores were shut. The effigies of the planners and
friends of the Stamp Act were carried about the streets in public
derision, and then torn in pieces by the enraged populace. It was
remarkable that, though a large crowd was assembled, there was not the
least violence or disorder.
At Portsmouth, in New Hampshire, the morning was ushered in with tolling
all the bells in town. In the course of the day notice was given to the
friends of Liberty to attend her funeral. A coffin, neatly ornamented
and inscribed with the word "Liberty" in large letters was carried to
the grave. The funeral procession began from the State House, attended
with two unbraced drums. While the inhabitants who followed the coffin
were in motion, minute-guns were fired, and continued till the coffin
arrived at the place of interment. Then an oration in favor of the
deceased was pronounced. It was scarcely ended before the coffin was
taken up; it having been perceived that some remains of life were left,
on which the inscription was immediately altered to "Liberty revived."
The bells immediately exchanged their melancholy for a more joyful
sound; and satisfaction appeared in every countenance. The whole was
conducted with decency and without injury or insult to any man's person
or property.
The general aversion to the Stamp Act was, by similar methods, in a
variety of places, demonstrated. It is remarkable that the proceedings
of the populace on these occasions were carried on with decorum and
regularity. They were not ebullitions of a thoughtless mob, but for the
most part planned by leading men of character and influence, who were
friends to peace and order. These, knowing well that the bulk of mankind
are more led by their senses than by their reason, conducted the public
exhibitions on that principle, with a view of making the Stamp Act and
its friends both ridiculous and odious.
Though the Stamp Act was to have operated from November 1st, yet legal
proceedings in the courts were carried on as before. Vessels entered and
departed without stamped papers. The printers boldly printed and
circulated their newspapers, and found a sufficient number of readers;
though they used common paper in defiance of the acts of Parliament. In
most departments, by common consent, business was carried on as though
no Stamp Act had existed. This was accompanied by spirited resolutions
to risk all consequences rather than submit to use the paper required by
law. While these matters were in agitation, the colonists entered into
associations against importing British manufactures till the Stamp Act
should be repealed. In this manner British liberty was made to operate
against British tyranny. Agreeably to the free Constitution of Great
Britain, the subject was at liberty to buy or not to buy, as he pleased.
By suspending their future purchases on the repeal of the Stamp Act, the
colonists made it the interest of merchants and manufacturers to solicit
for that repeal. They had usually taken so great a proportion of British
manufactures that the sudden stoppage of all their orders, amounting,
annually, to two or three millions sterling, threw some thousands in the
mother-country out of employment, and induced them, from a regard to
their own interest, to advocate the measures wished for by America. The
petitions from the colonists were seconded by petitions from the
merchants and manufacturers of Great Britain. What the former prayed for
as a matter of right, and connected with their liberties, the latter
also solicited from motives of immediate interest.
In order to remedy the deficiency of British goods, the colonists betook
themselves to a variety of necessary domestic manufactures. In a little
time large quantities of common cloths were brought to market; and
these, though dearer and of a worse quality, were cheerfully preferred
to similar articles imported from Britain. That wool might not be
wanting, they entered into resolutions to abstain from eating lambs.
Foreign elegancies were laid aside. The women were as exemplary as the
men in various instances of self-denial. With great readiness they
refused every article of decoration for their persons and luxuries for
their tables. These restrictions, which the colonists had voluntarily
imposed on themselves, were so well observed that multitudes of
artificers in England were reduced to great distress, and some of their
most flourishing manufactories were in a great measure at a stand. An
association was entered into by many of the "Sons of Liberty"--the name
given to those who were opposed to the Stamp Act--by which they agreed,
"to march with the utmost expedition, at their own proper costs and
expense, with their whole force, to the relief of those that should be
in danger from the Stamp Act or its promoters and abettors, or anything
relative to it, on account of anything that may have been done in
opposition to its obtaining." This was subscribed by so many in New York
and New England that nothing but a repeal could have prevented the
immediate commencement of a civil war.
From the decided opposition to the Stamp Act which had been adopted by
the colonies, it became necessary for Great Britain to enforce or to
repeal it. Both methods of proceeding had supporters. The opposers of a
repeal urged arguments, drawn from the dignity of the nation, the danger
of giving way to the clamors of the Americans, and the consequences of
weakening Parliamentary authority over the colonies. On the other hand,
it was evident, from the determined opposition of the colonies, that it
could not be enforced without a civil war, by which event the nation
must be a loser. In the course of these discussions Dr. Franklin was
examined at the bar of the House of Commons, and gave extensive
information on the state of American affairs, and the impolicy of the
Stamp Act, which contributed much to remove prejudices and to produce a
disposition that was friendly to a repeal.
Some speakers of great weight, in both Houses of Parliament, denied
their right of taxing the colonies. The most distinguished supporters of
this opinion were Lord Camben, in the House of Lords, and William Pitt,
in the House of Commons. The former, in strong language, said: "My
position is this; I repeat it; I will maintain it to my last hour:
taxation and representation are inseparable. This position is founded on
the laws of nature. It is more; it is itself an eternal law of nature.
For whatever is a man's own is absolutely his own. No man has a right to
take it from him without his consent. Whoever attempts to do it
attempts an injury. Whoever does it commits a robbery."
Pitt, with an original boldness of expression, justified the colonists
in opposing the Stamp Act. "You have no right," said he, "to tax
America. I rejoice that America has resisted. Three millions of our
fellow-subjects, so lost to every sense of virtue as tamely to give up
their liberties, would be fit instruments to make slaves of the rest."
He concluded with giving his advice that the Stamp Act be repealed
absolutely, totally, and immediately; that reasons for the repeal be
assigned; that it was founded on an erroneous principle. "At the same
time," said he, "let the sovereign authority of this country over the
colonies be asserted in as strong terms as can be devised, and be made
to extend to every point of legislation whatsoever, that we may bind
their trade, confine their manufactures, and exercise every power except
that of taking their money out of their pockets without their consent."
The approbation of this illustrious statesman, whose distinguished
abilities had raised Great Britain to the highest pitch of renown,
inspired the Americans with additional confidence in the rectitude of
their claims of exemption from parliamentary taxation, and emboldened
them to further opposition, when, at a future day, the project of an
American revenue was resumed. After much debating, two protests in the
House of Lords, and passing an act, "For securing the dependence of
America on Great Britain," the repeal of the Stamp Act was carried, in
March, 1766. This event gave great joy in London. Ships in the River
Thames displayed their colors, and houses were illuminated all over the
city. It was no sooner known in America, than the colonists rescinded
their resolutions, and recommenced their mercantile intercourse with the
mother-country. They presented their homespun clothes to the poor, and
imported more largely than ever. The churches responded with
thanksgivings, and public and private rejoicings knew no bounds. By
letters, addresses, and other means, almost all the colonies showed
unequivocal marks of acknowledgment and gratitude. So sudden a calm
after so violent storm is without a parallel in history. By the
judicious sacrifice of one law, the Parliament of Great Britain procured
an acquiescence in all that remained.
GEORGE BANCROFT
Virginia received the plan to tax America by Parliament with
consternation. At first the planters foreboded universal ruin; but soon
they resolved that the act should recoil on England, and began to be
proud of frugality; articles of luxury of English manufacture were
banished, and threadbare coats were most in fashion. A large and
embarrassing provincial debt enforced the policy of thrift.
Happily the Legislature of Virginia was then assembled; and the electors
of Louisa County had just filled a sudden vacancy in their
representation by making choice of Patrick Henry. He had resided among
them scarcely a year, but his benignity of temper, pure life, and
simplicity of habits had already won their love. Devoted from his heart
to their interest, he never flattered the people and was never forsaken
by them. As he took his place, not yet acquainted with the forms of
business in the House, or with its members, he saw the time for the
enforcement of the Stamp Tax drawing near, while all the other colonies,
through timid hesitation or the want of opportunity, still remained
silent, and cautious loyalty hushed the experienced statesmen of his
own. More than half the assembly had made the approaching close of the
session an excuse for returning home.
But Patrick Henry disdained submission. Alone, a burgess of but a few
days, unadvised and unassisted, in an auspicious moment, of which the
recollection cheered him to his latest day, he came forward in the
committee of the whole House, and while Thomas Jefferson, a young
collegian from the mountain frontier, stood outside of the closed hall,
eager to catch the first tidings of resistance, and George Washington,
as is believed, was in his place as a member, he maintained by
resolutions that the inhabitants of Virginia inherited from the first
adventurers and settlers of that dominion equal franchises with the
people of Great Britain; that royal charters had declared this equality;
that taxation by themselves, or by persons chosen by themselves to
represent them, was the distinguishing characteristic of British freedom
and of the constitution; that the people of that most ancient colony had
uninterruptedly enjoyed the right of being thus governed by their own
laws respecting their internal polity and taxation; that this right had
never been forfeited, nor in any other way given up, but had been
constantly recognized by the King and people of Great Britain.
Such was the declaration of colonial rights adopted at his instance by
the Assembly of Virginia. It followed from these resolutions--and
Patrick Henry so expressed it in a fifth supplementary one--that the
General Assembly of the whole colony have the sole right and power to
lay taxes on the inhabitants of the colony, and that any attempt to vest
such power in any other persons whatever tended to destroy British as
well as American freedom. It was still further set forth, yet not by
Henry, in two resolutions, which, though they were not officially
produced, equally embodied the mind of the younger part of the Assembly,
that the inhabitants of Virginia were not bound to yield obedience to
any law designed to impose taxation upon them, other than the laws of
their own General Assembly, and that anyone who should, either by
speaking or writing, maintain the contrary, should be deemed an enemy to
the colony.
A stormy debate arose and many threats were uttered. Robinson, the
speaker, already a defaulter; Peyton Randolph, the King's attorney, and
the frank, honest, and independent George Wythe, a lover of classic
learning, accustomed to guide the House by his strong understanding and
single-minded integrity, exerted all their powers to moderate the tone
of "the hot and virulent resolutions"; while John Randolph, the best
lawyer in the colony, "singly" resisted the whole proceeding. But, on
the other side, George Johnston, of Fairfax, reasoned with solidity and
firmness, and Henry flamed with impassioned zeal. Lifted beyond himself,
"Tarquin," he cried, "and Cæsar, had each his Brutus; Charles the First,
his Cromwell; and George the Third----" "Treason!" shouted the speaker,
"treason, treason!" was echoed round the house, while Henry, fixing his
eye on the first interrupter, continued without faltering, "may profit
by their example!"
Swayed by his words, the committee of the whole showed its good-will to
the spirit of all the resolutions enumerated; but the five offered by
Patrick Henry were alone reported to the House, and on Thursday, May
30th, having been adopted by small majorities, the fifth by a vote of
twenty to nineteen, they became a part of the public record. "I would
have given five hundred guineas for a single vote," exclaimed the
attorney-general, aloud, as he came out past young Jefferson, into whose
youthful soul the proceedings of that day sank so deeply that resistance
to tyranny became a part of his nature. But Henry "carried all the young
members with him." That night, thinking his work done, he rode home, but
the next day, in his absence, an attempt was made to strike all the
resolutions off the journals, and the fifth, and the fifth only, was
blotted out. The Lieutenant-Governor, though he did not believe new
elections would fall on what he esteemed cool, reasonable men, dissolved
the assembly; but the four resolutions which remained on the journals,
and the two others, on which no vote had been taken, were published in
the newspapers throughout America, and by men of all parties, by
royalists in office, not less than by public bodies in the colonies,
were received without dispute as the avowed sentiment of the "Old
Dominion."
This is the "way the fire began in Virginia." Of the American colonies,
"Virginia rang the alarum bell. Virginia gave the signal for the
continent."
WATT IMPROVES THE STEAM-ENGINE
A.D. 1769
FRANÇOIS ARAGO
No greater service has been rendered to the world through mechanical
invention than that performed by James Watt in his improvement of
the steam-engine. Watt was born at Greenock, Scotland, in 1736.
During the eighty-three years of his life much progress was made in
mechanics and engineering in different countries, but the name of
Watt remains the most brilliant among contemporary workers in these
departments of practical science.
The first contriver of a working steam-engine is supposed to have
been Edward, second Marquis of Worcester (1601-1667). No complete
description of his engine is known to exist, and conjectures about
it disagree; but it is not questioned that he made important
contributions to the great invention, upon which others at the same
time were engaged. The construction of the first actual working
steam-engine is usually credited to Thomas Savery, born in England
about 1650. He devised a "fire-engine," as he called it, for the
raising of water, but, owing to the want of strong boilers and a
suitable form of condenser, it imperfectly served its purpose, and
was soon superseded by the better engine of Thomas Newcomen, here
referred to by Arago.
Newcomen was an English inventor, born in 1663. With Savery and
Cawley, he invented and in 1705 patented the atmospheric
steam-engine by which he is known, and which, as told by Arago, gave
place to the superior invention of Watt.
Arago was an eminent French physicist and astronomer (1786-1853),
who is even better known through his biographies of other great
workers in science. His account of "the fruitful inventions which
will forever connect the name of Watt with the steam-engine" is all
the more valuable for preservation because written while the
steam-engine was still in an early stage of its development. Of its
later improvements and varied uses, numerous descriptions are within
easy reach of all readers.
In physical cabinets we find a good many machines on which industry had
founded great hopes, though the expense of their manufacture or that of
keeping them at work has reduced them to be mere instruments of
demonstration. This would have been the final fate of Newcomen's
machine, in localities at least not rich in combustibles, if Watt's
efforts had not come in to give it an unhoped-for degree of perfection.
This perfection must not be considered as the result of some fortuitous
observation or of a single inspiration of genius; the inventor achieved
it by assiduous labor, by experiments of extreme delicacy and
correctness. One would say that Watt had adopted as his guide that
celebrated maxim of Bacon's: "To write, speak, meditate, or act when we
are not sufficiently provided with _facts_ to stake out our thoughts is
like navigating without a pilot along a coast strewed with dangers or
rushing out on the immense ocean without compass or rudder."