monsoon had set in, and in consequence none of the ships reached the
Hugli until the middle of December, and even then two of the largest
ships were missing; the Marlborough, with most of the artillery, and
the Cumberland, with Admiral Pocock and two hundred fifty English
soldiers, having failed to make their way against the monsoon. Clive's
orders were to recapture Calcutta, to attack the Nawab at his capital,
Murshidabad, and, in the event of war between England and France being
declared, to capture the French settlement of Chandernagor
(Chandranagar). When the expedition reached the Hugli, Clive wished the
men under his command to be taken on in the ships as far as Budge Budge
(Bajbaj)--a fortified place about ten miles from Calcutta, which it was
necessary to capture; but Watson, with his habitual perversity, insisted
upon the troops being landed at Mayapur, some miles farther down, thus
obliging them to make a most fatiguing night march through a swampy
country covered with jungle. The result was that they reached Budge
Budge in an exhausted condition, and being surprised by the Nawab's
troops shortly after their arrival, had a very narrow escape from
destruction, which was averted only by Clive's presence of mind and
readiness of resource.
Clive says, in a letter to Pigot, reporting this affair a few days
afterward: "You must know our march from Mayapur to the northward of
Budge Budge was much against my inclinations. I applied to the admiral
for boats to land us at the place we arrived at after sixteen hours'
march by land. The men suffered hardships not easily to be described; it
was four in the afternoon when we decamped from Mayapur, and we did not
arrive off Budge Budge until past eight the next morning. At nine the
Grenadier company and all the Sepoys were despatched to the fort, where
I heard Captain Coote was landed with the King's troops. At ten,
Manickchand, the Governor of Calcutta, attacked us with between two and
three thousand horse and foot, and was worsted. Manickchand himself
received a shot in his turban. Our two field pieces were of little or no
service to us, having neither tubes nor port-fires, and heavy carriages
were sent with them from Fort St. David. Indeed, we still labor under
every disadvantage in the world for want of the Marlborough. It seems
the enemy were encamped within two miles of us, and we ignorant of the
matter. So much for the intelligence of the country."
There can be no doubt that Clive sustained a surprise that might have
been prevented had the ordinary precautions been used; but in the
circumstances there is much allowance to be made. Clive himself was ill,
and had suffered much from the fatiguing march which he and his men had
gone through, owing to Watson's wrong-headed obstinacy. But
notwithstanding illness and fatigue, and the unexpected appearance of a
hostile force, Clive on this, as on other occasions, never for a moment
lost his nerve. He at once rallied his men, who, awakened out of their
sleep by being fired upon, were at first thrown into confusion, and then
with scarcely a pause made dispositions which retrieved the situation,
although not without heavy loss to the English.
When Watson and Clive entered the river, they found at Falta some of the
fugitives from Calcutta, and the scanty remains of a small force which,
on the receipt of intelligence of the seizure of Kasimbazar, but before
the news of the Black Hole tragedy had arrived, the Madras authorities
had sent to Bengal under Major Kilpatrick. Clive, after beating off
Manickchand's army, was met by Major Kilpatrick, who had been sent to
his aid with reënforcements. In the mean time Watson had bombarded Budge
from his ships, and had effected a breach in the ramparts of the fort.
Clive had arranged to assault the fort the next day, when a drunken
sailor, discovering the breach, entered it alone, and firing his pistol
among a small group of the defenders who were sitting near, shouted out,
"The fort is mine," accompanying the exclamation by three loud cheers.
He was at once attacked, but defended himself valiantly, and, some of
the English soldiers and Sepoys coming up, the garrison abandoned the
fort, which was taken possession of by Captain Eyre Coote, who had come
up from Madras with a detachment of the Thirty-ninth foot. The squadron,
with the troops, then moved on to Calcutta, which surrendered on January
2d, Manickchand having evacuated the place and returned with his army to
the head-quarters of the Nawab at Murshidabad. Then occurred another of
Watson's arbitrary and ill-judged proceedings. Notwithstanding the
orders of the Madras government, investing Clive with military and
political control in Bengal, Watson appointed Coote, whose rank was that
of captain, to be governor of Fort William. Clive declined to permit
this arrangement, claiming the command as the senior officer, and
threatened to place Coote under arrest if he disobeyed his orders.
Thereupon Watson threatened to fire upon the fort unless Clive gave it
up. The matter ended in a compromise, Clive surrendering the fort to
Watson on condition that it was afterward handed over to the
representatives of the company. In this, and in other disputes with
Watson, Clive appears to have kept his temper, while acting with
firmness. Writing to Mr. Pigot, Clive describes this affair in the
following words:
"I cannot help regretting that I ever undertook this expedition. The
mortifications I have received from Mr. Watson[41] and the gentlemen of
the squadron in point of prerogative are such that nothing but the good
of the service could induce me to submit to them. The morning the enemy
quitted Calcutta, a party of our Sepoys entered the fort at the same
time with a detachment from the ships, and were ignominiously thrust
out. Upon coming near the fort myself, I was informed that there were
orders that none of the company's officers or troops should have
entrance. This, I own, enraged me to such a degree that I was resolved
to enter if possible, which I did, though not in the manner maliciously
reported, by forcing the sentries; for they suffered me to pass very
patiently upon being informed who I was. At my entrance Captain Coote
presented me with a commission from Admiral Watson, appointing him
governor of Fort William which I knew not a syllable of before; and it
seems this dirty underhand contrivance was carried on in the most secret
manner, under a pretence that I intended the same thing, which I declare
never entered my thoughts. The affair was compromised by the admiral
consenting that I should be governor and that the company's troops
should remain in the fort. The next day the admiral delivered up the
fort to the company's representatives in the King's name."
Watson, it would seem, could not bring himself to recognize the fact
that Clive was not only an officer of the East India Company, but had
been granted a royal commission. In this he showed himself both stupid
and headstrong. Notwithstanding this petty jealousy of the company's
service, a jealousy in which he was by no means singular, he was an
honorable man, desirous, according to his lights, to serve his King and
country; and in the important transactions which afterward took place,
his cooperation with Clive appears to have been fairly cordial.
It was otherwise with the council at Calcutta, who greatly resented the
independent powers which had been conferred upon Clive by the Madras
authorities. At that early period those presidential jealousies which
have so often interfered with the efficient administration of Indian
affairs, and even now are not entirely extinguished, appear to have
existed in full force. The select committee at Calcutta, as the
Governor's council was then designated, called upon Clive to surrender
the powers with which he had been invested, and to place himself under
them. His reply was a decided refusal. "I do not," he wrote, "intend to
make use of my power for acting separately from you, without you reduce
me to the necessity of so doing; but as far as concerns the means of
executing these powers, you will excuse me, gentlemen, if I refuse to
give them up. I cannot do it without forfeiting the trust reposed in me
by the select committee of Fort St. George. It does not become me, as an
individual, to give my opinion whether the conduct of the gentlemen of
Fort St. George has been faulty or not. That point must be determined by
our superiors."
The attitude of the Calcutta committee was described by Clive in a
letter to his friend Pigot in the following terms: "I am sorry to say
that the loss of private property and the means of recovering it seem to
be the only objects which take up the thoughts of the Bengal gentlemen.
Believe me, they are bad subjects and rotten at heart, and will stick at
nothing to prejudice you and the gentlemen of the committee. Indeed, how
should they do otherwise when they have not spared one another? I shall
only add, their conduct at Calcutta finds no excuse even among
themselves, and that the riches of Peru and Mexico should not induce me
to dwell among them."
Immediately after the recapture of Calcutta, Clive, in conjunction with
Watson, moved up the river to Hugli, and captured that place without
difficulty, securing booty which was estimated at fifteen thousand
pounds, and destroying some large and valuable granaries. They had also
planned an expedition to Dacca, the capital of Eastern Bengal, when they
learned that the Nawab was again marching upon Calcutta with a large
force. A battle ensued on February 5th, in which Clive, with 1350
Europeans, 800 Sepoys, and 7 field-guns, beat the Nawab's force of
40,000 men, including 18,000 cavalry, 40 guns, and 50 elephants. The
greater part of the battle was fought in a dense fog, and Clive's men,
losing their way, came under the fire of their own guns and of those in
Fort William. At one time the position of the troops was very critical.
The English loss was heavy, amounting to 57 killed and 117 wounded, of
whom 39 and 82 respectively were Europeans, and it included Clive's
aide-de-camp and secretary, who were killed by his side. But the battle,
although attended by this heavy loss to the English, was even more
disastrous to the Nawab's troops, whose casualties amounted to 1300,
among whom were 2 noblemen of high rank and 22 of lesser note.
Clive's account of this engagement is contained in the following letter,
addressed by him, a few weeks after it was fought, to the Duke of
Newcastle. It has been for many years deposited among the manuscripts in
the British Museum, whence, by the kindness of Dr. Richard Garnett, a
copy has been furnished to the writer of this memoir. It is believed
that the letter has not been published before.
"_From Lieutenant-colonel Robert Clive to Thomas Pelham Holles, Duke
Of Newcastle, First Lord Of the Treasury_:
"May it please your Grace: The countenance your Grace was pleased to
shew me when I left England encourages me to address you on the
subject of the East India Company.
"No doubt your Grace hath been acquainted with the capture of the
Town of Calcutta and Fort William by the Moors, the principal
settlement in the Kingdom of Bengall and of the utmost consequence
to the E. India Company. The loss of private property only is
computed at more than 2 millions sterling.
"When this unfortunate news arrived at Madrass, the President and
Council aplyed to Vice-Admiral Watson for assistance in recovering
the rights and possessions of the Province of Bengal, and for the
same purpose ordered a large body of land forces to embark under my
command; and I have the pleasure to inform your Grace this
expedition by sea and land has been crown'd with all the success
that could be wished.
"The Town of Calcutta and Fort William was soon retaken, with
several other Forts belonging to the Enemy. This news brought down
the Nabob, or Prince of the Country, himselfe at the head of 20,000
horse and 30,000 foot, 25 pieces of cannon, with a great number of
elephants--our little army, consisting of 700 Europeans and 1200
blacks, arm'd and disciplined after the English manner, lay encamped
about 5 miles from the Town of Calcutta. On the 4th of February the
Nabob's Army appear'd in sight, and past our camp at the distance of
1-1/2 miles, and encamp'd on the back of the town. Several parties
of their horse past within 400 yards of our advanc'd battery, but as
wee entertain'd great hopes of a peace from the Nabob's promises,
wee did not fire upon them.
"On the 5th, agreeable to the Nabob's desire, I despatch'd two
gentlemen to wait upon him, in hopes everything might be settled
without drawing the sword, but the haughtiness and disrespect with
which he treated them convinced me nothing could be expected by mild
measures. This determin'd me to attack his camp in the night time,
for which purpose I aply'd to Admiral Watson for 500 sailors to draw
our cannon, which he readily sent me, and at 3 o'clock in the
morning our little army, consisting of 600 Europeans, 500 blacks, 7
field-pieces and the sailors above mentioned, set out for the
attack.
"A little before daybreak wee entred the camp, and received a very
brisk fire. This did not stop the progress of our troops, which
march'd thro' the enemie's camp upwards of 4 miles in length. Wee
were more than 2 hours passing, and what escaped the van was
destroy'd by the rear. Wee were obliged to keep a constant fire of
artillery and musketry the whole time. A body of 300 of the enemy's
horse made a gallant charge, but were received with so much coolness
by the military that few escaped. Several other brisk charges were
made on our rear, but to no purpose, and wee returned safe to camp,
having killed by the best accounts 1300 men and between 5 and 600
horse, with 4 elephants, the loss on our side 200 men killed and
wounded. This blow had its effect, for the next day the army
decamp'd and the Nabob sent me a letter offering terms of
accommodation; and I have the pleasure of acquainting your Grace a
firm peace is concluded, greatly to the honour and advantage of the
Company, and the Nabob has entered into an alliance offensive and
defensive with them, and is returned to his capital at Muxadavad.
"As I have already been honour'd with your Grace's protection and
favour, I flatter my selfe with the continuance of it, and that, if
your Grace thinks me deserving, your Grace will recommend me to the
Court of Directors.--I am, with the greatest respect, your Grace's
most devoted humble servant,
"ROBERT CLIVE.
"CAMP NEAR CALCUTTA,
"_23d Febry. 1757_."
The terms of the treaty were exceedingly favorable to the company. All
the privileges formerly granted to the English were renewed, all trade
covered by English passes was freed, all property of the company or of
its servants or tenants which had been taken by the Nawab's officers to
servants was to be restored; the English were to fortify Calcutta, and
to coin money as they might deem proper. The Nawab, on February 11th,
began his return march to his capital, previously commissioning
Omichand, in whose garden the late battle had been fought, to propose a
treaty of alliance, offensive and defensive, with the English. This
treaty was accepted and signed by Clive and Watson, not without some
hesitation on the part of the latter, who, the day after the fight in
the outskirts of Calcutta, advised Clive to renew his attack. Clive,
however, dreaded a combination between the French and the Nawab, and
regarded the French settlement at Chandernagor as a serious danger to
Calcutta. He had learned, when at Hugli, that war had been again
declared between England and France, and before leaving Madras he had
been instructed by the government there that, in the event of a war with
France again breaking out in Europe, he was to capture Chandernagor.
After the capture of Chandernagor, Clive's distrust of the Nawab was
intensified, not only by the information supplied by Mr. Watts of his
intrigues with the French, but by his refusal to allow the passage of a
few Sepoys and of supplies of ammunition and stores to the English
factory at Kasimbazar. Meanwhile Clive received from Watts information
of a plot which had been formed by some of the leading personages at the
Nawab's court to dethrone him. These persons were Raja Dulab Ram, the
finance minister; Mir Jafar, the commander-in-chief of the army; and Yar
Latif Khan, a man not of the first rank, who would seem to have started
the conspiracy, stipulating that, if it succeeded, he should be made
nawab. There is some ground, however, for supposing that the original
suggestion emanated from Jaggat Seth, a wealthy banker, who had received
personal insults from the Nawab. Another person of considerable weight
who was also implicated in the plot was Omichand, the wealthy Hindu in
whose garden the Nawab's camp had been pitched on that foggy night in
February when Clive marched through it. On that occasion he sustained a
somewhat heavy loss, but inflicted a much heavier loss upon the troops
of the Nawab, and thereby frightened the latter into treating for peace.
At an early stage of the proceedings Clive received overtures from Mir
Jafar, the commander-in-chief, who offered to aid the English against
the Nawab on condition that he should succeed him. The events which
followed included what in some respects were the most brilliant, and
were certainly the most questionable, incidents in Clive's career. While
his military reputation, already established by the defence of Arcot,
the victory at Kaveripak, and the operations before Trichinopoli, rose
higher than ever, and while he developed a capacity for civil and
political administration of the highest order, the fame of his exploits
was tarnished by a breach of faith which it is impossible to justify,
and by the acceptance of large sums of money from the native prince whom
he placed upon the throne of Bengal after the deposition of Suraj ud
Daulah.
The treaty provided for an offensive and defensive alliance with Mir
Jafar; for a prohibition against any resettlement of the French in
Bengal, and for the transfer of their factories to the English company;
for compensation for English losses at Calcutta, viz., to the company,
£1,000,000; to the European inhabitants, £500,000; to the native
inhabitants, £200,000; to the Armenians, £70,000; for the cession of all
land within the Mahratta ditch and 600 yards beyond it; for the cession
to the company of the Zemidari of the country to the south of Calcutta
as far as Kalpi, subject to the payment of the customary rent; for the
payment by the Nawab of all English troops sent to his assistance, and
for a prohibition against the erection of any new forts below Hugli.
Under a supplementary treaty Mir Jafar was to pay £500,000 to the army
and navy and £120,000 to the members of council.
Mir Jafar's signature to the treaty was received on June 12th, and
Clive's force at once advanced. On that day all the troops quartered at
Calcutta, together with one hundred fifty sailors from the fleet,
crossed over to Chandernagor, where they joined the remainder of the
force already quartered at the latter place. The Europeans, including
the artillery, were sent up the river in two hundred boats, the Sepoys
marching by land. On June 13th Clive despatched to the Nawab a letter
which was practically a declaration of war. It arraigned the Nawab for
his breach of treaty, and informed him that Clive had determined, with
the approbation of all who were charged with the company's affairs, to
proceed immediately to Kasimbazar, and to submit the dispute with the
Nawab to the arbitration of Mir Jafar, Raja Dulab Ram, Jaggat Seth, and
"others of your highness' great men." "If these," he wrote, "decide that
I have deviated from the treaty, then I swear to give up all further
claims upon your highness; but if it should appear that your highness
has broken faith, then I shall demand satisfaction for all the losses
sustained by the English, and all the charges of the army and navy." The
letter ended with an intimation that as the rains were at hand, and it
would take many days to receive an answer, the writer would "wait upon
the Nawab at his capital to receive satisfaction." The attitude which
Clive adopted was bold and defiant, but, for all that, Clive was by no
means free from anxiety. It was not at all certain that Mir Jafar would
adhere to his agreement. He was to have joined Clive at Katwa with a
friendly force, but instead of doing so he merely sent Clive a letter
promising to join him on the field of battle. On the 14th Clive's force
reached Kalna, where it was joined by Watts, who had escaped from
Murshidabad on the previous day. On the 17th they captured Katwa, with
its fortress, after a slight resistance, and found the place well
stocked with grain. On the 19th, while they halted at Katwa, the monsoon
rains set in, and the troops, who were lodged in tents, had to take
shelter in huts and small houses. On the same day Clive, whose anxiety
continued to be very great, addressed the following letter to the
committee at Calcutta:
"I feel the greatest anxiety at the little intelligence I receive from
Mir Jafar, and if he is not treacherous, his _sang froid_ or want of
strength will, I fear, overset the expedition. I am trying a last effort
by means of a Brahmin to prevail upon him to march out and join us. I
have appointed Plassey as the place of rendezvous, and have told him at
the same time that unless he gives this or some other sufficient proof
of the sincerity of his intentions I will not cross the river. This, I
hope, will meet with your approbation. I shall act with such caution as
not to risk the loss of our forces; and whilst we have them, we may
always have it in our power to bring about a revolution, though the
present should not succeed. They say there is a considerable quantity of
grain in and about the place. If we collect eight or ten thousand
maunds" (eight or ten hundred thousand pounds), "we may maintain our
situation during the rains, which will greatly distress the Nawab, and
either reduce him to terms which may be depended upon, or give us time
to bring in the Birbhum Raja, the Mahrattas, or Ghazi ud din. I desire
you will give your sentiments freely how you think I should act if Mir
Jafar can give us no assistance."