CHAPTER XX.

BUILDING THE UNION PACIFIC RAILROAD.

In this story of the Salt Lake Trail, our account would not be

complete without including the history of the great “Iron Trail” that

now practically, for a long distance, follows the grassy path of the

lumbering stage-coach, the slowly moving freight caravans drawn by

patient oxen, or the dangerous route of the relatively rapid Pony

Express.

No better story of the construction of the Great Union Pacific Railroad

can be found than the address of its chief engineer, General G. M.

Dodge, before the Society of the Army of the Tennessee, at Toledo,

Ohio, on the 15th of September, 1888. He had been over the whole

region which extends from the Missouri River to Salt Lake in the early

'50's, and, as has been said of him by a distinguished jurist, now

dead:

He was an enthusiast who communicated enthusiasm to his

working forces, and he showed his skill in the management of

hostile Indians, and the ruffians and gamblers who followed

the camp. The close of the war, in which he distinguished

himself, left him at liberty to accept this position of chief

engineer, and his intimate relations with Grant and Sherman

put him on such terms with commanding officers of garrisons

and military posts along the route, that he was enabled to

avail himself of military aid against marauding Indians, and

also frequently in maintaining order when worthless

camp-followers become unruly.

The authors of this work have deemed it advisable to quote the greater

part of General Dodge's address, as a more complete account of the

construction of the road than anything to be found elsewhere on the

subject:—

Turn with me to the first volume of General Sherman's memoirs,

page 79, where he says:—

“Shortly after returning from Monterey, I was sent to General

Smith up to Sacramento City to instruct Lieutenants Warner and

Williamson, of the engineers, to push their surveys of the

Sierra Nevada Mountains, for the purpose of ascertaining the

possibility of passing that range by a railroad, a subject

that then elicited universal interest. It was generally

assumed that such a road could not be made along any of the

immigrant roads then in use, and Warner's orders were to look

farther north up the Feather River, or some of its tributaries.

Warner was engaged in this survey during the summer and fall

of 1849, and had explored to the very end of Goose Lake,

the source of Feather River, when this officer's career was

terminated by death in battle with the Indians.”

He was too modest to add, as I have no doubt was the fact,

that those instructions were sent at his own suggestion;

that was the first exploring party ever sent into the field

for the special purpose of ascertaining the feasibility of

constructing a railway on a portion of the line of one of the

transcontinental routes, and that the exploration preceded

by at least four years the act of Congress making

appropriations “for explorations and surveys for a railroad

route from the Mississippi River to the Pacific Ocean,”

the earlier fruits of which were embodied in thirteen

ponderous volumes, printed at the expense of the government.

And still further. The interest thus early manifested

continuing with unabated force was signalized in the closing

days of his official life by a summary of transcontinental

railroad construction up to that date, 1883, so exhaustive as

to the leading facts that I am at a loss touching the scope

he expects me to give to this paper. This summary may be

found in General Sherman's last report to the Secretary

of War, including the exhaustive statistics of Colonel Poe.

(Ex. Doc. 1, Part 2, Forty-eighth Congress, 1st Session,

pages 46, 47, and 253-317.

Under all circumstances, therefore, I must assume that he

expects me to confine my remarks to something of an elaboration

of the details of the construction of those lines with which

I was personally identified, more especially that which first

of all linked the two oceans together. . . .

When I first saw the country west of the Missouri River it was

without civil government, inhabited almost exclusively by

Indians. The few white men in it were voyageurs, or connected

in some way with the United States army. It was supposed to

be uninhabitable, without any natural resources or

productiveness, a vast expanse of arid plains, broken here

and there with barren, snow-capped mountains. Even Iowa was

unsettled west of the Des Moines River.

It cost the government in those days from one to two cents per

pound to haul freight one hundred miles to supply its posts;

and I was at one time in the country between the Humboldt and

the Platte nearly eight months without seeing a white man

other than my own employees.

Now, from the Missouri River to the Pacific, from the Red River

and the Rio Grande to the British possessions, the territory

is all under civil law.

The vast region is traversed its entire length by five great

transcontinental lines of railroad. There is hardly a county

in it not organized, and it is safe to say that there is not

a township that is without an occupant. Its plains teem with

all the products grown east of the Missouri River. It has

become the great corn and wheat producing belt of the United

States; its mountains are the producers of millions upon

millions of the precious ores, and from every range and valley

iron and coal in immense quantities are being mined.

It is said that a railroad enhances ten times the value of

the country through which it runs and which it controls, but

the value of this country has been enhanced hundreds of times.

The government has reaped from it a thousand-fold for every

dollar it has expended; and the Pacific roads have been the

one great cause that made this state of affairs possible.

The census of 1890 will place, in this territory, fifteen

million of people, and in twenty years it will support forty

million.

It is difficult, I doubt not, for you to comprehend the fact

that the first time I crossed the Missouri River was on a raft,

and at the point where stands the city of Omaha to-day.

That night I slept in the teepee of an Omaha Indian.

When I crossed my party over to make the first explorations

not one of us had any knowledge of Indians, of the Indian

language, or of plains craft. The Indians surrounded our

wagons, took what they wanted, and dubbed us squaws. In my

exploring, ahead and alone, I struck the Elkhorn River about

noon. Being tired, I hid my rifle, saddle, and blanket,

sauntered out into a secluded place in the woods with my pony,

and lay down to sleep. I was awakened and found my pony gone.

I looked out upon the valley, and saw an Indian running off

with him. I was twenty-five miles from my party and was

terrified. It was my first experience, for I was very young.

What possessed me I do not know, but I grabbed my rifle and

started after the Indian hallooing at the top of my voice.

The pony held back, and the Indian, seeing me gaining upon him,

let the horse go, jumped into the Elkhorn, and put that river

between us.

The Indian was a Pawnee. He served me in 1865, and said to me

that I made so much noise he was a “heap scared.”

Within a radius of ten miles of that same ground to-day are

five distinct lines of railroad, coming from all parts of the

country, concentrating at Omaha for a connection with the

Union Pacific.

The first private survey and exploration of the Pacific

Railroad was caused by the failure of the Mississippi &

Missouri, now the Chicago, Rock Island, & Pacific, to complete

its project.

The men who put their money into that enterprise conceived

the idea of working up a scheme, west of Iowa, that would be

an inducement to capital to invest in carrying their project

across Iowa to the Missouri River. They also wished to

determine at what point on the Missouri the Pacific Railroad

would start, so as to terminate their road at that point.

The explorers adopted Council Bluffs, Iowa, as that point.

All roads crossing the state for years ended their surveys at

that point, and all roads now built connect with that point.

These explorations, commenced by me in 1853, were continued

each year until 1861, when the result was seen in the framing

of the bill now known as the Law of 1862.

After this bill was passed, the Union Pacific Company was

organized at Chicago, September 2, 1862, and Reed, Dey, and

Brayton made reconnoissances east of the mountains, Reed

confining his work to the crossing of the mountains to reach

the Great Salt Lake Basin. The effort to engage capital in

the road was a failure.

During these explorations, in 1856 or 1857, I happened to

return to Council Bluffs, where Mr. Lincoln chanced to be on

business. It was then quite an event for an exploring party

to reach the States. After dinner, while I was sitting on the

stoop of the Pacific House, Mr. Lincoln came and sat beside

me, and in his kindly way and manner was soon drawing from me

all I knew of the country west, and the result of my surveys.

The secrets that were to go to my employers he got, and,

in fact, as the saying there was, he completely “shelled my

woods.” President Lincoln, in the spring of 1863, sent for me

to come to Washington.

When I received the summons from General Grant, at Corinth,

Mississippi, to repair to Washington, giving no reason,

it alarmed me. I had armed without authority a lot of negroes

and organized them into a company to guard the Corinth

contraband camp. It had been severely criticised in the army,

and I thought this act of mine had partly to do with my call

to Washington; however, upon reaching there and reporting to

the President, I found that he recollected his conversation on

the Pacific House stoop; that he was, under the law, to fix

the eastern terminus of the Pacific Road; and, also, that he

was very anxious to have the road commenced and built, and

desired to consult me on these questions. He finally fixed

the terminus at Council Bluffs, Iowa.

In the discussion of the means of building the road I thought

and urged that no private combination should be relied on,

that it must be done by the government. The President frankly

said that the government had its hands full. Private

enterprise must do the work, and all the government could do

was to aid. What he wished to know of me was, what was

required from the government to ensure its commencement and

completion. He said it was a military necessity that the road

should be built.

From Washington I proceeded to New York, and after consulting

there with the parties who had the question before them,

the bill of 1864 was drawn. In due time it passed, and under

it the Union and Central Pacific Railroads, constituting one

continuous line, were built.

In the fall of 1864, and after the fall of Atlanta, and while

on my return from City Point, where I had been to visit

General Grant for a couple of weeks, the commander-in-chief

sent me back by way of Washington to see the President.

While the President referred to the Pacific Road, its progress

and the result of my former visit, he gave it very little

thought, apparently, and his great desire seemed to be to get

encouragement respecting the situation around Richmond, which

just then was very dark. People were criticising Grant's

strategy, and telling him how to take Richmond. I think the

advice and pressure on President Lincoln were almost too much

for him, for during my entire visit, which lasted several

hours, he confined himself, after reading a chapter out of

a humorous book (I believe called the _Gospel of Peace_),

to Grant and the situation at Petersburg and Richmond.

After Atlanta, my assignment to a separate department brought

the country between the Missouri River and California under

my command, and then I was charged with the Indian campaigns

of 1865 and 1866. I travelled again over all that portion

of the country I had explored in former years, and saw the

beginning of that great future that awaited it. I then began

to comprehend its capabilities and resources, and in all

movements of our troops and scouting parties I had reports

made upon the country—its resources and topography; and

I myself, during the two years, traversed it east and west,

north and south, from the Arkansas to the Yellowstone and

from Missouri to the Salt Lake Basin.

It was on one of these trips that I discovered the pass

through the Black Hills, and gave it the name of Sherman,

in honour of my great chief. Its elevation is 8236 feet, and

for years it was the highest point reached by any railroad in

the United States. The circumstances of this accidental

discovery may not be uninteresting to you.

While returning from the Powder River campaign I was in the

habit of leaving my troops, and, with a few men, examining

all the approaches and passes from Fort Fetterman south, over

the secondary range of mountains known as the Black Hills,

the most difficult to overcome with proper grades of all the

ranges, on account of its short slopes and great height. When

I reached the Lodge-Pole Creek, up which went the overland

trail, I took a few mounted men—I think six—and with one of

my scouts as guide, went up the creek to the summit of

Cheyenne Pass, striking south along the crest of the mountains

to obtain a good view of the country, the troops and trains at

the same time passing along the east base of the mountains on

what was known as the St. Vrain and the Laramie trail.

About noon, in the valley of a tributary of Crow Creek,

we discovered Indians, who at the same time discovered us.

They were between us and our trains. I saw our danger and

took means immediately to reach the ridge and try to head

them off, and follow it to where the cavalry could see our

signals. We dismounted and started down the ridge, holding

the Indians at bay, when they came too near, with our

Winchesters. It was nearly night when the troops saw our

smoke-signals of danger and came to our relief; and in going

to the train we followed this ridge out until I discovered

it led down to the plains without a break. I then said to my

guide that if we saved our scalps I believed we had found the

crossing of the Black Hills—and over this ridge, between the

Lone Tree and Crow Creeks, the wonderful line over the

mountains was built. For over two years all explorations had

failed to find a satisfactory crossing of this range.

The country east of it was unexplored, but we had no doubt

we could reach it.

In 1867, General Augur, General John A. Rawlins, Colonel

Mizner, and some others, crossing the plains with me, reached

the point where I camped that night. We spent there the

Fourth of July, and General Rawlins made a remarkable speech

commemorating the day. We located there the post of D. A.

Russell and the city of Cheyenne. At that time the nearest

settlement was at Denver, one hundred and fifty miles away;

and while we lay there the Indians swooped down on a Mormon

train that had followed our trail, and killed two of its men;

but we saved their stock, and started the graveyard of the

future city.

The explorations by the government for a Pacific railroad are

all matters of official report, long since published and open

to all. They were the basis for the future explorations of

all the transcontinental lines, except the Union Pacific,

then known as that of the forty-second parallel of latitude.

That line, and the country from the Arkansas to the Yellowstone,

was explored and developed mainly by private enterprise, and

it is by far the most practicable line crossing the continent

—the shortest and quickest, of lightest curvature, and lowest

grades and summits. It is not, in an engineering point of

view, the true line from the Atlantic to the Pacific, but in

a commercial point of view it is.

In an engineering point of view we demonstrated, before the

year 1860, that the true line was up the Platte to its forks,

to which point the Union Pacific is now built, then up (where

the Oregon Short Line now runs) to the Columbia, and then to

tide-water at Portland. The Union and Central were built for

commercial value, and to obtain the shortest and quickest line

from ocean to ocean. The line of the Central was controlled

almost entirely by the development of the mining industries

in California and Nevada until it reached the Humboldt; then

its natural course would be to reach Salt Lake and the Mormon

settlements. The Union Pacific objective point was the Pacific

Coast by way of the Great Platte Valley and Salt Lake. . . .

When we reached the mountains a series of questions arose as

to how this base should be determined. The eastern base was

determined by Mr. Blickensderfer, who was appointed by the

government. After examining the country he declared it to be

right at the foot of the mountains, where the heavy grades to

overcome the first range, the Black Hills, were made necessary

—a very proper decision. The west base of the Sierra was

located near Sacramento, where the drift of the mountains

reached into the valley, or where, you might say, the first

approach to the mountains begins, but long before the heavy

grades commenced.

A good story is told, the truth of which I will not undertake

to vouch for, in relation to the fixing of the base. By the

original railroad act, as we have noticed, the President was

to fix the point where the Sacramento Valley ended and the

foot-hills of the Sierra Nevada began. Chief Engineer Judah,

in his report, had designated Barmore's, thirty-one miles

from Sacramento, as the beginning of the mountains. This

corresponded with a decision of the Supreme Court of the

United States, made in April, 1864, in the case of the

Liedsdorff grant. The contestants of the grant attempted to

fix the eastern boundaries at Alder Creek, eighty miles nearer

Sacramento. This grant, by Mexican authority, was bounded by

the foot-hills on the east. The Supreme Court decided that

the foot-hills commenced about thirty miles from that city.

Several attempts were made by Mr. Sargent, then a member of

Congress, and since United States Senator, soon after the

passage of the original act, to bring the attention of

President Lincoln to this subject, but the President's

constant occupation, with weightier duties forced upon him by

the great war, prevented his action. The time came, however,

when it could be no longer delayed.

Owing to the increase of subsidy among the hills and mountains,

it was important to the railway company that the foot-hills

should begin as near as possible to Sacramento. The senator

claims the credit of moving the mountains from Barmore's to

Arcade Creek, a distance of twenty-four miles. His relation

of the affair to his friends is this: Lincoln was engaged with

a map when the senator substituted another, and demonstrated

by it and the statement of some geologist that the black soil

of the valley and the red soil of the hills united at Arcade.

The President relied on the statements given to him, and

decided accordingly. “Here you see,” said the senator,

“how my pertinacity and Abraham's faith removed mountains.”

Reconnoissances made in 1862, 1863, 1864, had demonstrated

that a serious question would arise in reaching the Humboldt

Valley from the western foot of the Wahsatch Mountains in the

Salt Lake Basin. Should the line go north or south of the lake?

The Mormon Church and all of its followers, a central power of

great use to the transcontinental roads, were determinedly

in favour of the south line. It was preached from the pulpits

and authoritatively announced that a road could not be built

or run north of the lake. But our explorations in an earlier

day unqualifiedly indicated the north side, though an

exhaustive examination was made south, and only one line run

north, it being our main line to the California state line

surveyed in 1867.

The explorations by parties south of the lake, and the

personal examinations of the chief engineer, determined that

it had no merits compared with the north line, and on such

report the north line was adopted by the company and accepted

by the government.

Brigham Young called a conference of his church, and refused

to accept the decision; prohibited his people from contracting

or working for the Union Pacific, and threw all his influence

and efforts to the Central Pacific, which just at that time

was of great moment, as there was a complete force of Mormon

contractors and labourers in Salt Lake Valley competent to

construct the line two hundred miles east or west of the lake.

The two companies also had entered into active competition,

each respectively to see how far east or west of the lake

they could build, that city being the objective point, and

the key to the control of the great basin.

The Central Pacific Company entered upon the examination of

the lines long after the Union Pacific had determined and

filed its line, and we waited the decision of their engineers

with some anxiety. We knew they could not obtain so good a

line, but we were in doubt whether, with the aid of the Mormon

Church, and the fact that the line south of the lake passed

through Salt Lake City, the only commercial capital between

the Missouri River and Sacramento, they might decide to take

the long and undulating line; and then the question as to

which (the one built south, the other built north, and it

would fall to the government to decide) should receive the

bonds and become the transcontinental line. However, the

engineers of the Central Pacific, Clements and Ives, took as

strong ground, or stronger than we, in favour of the north

line, and located almost exactly on the same ground the Union

Pacific had occupied a year before; and this brought the

Mormon forces to the Union Pacific, their first love.

The location of the Union Pacific was extended to the

California state line, and that of the Central Pacific to the

mouth of the Weber Cañon. The Union Pacific work hastened,

and most of the line graded to Humboldt Wells, two hundred and

nineteen miles west of Ogden, and the Union Pacific met the

track of the Central Pacific at Promontory Summit, one

thousand one hundred and eighty-six miles west of the Missouri

River, and six hundred and thirty-eight miles east of

Sacramento, on May 9, 1869, to the wonder of America, and the

utter astonishment of the whole world, completing the entire

line seven years before the limit of time allowed by the

government. . . .

In 1863 and 1864 surveys were inaugurated, but in 1866 the

country was systematically occupied; and day and night, summer

and winter, the explorations were pushed forward through

dangers and hardships that very few at this day appreciate;

as every mile had to be within range of the musket, there was

not a moment's security. In making the surveys, numbers of

our men, some of them the ablest and most promising, were

killed; and during the construction our stock was run off by

the hundred, I might say by the thousand. As one difficulty

after another arose and was overcome, both in the engineering

and construction departments, a new era in railroad building

was inaugurated.

Each day taught us lessons by which we profited for the next,

and our advances and improvements in the art of railway

construction were marked by the progress of the work; forty

miles of track having been laid in 1865, two hundred and sixty

in 1866, two hundred and forty in 1867, including the ascent

to the summit of the Rocky Mountains, at an elevation of eight

thousand two hundred and forty feet above the ocean; and

during 1868 and to May 10, 1869, five hundred and fifty-five

miles, all exclusive of side and temporary tracks, of which

over one hundred and eighty miles were built in addition.

The first grading was done in the autumn of 1864, and the

first rail laid in July, 1865. When you look back to the

beginning at the Missouri River, with no railway communication

from the east, and five hundred miles of the country in

advance; without timber, fuel, or any material whatever from

which to build or maintain a roadbed itself; with everything

to be transported, and that by teams or at best by steamboats,

for hundreds and thousands of miles; everything to be created,

with labour scarce and high—you can all look back upon the

work with satisfaction and ask, under such circumstances,

could we have done better? . . .

The experience of the war made possible the building of this

transcontinental railroad, not only physically, but financially.

The government, already burdened with billions of debt,

floated fifty million dollars more, and by this action it

created a credit which enabled the railroad company to float

an equal amount; and these two credits, when handled by men of

means and courage, who also threw their own private fortunes

into the scale, accomplished the work.

If it had been proposed, before the war, that the United

States should use its credit, and issue bonds to build a

railroad two thousand miles long across a vast, barren plain,

only known to the red man, uninhabited, without one dollar

of business to sustain it, the proposition alone would have

virtually bankrupted the nation.

Possibilities of finance, as developed during the war, made

this problem not only possible, but solved and carried it out,

and accomplished in three years a feat which no previous plan

had proposed to accomplish in less than ten years; and while

it was being accomplished, the only persons who had real,

solid, undoubted faith in its completion were that portion

of the nation who had taken an active part in the war.

Necessity brought out during the war bold structures that in

their rough were models of economy in material and strength.

In taking care of direct and lateral strains by positions of

posts and braces, they adopted principles that are used to-day

in the highest and boldest structures; and I undertake to say

that no structure up to date has been built which has not

followed those simple principles that were evolved out of

necessity, though reported against during the war by the most

experienced and reliable engineers of the world.

A few bold spirits backed the enterprise with their fortunes

and independent credit. They were called fools and fanatics.

Oakes Ames—the real pluck of the work—said to me once, “What

makes me hang on is the faith of you soldiers,” referring, at

the time, to the support the army was giving us, led by Grant,

Sherman, Sheridan, Pope, Thomas, Augur, and Crook, and all who

had direct communication with us on the plains. There was

nothing we could ask them for that they did not give, even

when regulations did not authorize it, and took a large

stretch of authority to satisfy our demands.

The commissary department was open to us. Their troops

guarded us, and we reconnoitred, surveyed, located, and built

inside of their picket-line. We marched to work by the tap of

the drum with our men armed. They stacked their arms on the

dump, and were ready at a moment's warning to fall in and

fight for their territory.

General Casement's track-train could arm a thousand men at

a word; and from him, as a head, down to his chief spiker,

it could be commanded by experienced officers of every rank,

from general to captain. They had served five years at the

front, and over half of the men had shouldered a musket in

many battles. An illustration of this came to me after our

track had passed Plum Creek, two hundred miles west of the

Missouri River. The Indians had captured a freight-train and

were in possession of it and its crews. It so happened that

I was coming down from the front with my car, which was a

travelling arsenal. At Plum Creek Station word came of this

capture and stopped us. On my train were perhaps twenty men,

some a portion of the crew, some who had been discharged and

sought passage to the rear. Nearly all were strangers to me.

The excitement of the capture and the reports coming by

telegraph of the burning train brought all the men to the

platform, and when I called upon them to fall in, to go

forward and retake the train, every man on the train went

into line, and by his position showed that he was a soldier.

We ran down slowly until we came in sight of the train.

I gave the order to deploy as skirmishers, and at the command

they went forward as steadily and in as good order as we had

seen the old soldiers climb the face of Kenesaw under fire.

Less than ten years before, General Sherman had suggested

a different method of dispensing with the Indian. Writing to

his brother, he said:—

“No particular danger need be apprehended from Indians. They

will no doubt pilfer and rob, and may occasionally attack and

kill stragglers; but the grading of the road will require

strong parties, capable of defending themselves; and the

supplies for the road and maintenance of the workmen will be

carried in large trains of wagons, such as went last year to

Salt Lake, none of which were molested by the Indians.

So large a number of workmen distributed along the line will

introduce enough whiskey to kill off all the Indians within

three hundred miles of the road.”

In speaking of the climatic changes incident to the building of

transcontinental lines of railroad, General Dodge also says:—

The building of the Pacific roads has changed the climate

between the Missouri River and the Sierra Nevada. In the

extreme West it is not felt so much as between the Missouri

River and the Rocky Mountains. Before settlement had

developed it, the country west of the Missouri River could

raise little of the main crops, except by irrigation. From

April until September no rain fell. The snows of the

mountains furnished the streams with water and the bunch-grass

with sufficient dampness to sustain it until July when it

became cured and was the food that sustained all animal life

on the plains, summer and winter.

I have seen herds of buffalo, hundreds of thousands in number,

living off bunch-grass that they obtained by pawing through

two feet of snow, on the level. It was this feature that

induced the stocking of immense ranches with cattle. Buffalo

never changed the character of the grass, but herds of cattle

did, so that now, on the ranges, very little of the bunch or

buffalo grass remains.

Since the building of these roads, it is calculated that the

rain belt moves westward at the rate of eight miles a year.

It has now certainly reached the plains of Colorado, and for

two years that high and dry state has raised crops without

irrigation, right up to the foot of the mountains.

Salt Lake since 1852 has risen nineteen feet, submerging whole

farms along its border and threatening the level desert west

of it. It has been a gradual but permanent rise, and comes

from the additional moisture falling during the year—rain and

snow. Professor Agassiz, in 1867, after a visit to Colorado,

predicted that this increase of moisture would come by the

disturbance of the electric currents, caused by the building

of the Pacific railroads and settlement of the country.[75]

It must be admitted, however, that the growth of the once vast

supposed relatively sterile region west of the Missouri River

is not due in its entirety to the building of railroads, but

that the idea of absolute sterility was a mistaken one;

without a fertile soil and other possibilities for the

advancement of civilization there, railroads would never have

been constructed. The railroads have developed what was

inherently not a desert in its most rigid definition, but a

misunderstood region, which only awaited the touch of the

genius of agriculture, made possible alone by the building of

transcontinental highways.

But for the railroads the great central region of the continent would

indeed be a howling wilderness. As the late Sidney Dillon,

ex-president of the Union Pacific Railroad, wrote in a magazine

article on “The West and the Railroads” in the _North American Review_

for April, 1891,

Like many other great truths, this is so well known to the

older portions of our commonwealth that they have forgotten it;

and the younger portions do not comprehend or appreciate it.

Men are so constituted that they use existing advantages

as if they had always existed, and were matters of course.

The world went without friction matches during thousands of

years, but people light their fires to-day without a thought

as to the marvellous chemistry of the little instrument that

is of such inestimable value, and yet remained so long unknown.

The youngster of to-day steps into a luxurious coach at

New York, Philadelphia, or Chicago, eats, sleeps, surveys

romantic scenery from the window during a few days, and

alights in Portland or San Francisco without any just

appreciation of the fact that a few decades since it would

have required weeks of toilsome travel to go over the same

ground, during which he would have run the risk of starvation,

of being lost in the wilderness, plundered by robbers, or

killed by savages. The most beneficent function of the

railway is that of a carrier of freight. What would it cost

a man to carry a ton of wheat one mile? What would it cost

for a horse to do the same? The railway does it at a cost of

less than a cent. This brings Dakota and Minnesota into

direct relation with hungry and opulent Liverpool, and makes

subsistence easier and cheaper throughout the civilized world.

The world should, therefore, thank the railway for the

opportunity to buy wheat, but none the less should the West

thank the railway for the opportunity to sell wheat.

Nothing now marks the spot at Promontory Point where the

formal ceremony of driving in the last spike took place on

May 10, 1869, and even the small station known as Promontory

is at some distance from that point where the connection

between the two transcontinental roads was originally made.

The whole aspect of the country, from the Missouri River to

Salt Lake, has marvellously changed. Where then were only

tents, there are now well-built, substantial, and prosperous

towns; and instead of the great desert wastes, supposed to be

beyond reach of cultivation, one may now see an almost

unbroken stretch of corn-fields and cultivated lands.

The five or six hundred men who saw the junction made at

Promontory Point were strongly impressed with the conviction

that the event was of great national importance; but they

connected it with the development of transcontinental

communication, and trade with China and Japan, rather than

with internal development, or what railroad men call local

traffic. They were somewhat visionary, no doubt, but none of

them dreamed that the future of the Pacific road depended more

on the business that would grow out of the peopling of the

deserts it traversed than upon the through traffic.

It is not too much to say that the opening of the Pacific road,

viewed simply in its relation to the spread of population,

development of resources, and actual advance of civilization,

was an event to be ranked in far-reaching results with the

landing of the Pilgrims, or perhaps the voyage of Columbus.

The Great Salt Lake Trail is now crossed and recrossed by the iron

highway of commerce. The wilderness is no longer silent; the spell of

its enchantment is broken. The lonely trapper has vanished from the

stern mountain scene. The Indian himself has nearly disappeared, and

in another generation the wild landmarks of the old trail will be

almost the only tangible memorials of the men who led the way.

FOOTNOTES.

[1] This John Coulter was the first white man to see and describe

the wonders of what is now the National Park. His account, however,

was received as a frontier lie, and the truth of his statements

were not verified until long after the hardy adventurer's death.

[2] Fort Osage, on the Missouri River, was on the site of the present

town of Sibley, where the Atchison, Topeka, and Santa Fé Railroad

crosses that stream.

[3] John Day was a remarkable man. His life was full of wonderful

adventures. He became insane while on this expedition of Stuart's,

and was sent back to Astoria, but shortly afterwards he died there.

The well-known John Day's River was so called in his honour.

[4] From an inspection of the map which accompanied Stuart's march,

this stream was evidently the headwater of the North Fork of the

Platte; but he was not aware of the fact.

[5] Grand Island in the Platte River was thus originally named by the

early trappers and voyageurs, the majority of whom were French Canadians.

[6] See _Astoria_, by Washington Irving.

[7] This was not Kit Carson. The great frontiersman did not make his

advent in the mountains until years afterward.

[8] An Indian vapour-bath, or sweating-house, is a square six or

eight feet deep, usually built against a river bank, by damming up

the other three sides with mud, and covering the top completely,

excepting an opening about two feet wide. The bather gets into

the hole, taking with him a number of stones that have been heated,

and a vessel filled with water. After seating himself he begins to

pour the water on the hot stones, until the steam generated is

sufficient to answer his purpose. When he has perspired freely,

he goes out and plunges in the stream, the colder the water the better.

[9] Rose lived with the Crows many years, became a great man among

them, could speak their language fluently. He was a giant, and

fearless to recklessness, and by his deeds of daring became one of

the first braves of the tribe. At one time, in a desperate fight

with the Blackfeet, he shot down the first savage who opposed him,

and with the war-club of his victim killed four others. His name

among the Crows was “Che-ku-kaats,” or the man who killed five.

His knowledge of the country was marvellous, and some years after

his adoption by the tribe, he was the principle guide and interpreter

for Fitzpatrick and Sublette, who conducted a trapping expedition

sent across the continent by General Ashley. How he died is unknown;

one rumour says from his licentious habits, another that he was

killed by some of his adopted brethren. He was a heroic vagabond,

but the redeeming feature of his life was that he taught the Crows

to cultivate the friendship of the whites, a policy which that tribe

observed for years.

[10] See Washington Irving's _Astoria_.

[11] He was the son of an Iroquois hunter, who had been cruelly

murdered by the Blackfeet on a small stream below the mountains

which still bears his name.

[12] In 1820 Major Stephen H. Long, of the United States army,

commanded an expedition through the Platte Valley and beyond,

under the direction of the War Department. As its object was purely

scientific, and its details uninteresting to the general reader,

it is omitted here.

[13] Captain Bonneville attained the rank of colonel, was retired

in 1861, and died on the 12th of June, 1878.

[14] The Black Fork of Green River is in the southwest corner of the

state of Wyoming.

[15] The name “Long-Knife” was applied by the Indians to the command

of Lewis and Clarke when they crossed the continent in 1804-5, and

it has remained as a name for the whites ever since.

[16] A keg.

[17] Bancroft.

[18] Captain Stuart Van Vliet, U.S.A.

[19] In reciting the preparations for the impending war on the part

of the Mormons, the hardships of the United States troops, and other

incidents relating to the troubles in Utah Territory, the authors of

this volume quote freely from Bancroft, Senate and House Democrats of

the Thirty-third Congress, as well as reports of the War Department.

[20] Taylor was captured by the United States troops about sixteen

miles from Fort Bridger, and the letter of instruction found on

his person.

[21] The remains of those dams and breastworks could be seen for many

years afterward, by travellers on the trains of the Union Pacific

Railroad which passed through the cañon.

[22] He took refuge in the Grand Cañon of the Colorado River;

his hiding-place was three miles from any possible pass, and he kept

a faithful adherent constantly on guard. When any one was seen

approaching the pass, Lee was immediately signalled and forthwith

repaired to a cave, where he remained until it was discovered whether

the intruder was friend or foe. If not a friend, he kept to his cave

until the party had left, then returned to his house. Lee followed

this life for five or six years, until he became so weary of dodging,

and running from supposed enemies, that he finally returned to

Salt Lake City. I saw his cave and house some years ago when,

in company with General N. A. Miles and others, I made a pleasure

trip to the Grand Cañon.—W. F. CODY.

[23] See Bancroft's _Pacific States_.

[24] Washington E. Hinman.

[25] The present Julesburg, until a few years ago, was called

“Denver Junction”; the old town was situated a mile west on the

opposite side of the river, and the Julesburg of 1867 was five miles

farther west, north of the Platte, and is now known as Weir.

[26] Senator Gwinn espoused the cause of the Southern Confederacy,

and lost his wonderful prestige and influence in California, as well

as a fortune, in his fealty to his native state, Mississippi. In 1866

he was created Duke of Sonora by Maximilian, in the furtherance of

his visionary scheme of western empire, but died soon afterwards.

[27] Known throughout the West as “Pony Bob.”

[28] So called because the trail ran through a cañon where the

Sweetwater reached from wall to wall, and had to be crossed three

times in a short distance.

[29] “Cayuse” means horse in some Indian dialects.

[30] Cy Warman vouches for this story in his _Frontier Stories_.

Copyright by Charles Scribner's Sons, 1898.

[31] Related to Harriet MacMurphy (to whom we are indebted for this

truthful account) by Mrs. Elton Beckstead, who at the age of thirteen

was Jules' wife and saw her husband murdered.

[32] The child-wife does not tell (perhaps never knew) that Slade

nailed one of her husband's ears to the door of the Pony Express

station, and wore the other for several weeks as a watch-charm.

[33] Mr. Creighton died of paralysis in 1874, and his widow endowed

a college named for him.

[34] Major John Burke thus briefly in a biographical sketch of these

men tells of their antecedents: “Russell was a Green Mountain boy,

who before his majority had gone West to grow up with the country,

and after teaching a three months' school on the frontier of Missouri,

hired himself to an old merchant of Lexington at thirty dollars

to keep books. . . . Alexander Majors was a son of Kentucky frontier

mountain parentage, his father a colleague and friend of Daniel Boone.

William Waddell, of Virginian ancestry, emigrants to the Blue Grass

region of the same state as Majors, was bold enough for any enterprise,

and able to fill any niche the West demanded.”

[35] This stream was named by Fremont on his second expedition of

exploration to the regions of the then unknown “Far West.”

[36] The initial starting-point of the stage line was Leavenworth,

on the Missouri, but after a few months it was changed to Atchison.

[37] This was the route of the Pony Express which was inaugurated

some years afterward.

[38] Ben Holliday was one of those wonderful characters developed by

a life of adventure and danger, having been nurtured amid the most

startling incidents of the frontier. He was born near the old

Blue Lick battlefield. At seventeen he was Colonel Doniphan's

courier. When only twenty-eight years old he entered Salt Lake Valley

with fifty wagonloads of goods, and was endorsed by Brigham Young

as being worthy of the confidence of his people. Ten years later

he was the head of the Overland Route; at forty-five the owner of

sixteen steamers on the Pacific Ocean, with an immense trade to

Central America, China, and Japan.

[39] Near the station of Ogallala, on the Union Pacific Railroad.

[40] The unfrocked monk, Geudeville, who travelled extensively in

Canada, and published in London, in 1703, his _New Voyages to North

America_, under the nom de plume of Baron La Hontan. It is doubted

how far this jolly soldier and bon vivant travelled west. He had

served at various points in the interior, and leaves no reason to

doubt his presence, at various times, at what was Fort Gratiot,

Michilimackinac, Green Bay, and other points in the region of the

Upper Lakes. It is the opinion of the historians, however, that he

went no farther than Green Bay. There can be but little question of

the character of the fiction he attempted to palm off on his readers.

His work is a literary curiosity, unexcelled in bibliography, for its

bold assumption in attempting to impose on a credulous age a tale of

fancied adventures and fictitious observation. He was a veritable

Baron Munchausen.

[41] Bancroft.

[42] Although very rare indeed, among all other tribes, it was the

leading physical characteristic with the Mandans, a nation long since

extinct, who occupied the region at the mouth of the Yellowstone.

[43] This band was known as the Arikaras—not the Pawnees proper.

[44] See Long's _Expedition_ and Schoolcraft's _Indian Tribes_.

[45] The proper designation of this numerous tribe is Dakota,

meaning allied; the word “Sioux,” although difficult to trace to its

proper origin, is generally conceded to be a nickname—one of reproach

given to them by their ancient enemies east of the Mississippi.

[46] A common game among the savages. One party to the game takes

a pebble or small bullet in the curve of both his hands. After he

has tossed it about for a few seconds, he swiftly holds them apart,

and if his opponent can guess which hand the pebble or stone is in,

he wins; if not, he loses. Immense amounts are frequently wagered

in this game, for the North American Indian is an inveterate gambler.

[47] The name owes its origin to the practice of this tribe scarring the

left arm, crosswise, a custom which was kept up until a few years ago.

[48] It is a fact that the Comanches and Shoshones, though living

a thousand miles apart, with hostile tribes between them, speak exactly

the same language, and call themselves by the same general name.

They have, however, lost all tradition of having once formed one nation.

[49] As in some instances the medicine-men, so called, are really

the doctors of the tribe, and as “médecin” is French for doctor,

the early French voyageurs gave this term to these mystery-men,

by which they have been known ever since.

[50] The name of the Crows is not the correct appellation of the

tribe. They have never yet acknowledged the name, though as such are

officially recognized by the United States government. It was

conferred upon them in the early days by the interpreters, either

through ignorance of the language, or for the purpose of ridicule.

The name which they themselves acknowledge, and they recognize no

other, is in their language Ap-sah-ro-kee, which signifies the

Sparrow Hawk people.

[51] Beckwourth was a mulatto born in Virginia in 1798. He was of

medium height, of strong muscular power, quick of apprehension, very

active, and one of the greatest warriors the Crow Nation has ever

produced. Around his neck he wore a perforated bullet, with a large

oblong bead on each side of it, secured by a thread of sinew. He wore

this amulet during the whole time he was chief of the Crows. He was

one of the few honest Indian traders of whom history gives any account.

[52] Disfigurement of the body and dismemberment of the fingers,

as an observance of mourning, was common among all Indian tribes.

Sometimes upon the death of a warrior in battle his horse was cut

and slashed, “to make him feel sorry for the loss of his master.”

[53] During the sessions of the Peace Commission at Fort Laramie in

1866, Beckwourth was sent on a mission to consult with the chiefs of

the Crows. He was taken sick in one of their villages and died there,

probably from old age rather than disease.

[54] The Sioux bury their dead on platforms erected seven or eight

feet above the ground.

[55] For the best and most authentic collection of Indian Folk-lore,

see George Bird Grinnel's admirable volumes on the subject.

[56] Bancroft.

[57] This account is taken from files of the Denver newspapers

published at the time of the massacre.

[58] Ouray did not profess the Catholic religion, despite his early

training. He believed in the Ute god, and in a happy hunting-ground,

and also in a bad place, where wicked people cannot meet their friends.

[59] There is more in this legend of a primitive, superstitious people,

from an ethnological view of its details, than would be suspected at

first. The story of the sacrifice and the medicine-man wrapping

himself in the bloody hide of the buffalo, the use of the pine as fuel,

and the prostration of the multitude, while communion is held with

the Great Spirit, is the same ceremony that was observed by the Druids,

and religious peoples before them. This peculiar offering of blood

was common to the Indian who in the early years of the century

occupied a portion of the territory east of the Mississippi. It will

be remembered by the student of American history that when the war

of 1812-1815 was pending, the celebrated Tecumseh and his brother,

the Shawnee Prophet, called the tribes together, in order to induce

them to side with the English. At that famous council they sacrificed

a spotless red heifer on a high altar, and the medicine-man wrapped

the bloody skin around him, while all the savages present prostrated

themselves and communed with the Great Spirit to know what to do.

The result was that Tecumseh's plans were defeated, for the Indians

were told by the Great Spirit to side with the Americans.

In the eleventh Book of the _Æneid_, Virgil relates the same

observance on Mount Soracte, where there was a temple dedicated to

Apollo, and a sacrifice made annually to the god, who represented

the sun. Arruns in his prayer says:—

Apollo, thou of gods

The mightiest, who in guard the sacred mount

Soracte holdest, and whom first of all

We worship, unto whom are heaped the fires

The piney branches make, and whom adore

Thy votaries, as we walk, by pious zeal

Sustained, on burning coals.

[60] _The White Chief_, by George P. Belden. Edited by General

James S. Brisbin. Published by C. F. Vent; Cincinnati, 1872.

[61] Niobrara.

[62] The Southern Cheyennes, Kiowas, and Arapahoes waged an unrelenting

war along the whole line of the border from Nebraska to Texas, under

the leadership of the dreaded Sa-tan-ta.

[63] Jack Stead was a runaway sailor boy. He was on the Peacock

when it was wrecked years ago near the mouth of the Columbia River.

He lived for years in the Rocky Mountains, and was the first man to

report to the United States government the Mormon preparations to

resist it. He had a Cheyenne wife, was a good story-teller, and

loved whiskey.

[64] William Frederick Cody (“Buffalo Bill”), the scout, guide, and

Indian fighter, was born on the 26th of February, 1846, in a primative

log-cabin in the backwoods of Iowa. In 1852, the family removed to

Kansas, where the father of young Cody, two years later, became a

martyr to the Free State cause. From the moment the family was thus

deprived of its support, the only boy, though a mere child, at the age

of nine years, commenced his career. As a collaborator in the

preparation of this work, he has been prevailed upon to relate all the

incidents of his life, so far as they confined to the region of which

this volume treats. [E-text editor's note: They encompass chapters 16

and 17 in their entirety. In the original book, every paragraph

appeared in quotation marks.] For his further adventures in the

Arkansas Valley and south of it, see _The Old Santa Fé Trail_.

[65] Long poles, one fastened on each side of a pony, the ends dragging

on the ground far to the rear; on these the dead and wounded were

carried. The Indians also move their camp equipage by this primitive

means of transportation.

[66] Strange as it may seem, this savage, instead of being moved with

hatred toward Colonel Cody, as a civilized woman would have been under

similar circumstances, actually looked upon him with special favour

and esteemed it quite an honour that her husband, a great warrior

himself, should have met his death at the hands of such a brave man as

the Prairie Chief, the name the Indians had given to the colonel.

[67] Nelson is still shooting Indians from the top of the old Deadwood

stage-coach in the Wild West show.

[68] The rendezvous, in trapper's parlance, was a point somewhere

in the region where the agents of the fur companies congregate to

purchase the season's catch, and where the traders brought such goods

as trappers needed, to sell.

[69] A very bad quality of whiskey made in Taos in the early days,

which, on account of its fiery nature, was called “Taos Lightning.”

[70] The Ute name for the Spanish Peaks.

[71] His name for his knife. It was the custom of the old trappers

and hunters to personify their weapons, usually in remembrance of the

locality where they got them.

[72] If “California Joe” had any other name, but few knew it; he was

a grizzled trapper and scout of the old régime. He was the best

all-round shot on the plains. He was the first man to ride with

General Custer into the village of Black Kettle, of the Cheyennes,

when that chief's band was annihilated in the battle of the Washita,

in November, 1868, by the U. S. Cavalry and the Nineteenth Kansas.

Joe was murdered in the Black Hills several years ago.

[73] Uncle of Senator Cockrell of Missouri.

[74] The real name of this strange old trapper was Thomas L. Smith.

He was eventually killed by the Indians.

[75] The authors of this book both well remember when the sand-hills

of the Arkansas River were, as their name implied, mere dunes of

shifting sand. Now they are covered with rich verdure upon which

thousands of cattle feed, and in the intervales are to be seen some of

the finest fruit-farms in the region of the central plains. Whether

Professor Agassiz was correct, or whether it is caused by great cycles

of atmospheric variation, it is a fact.

PUBLICATION INFORMATION.

This section presents a record of the source book used to complete

this Etext edition of The Great Salt Lake Trail by Col. Henry Inman

and Col. William F. Cody. This Etext is not a faithful representation

of the source book's typesetting, but does contain the complete text

of the authors.

Bibliographic Reference.

The source book was obtained from the Johnson County (Kansas) Library.

The bibliographic reference of the book is as follows:

Inman, Henry, and William F. Cody. _The Great Salt Lake Trail_. 1898.

Social Science Reprints Series. Williamstown, Mass.: Corner House

Publishers, 1978.

MARC Record Display.

The MARC record display from the Johnson County Library web catalog

(jcl.lib.ks.us) is displayed as follows:

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100 10 $a Inman, Henry, $d 1837-1899.

245 14 $a The Great Salt Lake trail / $c by Colonel Henry Inman and

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300    $a xiii, 529 p. : $b ill., front. (2 port.) plates, fold. map. ;

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500    $a Reprint of the 1898 editon published by Macmillan, New York.

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