THE PRIESTHOOD OF IRAN
In the form in which we have them the books of the Avesta are the work
of the priests of Eastern Iran. According to the evidence repeatedly
furnished by them, there were three orders in Sogdiana and Bactria:
priests, warriors, and husbandmen. This sequence, which is uniformly
preserved both in the invocations and in the book of the law, shows that
the priests had risen above the warriors, and claimed to be the first of
the three orders.[312]
In considering the civilisation of the Bactrian kingdom we found
ourselves compelled by the proximity of the nations of the steppes to
assume, that when the Arians had become established there, the tribes
which had a capacity or love for battle, undertook the protection of the
land, the flocks and fields, against the incursions of the nomads of the
north, and made battle and strife their special vocation. Such attacks
increased with the increasing culture of Bactria, and led to a
consolidation of powers; these clans raised one of their number
distinguished in battle to be their leader, or followed him, and thus
was laid the basis for the foundation of a great state. The importance
ascribed in the Avesta to the splendour of majesty--we find the
personification of good government in the Avesta among the Amesha
Cpentas--in combination with the battles which, as we learn from the
book, the princes of Bactria carried on against the Turanians, and with
the statements in the West Iranian Epos about the kingdom of the
Bactrians, together with the later condition of the country, allowed us
to draw the conclusion that at one time the kings of Bactria were not
without power and importance. They reigned, surrounded by the families
of the warriors, who were enabled by their possessions in lands and
flocks, to devote themselves to the practice of arms and to battle. The
invocations to Mithra, Verethraghna, and Vayu, bear upon them very
evident traces of a war-like spirit (p. 110, 114). That the spirits of
the sky, which once fought with the cloud-dragons, have become mortal
heroes in the Avesta, also proves--since even among other nations the
Epic poetry which follows periods of warlike excitement transforms
shapes of the sky into heroes of old time--that once on a time Bactria
had experienced a period of warfare, when difficulties arose which it
was mainly the business of the monarchy and the nobles to settle. The
Avesta can tell us of arms and robes as well as of palaces with pillars
and turrets; of earthen, iron, silver and golden vessels; of mats,
carpets, and adornments of gold,[313] such as are found among noble
families; and those hecatombs of horses, cattle, and sheep which the
heroes in the Avesta sacrifice to Anahita and Drvacpa, in order to
obtain their favour by victory, are no doubt borrowed from the
sacrifices which princes and nobles were wont to offer in cases where
the numbers must be enlarged in honour of the heroes. Yet we see that
Xerxes orders a thousand oxen to be sacrificed at one time. We have
already shown (IV. 390), how important and pre-eminent was the position
which the races of the warriors, "the princes," occupied on the Indus
and the Ganges, and what respect they commanded among "the free Indians"
in the Panjab, even in the fourth century B.C. That a warlike nobility
of a similar character, attitude, and position, existed in Eastern Iran,
is the less to be doubted, as the order of warriors in the Avesta is
denoted by a name (_rathaestar_) which goes back to the chariots of war.
The husbandmen, who were settled beside and among them, bear in the
Avesta the name of Vactrya,[314] but the word Vaecu is also used for
them, which simply repeats the name of the Indian Vaicyas.
Like the Arians of India, the Arians of Iran believed in the power of
the correct invocations, prayers, and sacrifice; among them also the
sacrifice strengthens the gods and increases their power. In India too,
the priests, and minstrels, and sacrificers handed down in their
families the knowledge of the effective invocations and ceremonies which
exercised compulsion on the gods, and the same was the case in Eastern
Iran; priestly families arose at a very early period. They did not here
retain the name of supplicators, as in India; but are called Athravas in
the Avesta. In the Veda Atharvan kindles the sacrificial fire, and among
the Arians of India the incantations of the race of Atharvan passed from
the most powerful. In a similar way powerful invocations and sentences
were handed down in Iran from father to son in the race of the
Athravas. These families preserved the ancient invocations to Mithra,
Verethraghna, Anahita, Tistrya, which are preserved to us in the Avesta,
though in a modified form. The god Haoma instructs Zarathrustra to
praise him, as the other fire-priests had done (p. 124). The reform
which bears the name of Zarathrustra cannot have left the condition of
the priests unchanged. The doctrine may, as invocations in the Avesta
would seem to show, have first found adherents in the race of
Haechatacpa, to which Zarathrustra belonged, and to which he first
proclaimed his law (131), and next in the race of Jamacpa and
Frashaostra, who are spoken of as Zarathrustra's most zealous followers.
According to the creed of the Parsees the good law also came to Aderbat
Mahresfant by family descent (p. 62). These new races of priests, who
knew the sayings, invocations, and prayers of Zarathrustra, would then
be joined by those among the races of the old fire-priests who approved
of the reform, and the priesthood thus formed would be further
strengthened by those who, deeply impressed by the new doctrine, sought
and found reception as pupils into a family of the priests, thus
entering into their circle, and becoming members of their families.
United by a new doctrine and settled tenets, the priests who represented
the reform would become united together more firmly than the priestly
families of the old time.
The priesthood could very well claim precedence of the warriors; on
their prayers and sayings, their knowledge of the custom of sacrifice,
depended the favour of the gods, the power of averting evil spirits, the
removal of pollution, salvation in this world and the next. Yet they
could not obtain such a position as the Brahmans held on the Ganges
after the reform of the ancient faith, and the victory of Brahman over
Indra. For in Iran there was no order of Cudras, no vanquished remnant
of an old population, which created a sharp line of division even among
the orders of the Aryas; and moreover the Brahmans were the first-born
of Brahman, a purer incarnation of the divine nature than any other
order. The world had not emanated from Auramazda; there were in Iran no
gradations of beings in which the divine essence existed in a more or
less pure condition. All had to fight against evil deities and against
evil; the priests were the leaders in this struggle--this leadership and
nothing more could they claim. In their lives they studied especial
purity of body and mind; and they were pre-eminently "the pure men."
Only by their means, at any rate with their assistance, could sacrifice
be offered; from their mouths alone could the correct invocations be
uttered to the gods, and the evil ones be driven away. Men were
compelled to submit to the rules of the life acceptable to the gods of
light, of pure conversation, which were accurately known to the priests
only; they had to take upon themselves the expiations which the priests
prescribed, in order to wipe out offences and sins and their
consequences--but they had not to reverence in them, as was the case
beyond the Indus, a class of creatures raised by birth to a higher
level. Hence the sharp separation of the priesthood from the rest of the
orders, in the Brahmanic fashion, was at once placed out of the
question. The priesthood of Iran perpetuated their knowledge and wisdom
in their families; but they had not the right to bar all entrance into
their families or their order on the score of higher birth, or to
prohibit the marriage of priests with women of other orders, on the
ground of their superior nature.
From our fragments of the Avesta we may assume that although, as is
obvious, the precedence of the priests above the remaining orders was
strongly marked, and they were especially denoted as "pure men," the
limits of their political and social position were far more modest than
those of the Brahmans. So far as we can see, the Avesta allots no
special income to the priests beyond the camels, horses, or small cattle
given to them by warriors and husbandmen in quittance for the
purifications they have performed. The penalties also which have to be
paid in expiation of certain offences are to be given to "the pure men,"
and the Avesta repeatedly recommends the presentation of gifts to them.
On the other hand, the priests do not possess the exclusive right to
perform purifications. The Vendidad merely says that any one who wishes
to perform purifications must have learned the law from one of the
purifiers, _i.e._ it is only the instruction of the priest which is
indispensable in this matter. Any one who performs purification without
such instruction (except in the case of necessary purifications, p.
230), will take away from the places where it is performed, "food and
fatness, health and all remedies, prosperity, luxuriance and growth, and
increase of corn and fodder; and corn and fodder will not return to such
places until for three days and nights the holy Craosha has been praised
at the burning fire with bound withes and uplifted Haoma." The
uncertified purifier is to be put in chains, his clothes taken from him,
and his head cut off.[315] If it was permitted to learn the
purifications, it follows that men not of priestly descent could enter
the order of the Athravas, and the boundary line between this order and
the rest was not impassable. Among the Parsees of India any one can
become a priest. The duties of the priest, according to the book of the
law, consist in watching and tending the sacred fire, in praising the
good spirits, in offering sacrifice, and performing purifications, and
in the ceaseless study of the holy scriptures. The priest is to be
provided with a mortar made according to certain rules, a cup (for the
Haoma sacrifice), the snake-switch (a stick for killing impure animals),
and the Paitidana, _i.e._ a piece of cloth for veiling the mouth, in
order that he may not approach the sacred fire with breath that is
possibly impure. For the rest, the Vendidad lays down the rule that the
priests are to be patient and content, and satisfied with a little
bread, and they ought to eat what is offered to them.[316] Auramazda
says; "Many men, O Zarathrustra, carry the Paitidana, the
serpent-switch, the sacred bundle of twigs, without being guided
according to the law. These are wrongly called priests; do not thou call
them priests, O Zarathrustra. He who lies the whole night without
praising or hearing, or reciting, or learning, or teaching--call not
such an one a priest. Call him a priest, O pure Zarathrustra, who
inquires of the pure intelligence the whole night, of the wisdom which
purifies from sins and makes the heart wide, which has merits in store
on the bridge of Chinvat, and causes us to attain the purity and bliss
of Paradise."[317] The Avesta distinguishes different classes of
priests, but the distinction only rests on the various acts which they
perform in the sacred rites. The first rank is taken by the Zaotar, who
utters the prayers and invocations (the Hotar, _i.e._ the Repeater of
the Veda); next to him apparently is the Craoshavareza, "who speaks very
wise and truthful things;"[318] he bears the club of Craosha, in order
to keep the evil spirits at a distance from the sacred acts; then comes
the Atarevaksha, _i.e._ the priest who causes the fire to increase, and
attends to the worship of it; then the Acnatar (the Washer), who has to
cleanse the instruments of sacrifice to keep them from pollution; the
Frabaretar, _i.e._ the Carrier, etc. In the modern ritual of the Parsees
all the duties of the sacred service have been transferred to the Zaotar
and the Racpi, which latter discharges the functions of ministering
priest.
If we were only approximately correct in placing the date of
Zarathrustra and the reform of the ancient faith at 1000 B.C., the
formation of this priestly order, which took place on the basis of the
new doctrine, may have come to an end about the year 800 B.C. We saw
that from this date onwards the spread of the new doctrine must have
begun in the west of Iran towards the Medes and Persians, since there
existed among the Medes from 700 B.C. an hereditary priesthood, charged
with the worship of the gods according to the regulations of
Zarathrustra, and in this century it was already sufficiently numerous
to be placed as an equal division beside the tribes of the Medes.
We have no better information about the priests of the West than we have
on the political and social position of the priests of Eastern Iran.
They are not called Athravas but Magush. This name is first found in the
inscription which Darius caused to be cut on the rock-wall of Behistun;
afterwards it was consistently used by Western writers, from Herodotus
to Agathias, for the priests of Iran. The Avesta has the words _magha_
and _maghavan_, i.e. the powerful, the great,[319] but does not use it
of the priests, which are always called Athravas. If the last title is
taken from the fire-worship, the first allows us to see the importance
of the priests. He who can use incantations to the gods and spirits--can
summon or remove them--is the mighty one, the powerful. If in this name
we have evidence of the respect with which the laity of Western Iran
looked up to the priests, the difference between the names in the East
and West shows that there were priestly races among the Medes and
Persians before the religion of Zarathrustra reached them. Had not such
existed before the reform, and had they not possessed a definite name in
the West--had priestly families become known there for the first time at
the rise of the reform--they would never have had any other name than
that of Athravas. Even without this positive proof we might assume that
from all antiquity there had been priests among the Medes and Persians
who understood how to invoke the gods of light in the old Arian
faith--Mithra and Verethraghna, Vayu and Tistrya--and tend the fire
which destroyed demons. When the new doctrine reached from the East to
Ragha and then to Media (p. 96), the old races who passed over to the
new faith united with the families the members of which were the
prophets of the new doctrine. The teachers of the Medes in old times,
which Pliny called successors of Zarathrustra, might have stood at the
head of this transformation of the ancient priestly families, of the
creation of the Median priesthood on the basis of the new religion (p.
92). However this may have been, the priestly families among the Medes
were so numerous, their connection and union so close and firmly fixed,
that they could be counted as a sixth tribe beside the other five Median
tribes.
Among the tribes of the Persians Herodotus mentions no tribe of Magi. It
would be a mistake to conclude from this that there were originally no
priests among the Persians, and to put faith in Xenophon's statement
that Cyrus was the first to give the Magians the care of the sacred
fire, "because he preferred to go on board with the pious rather than
the impious."[320] No one will maintain that the Persians in ancient
times were without worship and religious rites, or that when they
accepted the doctrine of Zarathrustra, which did not permit sacrifice
without Magians, they used the services of none but alien priests. Such
a proceeding would be absurd. The proper conclusion from the fact that
Herodotus does not mention a tribe of Magians among the Persians is that
the priestly families there were less numerous; they had not broken away
from the tribal connections to which they originally belonged, and
formed themselves into a separate community. Further, from the fact that
the priestly families of the Persians in old times had not formed
themselves into a separate community, we may conclude--and indeed the
conclusion follows from the position of Media and the notice in the
Avesta about Ragha, and the observation about the ancient teachers of
the Medes, who are said to have been followers of Zarathrustra--that the
reform of the faith first came from Bactria to the Medes, that it was
adopted and more strongly represented among them, and so passed on to
the Persians. We cannot doubt that there were Persians belonging to the
order of Magians. If Plato and his pupils call Zoroaster the "teacher of
the Magians," and at the same time "a Persian," they must assume that
there were Magians among the Persians; if, according to Plato's
statement, the four teachers of the heirs to the Persian throne, of
which one had to teach the Magism of Zoroaster, were selected out of
"all the Persians;"--if at the time of Xerxes there were Persians who
wrote on the doctrine of Zoroaster, they must have been initiated in the
wisdom and knowledge of the Magians, and have known their invocations
and customs; the contents of the holy scriptures and the scriptures
themselves can hardly have been hidden from them. In order to prove that
the Magians, _i.e._ the priests, belonged exclusively to the Medes, the
fact has been brought forward that the Persians, after Darius had
dethroned the Pseudo-Smerdis, celebrated each year the feast of the
slaughter of the Magians, at which no Magian allowed himself to be seen,
but all were obliged to remain at home.[321] The Magophonia was not the
celebration of a victory over the Magi generally, but over the removal
of a usurper, and the restoration of the dominion to the Achaemenids,
which had been taken from them by one who happened to be a Magian.
Herodotus at any rate calls this Magian a Mede.[322] Darius contents
himself with calling him the "Magian." Hence there is no ground to doubt
that both before and after the reform, families of the Persians were
charged with the worship of the gods; the less so because Plato, as
already remarked, represents the heirs to the throne in Persia as being
instructed in the doctrine of Zoroaster, while Strabo and Pausanias
speak expressly of "Persian Magi," and the chief Magian is enumerated
among the tribes "which dwell in the districts of Persis."[323]
When the dominion of the Achaemenids had been established over Iran, the
priestly families of all the West must have been united into one
community. There is no doubt that this remained an order in which the
priestly wisdom and knowledge were traditional. Strabo, like Herodotus,
calls the Magians a tribe; he adds that the members of it sought after a
holy life. The tribe was large, he tells us in another place; Magians
could be found even in Cappadocia. Ammianus also informs us that the
Magians handed down their doctrines to later times, each by his
descendants. Growing up through centuries from a small number, the
Magians became a nation, and being regarded as dedicated to the service
of the gods, they had acquired respect through their religion. They
inhabited open villages, lived according to a law of their own, and
possessed fruitful fields in the district called Nisaea. Agathias also
calls the Magians a tribe.[324] But the separation of the priestly order
in the West cannot have been more strict than that of the Athravas in
the East. Marriage with the women of other orders was not forbidden, nor
transition from other orders into that of the Medes. The Avesta speaks
of the teacher and the pupil (p. 203); and it is expressly said--though
the statement comes from the beginning of the third century of our
era--that the Magians among the Persians, _i.e._ the Magians under the
Arsacids, instructed even those who were not Persians in their doctrine,
but only at the special command of the king.[325]
We find the Magians in close proximity to the rulers of the Medes and
Persians; they were not without importance and influence. In Herodotus
they tell Astyages that they had and would have great honours from
him.[326] Xenophon speaks of them as determining, at the time of Cyrus,
which god is to be honoured on each day.[327] Cambyses charges Magians
with the duty of watching the grave of Cyrus, and this office became
hereditary in their families;[328] he also entrusts a Magian with the
care of the royal household, while he marches with the army into the
remote parts of Egypt and Nubia. The inscriptions of Darius showed us
how much in earnest he was with the doctrines and regulations of the
religion--how lively was his faith. On his march to Hellas, Xerxes was
accompanied by Osthanes, a man skilled in the priestly dogmas, and by
Magians; they offer sacrifice, and charm the storms.[329] The sacred
fire which was carried before the kings[330] was conducted by Magians,
and so also were the sacred chariot, the sacred horses of Mithra and the
sun-god, in the campaigns of the Achaemenids (p. 167). Of greater
importance was it that the heirs to the throne in Persia were
instructed, as Plato tells us, in the Magism of Zoroaster,[331] which
could only be done by Magians. Nicolaus of Damascus relates that the
Persian princes were instructed by the Magians in truthfulness, justice,
and the laws of their country;[332] and, according to Plutarch, Magians
were the educators of the Persian princes; Magians also under the
Achaemenids performed the consecration at the accession of a new
king.[333] We are also told that this king of the Medes and that of the
Persians, took the advice of the Magians on important occasions. Under
the Arsacids they formed, along with the members of the race of the
kings, the supreme council of the kingdom; in the time when this dynasty
was at its height they ruled, as Pliny told us, "over the king of
kings;" and we have seen (p. 60) that their influence under the
Sassanids, at court, in the administration of law, and in politics, was
even more powerful.
Herodotus maintains that the Magians also occupied themselves with
soothsaying and prophecy; like Ctesias, he ascribes to the Medes the
interpretation of certain dreams and other miraculous acts. Of such
interpretations and prophesying on the part of the priests the Avesta
knows nothing, and those Greeks who were better informed, warmly
contested the assertion that the Magians were occupied with such things.
Plato tells us: "The Magism of Zoroaster is the worship of the gods;"
and Aristotle assures us that the Magians knew nothing of
soothsaying.[334] What Herodotus tells us, on the other side, he
certainly did not invent, but repeats after his informants. The
Medo-Persian Epos, which, though indirectly, forms the basis of
Herodotus' account of the rise of Cyrus and the death of Cambyses,
allowed a wide field, even in the account of the fall of the Assyrian
empire (III. 264), to the astrological and prophetic wisdom of the
Chaldaeans. From this we may conclude that prophecies of the Chaldaeans
were not left out of sight at the overthrow of Astyages. In Nicolaus of
Damascus it is a Chaldaean of Babylon who expounds her dream to the
mother of Cyrus,[335] and possibly the kings of the Medes followed the
example of the Assyrian and Babylonian courts in having astrologers and
interpreters of dreams from Babylon about them.
Whatever was the influence employed by the Magians at the court of the
Achaemenids, the Arsacids and Sassanids, their influence was of a moral
nature; it was only through the effect of religion on the heart and
conscience of the king, that they could work; their position did not
rest on any hierarchical institutions. In Iran the priesthood had no
real means of power which permitted it to come forward in opposition to
the power of the State. The priest was a subject of the king like any
one else. It was within the king's power to proceed at his pleasure with
the severest corporal punishment against the Magi, and it is abundantly
clear that the kings did not shrink from inflicting such punishments,
even if we do not regard as established facts the stories that Astyages
impaled the Magians who had given him a false report, and that Darius
caused forty Magians to be executed at once.[336]
Diogenes Laertius relates that the Magians lived on lentils, bread and
cheese, which agrees with the Avesta to the extent that the priests are
there commanded to be content with a little food.[337] What Herodotus
tells us of the duties and occupation of the Magians agrees entirely
with the rules given in the Avesta for the Athravas. No one could
sacrifice without a Magian; the sacrifices were offered on high places
(in this Xenophon agrees[338]) or in "pure places;" the most delicate
grass was spread--we remember the importance of the Kuca-grass in the
Veda and the Brahmanas--on this grass the flesh of the sacrifice was
laid; the Magians sang the theogony, _i.e._ long sacrificial prayers,
and the sacred rite is fulfilled. Herodotus also asserts that the
Magians took great pride in killing serpents, ants, and other winged and
creeping things with their own hands; that human life was greatly
respected by them; that the dog was held in high honour (p. 86); and the
corpses of the Magians were exposed to dogs or birds of prey. This he
declares that he knows to be the truth; Xenophon represents the Magians
as beginning their songs of praise with the break of day, and as
offering their sacrifices at certain places, which were selected for the
gods. Curtius relates that they sang native songs.[339] Strabo told us
above that the Magians sought after a holy life; he observes also that
whatever was the god to which they sacrificed they first prayed to fire.
At every sacrifice the Magians conducted the sacred rite; the victims
were not slain with the knife but struck down with a club. No part of
the flesh of the victim was set apart for the deity, for they declared
that the god required only the soul of the animal; yet according to some
they placed a small portion of the fat in the fire. "In Cappadocia there
were enclosed places," Strabo continues, "in the midst of which was an
altar, heaped up with ashes. On this the Magians kept up the
unquenchable fire. Each day they went and sang for an hour before the
fire, holding in their hands a bundle of twigs. On their heads they
wore tiaras of felt, which fell down on both sides so far that the
side-pieces covered the lips."[340] Pausanias, who observed the worship
of the Magians in the cities of Lydia, says: "At both places there was a
shrine with a cell, and in the cell is an altar; on this are ashes the
colour of which is not the ordinary colour of ashes. When the Magian
comes into the cell, he lays the dry wood on the altar, puts the tiara
on his head, and sings the invocation to some god or another, in a
barbarian manner, quite unintelligible to the Hellenes; but he sings
from a book. Then the pieces of wood, without being kindled, ought to
become lighted, and a flame from them should flash all round the
cell."[341]
FOOTNOTES:
[312] "Vend." 2, 87-89; "Yacna," 14, 4-6. If in "Yacna," 19, 46 four
occupations are mentioned instead of the four orders, and artisans are
added to the husbandmen, this is only another theory, which does not,
however, alter the series and system; in India the order of Vaicyas
comprises husbandmen, merchants, and artisans.
[313] "Vond." 8, 254.
[314] Under the Sassanids we find a chief of the husbandmen
(_vactriosan_), and a chief of the warriors (_arthestaran_); Noeldeke,
"Tabari," s. 110.
[315] "Vend." 9, 172-180, 187-196.
[316] "Vend." 13, 126-129.
[317] "Vend." 18, 1-17.
[318] "Vispered," 3, 13, 14. Above, p. 165.
[319] The Mobedh of Middle Persian is _magupat_, i.e. lord of the
Magians (p. 60). The derivation of the name Magus from the Turanian
_imga_ (apparently = honourable) can only be adopted by those who regard
the Magians as descendants of the Turanians, or at any rate as
containing a strong admixture of Turanians; a view which rests on the
theory that the second series in the inscriptions of the Achaemenids is
the Median translation of the Persian inscriptions. With this view I
cannot agree; all that we learn from the Greeks of the customs, manners,
and names of the Medes bears the mark of an Arian origin, and is in
harmony with what is attributed to the Persians. In the inscription of
the second class at Behistun, Gaumata is not called _imga_ but _magush_.
[320] "Cyri instit." 8, 1, 23.
[321] Herod. 3, 79.
[322] Herod. 3, 73.
[323] Strabo, p. 727; Pausanias, 5, 27, 3.
[324] Ammian. 23, 6, 32-35; Agathias, 2, 26.
[325] Philostratus in Rapp, "Z. D. M. G." 20, 71.
[326] Herod. 1, 120.
[327] "Cyri instit." 7, 5, 20; 8, 1, 8.
[328] Arrian, "Anab." 6, 29.
[329] Herod. 7, 191.
[330] Curtius, 3, 7; Ammian. 23, 6, 34.
[331] "Alcibiad. I." p. 122.
[332] Nic. Dam. fragm. 67, ed. Mueller.
[333] Plut. "Artaxerxes," c. 3.
[334] Diog. Laert. prooem. 6.
[335] Fragm. 66, ed. Mueller; cf. infra Bk. 8, c. 4.
[336] Herod. 1, 128; Ctes. "Pers." 15. The excerpt says 40 Chaldaeans,
but obviously Magi are here meant.
[337] Prooem. 7. Above, p. 190. The further statements of Diogenes about
the white robes of the Magians, their avoidance of all ornament and
gold, of their lying on the ground, and staff of reed, deserve little
notice, inasmuch as the source whence they are derived is unknown.
[338] "Cyri instit." 8, 7, 3.
[339] "Cyri instit." 8, 7, 3; 7, 5, 20; 8, 1, 8; Curtius, 3, 3, 8.
[340] Strabo, p. 733.
[341] Pausan. 5, 27, 5, 6.