THE KINGDOM OF THE BACTRIANS.
Among the ruins of the residence of the kings of Asshur at Chalah, on
the confluence of the Greater Zab and the Tigris, was discovered the
obelisk which Shalmanesar II., who reigned from 859 to 823 B.C. over
Assyria, erected in memory of his successes. In the tribute offered to
him we find the rhinoceros, the elephant, the humped ox, and the camel
with two humps (II. 320). This species of camel and the yak are found
in Bactria, on the southern edge of the Caspian Sea, and in Tartary,
and we afterwards find elephants in the possession of the rulers of
Bactria.[26] Hence, in order to obtain these animals for tribute, the
armies of Shalmanesar must have advanced as far as the eastern tribes
of the Iranian table-land. From the inscriptions of Tiglath Pilesar II.,
it is clear that he advanced along the same table-land as far as the
Hilmend and the Arachoti, if not as far as Bactria. Among the lands
subjugated in 745 B.C., he enumerates Nisaa, Zikruti, and Arakuttu. In
Nisaa we cannot mistake Nisaea in the east of Media (p. 31). The Zikruti
were no doubt the Sagartians of Herodotus, the Acagarta of the old
Persian inscriptions.[27] Arakuttu represents in a Semitic form the
name of the Arachoti, the Harauvati of the Achaemenids (p. 8). So far as
we can at present judge from inscriptions, the successors of Tiglath
Pilesar did not carry their campaigns further to the east of Iran, and
we can assert with certainty of both the sovereigns who raised the power
of Assyria to its summit, Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal (681-626 B.C.),
that they made no conquests in this direction.
If the inscriptions of the Assyrians leave us in almost total darkness
about Bactria, the Medo-Persian epic poetry can give us full information
about the country. When Ninus, king of Assyria, had subjugated all the
nations of Asia as far as the Nile and the Tanais, he made an attempt
upon Bactria, but without success. The entrance into the land was
difficult, the number of warriors great, and they knew how to fight
bravely. Then Ninus collected an army of two millions of soldiers, which
was opposed by Oxyartes, the king of the Bactrians, with 400,000 men.
When the Assyrian army came in detachments out of the passes, Oxyartes
attacked and drove them back into the mountains with the loss of 100,000
men. The army of Ninus then combined, outnumbered and overcame the
Bactrians, and scattered them into their cities, which Ninus took with
little trouble. But Bactra, where was the palace of the kings, was large
and well supplied, and had a very strong citadel in a high position,
while the city extended over the plain. It resisted for a long time,
till Semiramis ascended the citadel, and Ninus was enabled to take
possession of the treasures of gold and silver which were in Bactra. At
a later time Semiramis collected her vast army for the invasion of India
in Bactria, and returned to Bactra after she had been defeated on the
Indus, and had lost two-thirds of her army (II. 10). Such are the
descriptions given by the epic poetry of the Medes and Persians, in the
account of the rise of Assyria and subjugation of Bactria. The Bactrians
are again brought forward in the narrative of the overthrow of Assyria,
which was the proper theme of these poems. When Sardanapalus has already
thrice defeated the Medes and Babylonians, a strong force comes to his
assistance from Bactria. The leader of the Medes determines to attack
this first, if it would not join in the contest for freedom against
Assyria. The Bactrians joined the Medes, the power of Assyria was
broken, and Nineveh destroyed (III. 253).
From these poems it follows that in the first half of the sixth century
B.C., in which the Medo-Persian epic attained its original form, the
tradition, or at any rate the opinion, existed among the minstrels of
Media that a powerful kingdom and large metropolis once existed in
Bactria, the situation of which is correctly described. This kingdom
possessed a strong citadel and abundant treasures, and could put in the
field a large army of brave warriors. Without such a conception they
could not represent the first attack of the Assyrians on Bactria as a
failure, the second as successful only after considerable time and
trouble had been spent, and the conquest as the last and greatest
achievement of Ninus, the mightiest sovereign of Assyria, which he only
performed with the aid of Semiramis.
The inscriptions of the Assyrians have already informed us that no
dominion of Assyria over Eastern Iran existed in the earliest period of
the kingdom; on the contrary, even when her power was at the highest
Assyria could only carry on temporary excursions into that region. The
western part of the country was first trodden by the armies of
Shalmanesar II.; his inscriptions mention tribute of the Medes, and
from the inscriptions of his successors it is distinctly clear that only
the nations of Western Iran were tributary dependants of the kings of
Asshur from the period of Tiglath Pilesar, _i.e._ from the middle of
the eighth century B.C., till the period of Phraortes and Cyaxares of
Media, _i.e._ till the middle of the seventh century B.C.[28]
The conquests of Cyrus, who overthrew the power of the Medes, founded
the Persian empire, and extended it to the east, would give us more
accurate information about Eastern Iran if connected accounts of these
were in existence. Herodotus contents himself with stating that Cyrus,
after subjugating the Lydians, determined to march against the Bactrians
and Sacae. He conquered all the nations of Upper Asia, one after the
other, without omitting any.[29] Ctesias relates that the Bactrians
after a doubtful battle submitted voluntarily to Cyrus. According to the
account of Xenophon, the Hyrcanians, Cadusians, and Sacae joined Cyrus,
and in the fragments of Nicolaus also the Hyrcanians, Parthians, and
"the other nations" passed over to Cyrus immediately after the conquest
of the Medes. However this may be, there is no doubt that the east of
Iran was subject to Cyrus. He marched through the land of the Arachoti,
entered into relations with the Ariacpas (p. 8), and subjugated the
Gandarians on the south of the Cabul. He is also said to have imposed
tribute on the Acvakas to the north of the river (IV. 384). The
Sogdiani, in any case, were his vassals. On a stream which flows into
the Jaxartes he built a fortress called by his own name, known to the
Greeks as Cyresbata (_ultima Cyra_, or with others Cyropolis), _i.e._
the furthest Cyrus. The walls and citadels were strong and spacious, and
in the neighbourhood were six other citadels.[30] The value placed by
Cyrus on the regions of Eastern Iran is not only clear from these
fortresses, but may be deduced from the statement that his second son
Bardya, whom the Greeks call Smerdis, was intrusted with the government
of Bactria, if indeed the statement is genuine.[31]
The nations and condition of Eastern Iran can be ascertained more
clearly from the inscriptions of Darius. According to his inscription at
Behistun, his empire in that direction comprised the Parthians,
Sarangians, Areians, Chorasmians, Bactrians, Sogdiani, Gandarii,
Sattagydae, Arachoti, and Sacae; and to these the Idhus, _i.e._ the
Indians on the right bank of the upper course of the Indus, are added in
the inscriptions of Persepolis and Naksh-i-Rustem.[32] Further
information is preserved by Herodotus with respect to the tribute
imposed by Darius on these nations. As these statements are undoubtedly
derived from Persian tribute lists, they serve to throw a side light on
the state of civilisation existing in the east of Iran at the division
of the sixth and fifth centuries B.C. The Sarangians, who, as we have
seen (p. 7), inhabited the fertile land round Lake Areios (Hamun),
together with the Sagartians and some neighbouring nations on the south,
paid yearly 600 Babylonian talents into the treasury of the king. The
Areians (Haraivas), Parthians, Sogdiani, and Chorasmians, who formed the
sixteenth satrapy of the Persian empire, had to pay 300 talents; the
Gedrosians and Gandarians together paid 170 talents; the Caspiani
(_i.e._ no doubt, the Tapurians and other tribes on the southern shore
of the Caspian Sea) and the Sacae, who traversed the steppes of the Oxus,
_i.e._ the fifteenth satrapy, paid 250 talents; and the Bactrians, the
twelfth satrapy of the empire, paid 360 talents.[33] These sums, which
do not include the whole of the burdens of the provinces, but are only
the land taxes which they had to pay,--in addition, tolls were levied
and contributions in kind to the court of the king and the satraps, as
well as for the maintenance of the army,--show that at the time of
Darius agriculture and wealth had proceeded far beyond the earliest
stages in the eastern districts of Iran. The Babylonian silver talent
amounts to more than 2000 thalers (6000 shillings).[34] If a sum of more
than 1,200,000 thalers (L180,000) could be raised every year in land tax
from the districts round Lake Hamun, extensive though they were, and
720,000 thalers (L108,000) in a similar manner from the land of the
Bactrians, the gardens, fields, and pastures of these regions must have
been considerable in breadth, and of great fertility.
Beyond this indication of the state of the civilisation in these
districts, we learn but little of their fortunes under the dominion of
the Persians. Darius (521-485 B.C.) informs us, at the beginning of his
reign, that his father Hystaspes (Vistacpa), his viceroy in Persia, the
native land of the kingdom, and with him Vivana the Persian, the satrap
of Arachosia, and Dadarshis the Persian, the satrap of Bactria, had
quelled the rebellions of the Parthians, Hyrcanians, and Margiani; that
the Mede Takhmacpada had conquered the rebellious Sagartians, and
captured their leader, Chitratakhma, whom he, Darius, had crucified at
Arbela. The army of the second Pseudo-Smerdis, which attempted to gain
possession of Arachosia, Vivana had defeated at the fortress of
Kapisakani, in Arachosia, and the leaders, with their chief associates,
had been captured in the fortress of Arsada and put to death. Hystaspes
had slain 6560 men of the Parthians and Hyrcanians, and taken 4182 of
them captives. Dadarshis had subjugated the Mardians by slaying 4203 of
them in battle, and taking 6562 of them captive.[35] Xerxes, the
successor of Darius, successively intrusted two of his brothers,
Masistes and then Hystaspes, with the government of Bactria.[36] In the
great campaign against Hellas, the Bactrians, like all the other nations
of the kingdom, had to furnish their contingent; and when Mardonius had
to select the best troops in the army in Hellas, in order to winter with
them in Thessaly, he retained, besides the Persians and Medes, the
infantry and cavalry of the Bactrians, Sacae, and Indians.[37] The
Bactrians, under their viceroy Hystaspes, revolted against Artaxerxes,
the brother of Hystaspes. The first battle was not decisive; in the
second Artaxerxes conquered, "because the wind blew in the face of the
Bactrians," and subjugated the land.[38] To the army of Darius III. with
which he met the Macedonians in Assyria, the Bactrians contributed
30,000 cavalry; and in the battle of Arbela they fought with the
Arachoti on the left wing. Accompanied by Bactrian horsemen, Darius
escaped from the field of battle to Media, and sought afterwards to
maintain his position in their country. The Caspian gates, the pass of
Damaghan, were gained, when the satrap of Bactria got possession of the
king, and put him to death before he reached Bactria. The satrap hoped
to establish an independent power there,[39] but without success. Though
Alexander at first overcame the Bactrians, who were astonished at his
rapid approach, he soon found a stubborn resistance in Sogdiana and
Bactria, which occupied him for two years.[40] Not till then could he
make his preparations in Bactria for the invasion of India, and collect
at Bactra the army intended for the subjugation of that country, in
order to pass over the Hindu Kush into the valley of the Cabul.
In the contests which the successors of Alexander carried on for the
supremacy after his death, the valley of the Euphrates and Tigris, and
the table-land of Iran, finally fell to the lot of Seleucus. But in the
middle of the third century (256 B.C.), Arsaces in Parthia and the
satrap Diodotus in Bactria rebelled against the second successor,
Antiochus Theos. The descendants of Arsaces not only succeeded in
maintaining their independence against the Seleucids, in spite of severe
reverses, but Mithridates I., the sixth Arsacid (174-136 B.C.), united
all Iran under his dominion. The Greeks lost their supremacy, and Iran
again became subject to native princes.
Meanwhile Diodotus had founded an independent supremacy in Bactria. His
son, of the same name, was succeeded by Euthydemus, against whom,
towards the year 200 B.C., Antiochus III. marched, in order to force
Bactria to submission. Euthydemus was defeated at the river Areios (p.
10), and fled to Zariaspa. By the surrender of his elephants he obtained
an established recognition from Antiochus. Demetrius and Eucratides, the
successors of Euthydemus (after 180 B.C.), extended the sphere of their
dominion to the east over the land on the Cabul to the Indus. The
kingdom of Chandragupta, Vindusara, and Acoka, which, as we know,
included the east of Iran, and has left us inscriptions at Peshawur
(IV. 525), fell to pieces under Acoka's grandsons. Apollodorus of
Artemita told us above that the fertility of the Bactrian soil enabled
the Greek rulers to make important conquests (p. 12); he informs us that
Eucratides founded the city of Eucratideia in Bactria, and subjugated a
thousand cities in India. We may assume that Bactria under these princes
was not merely powerful, but prosperous. According to the statement of
Justin, a thousand cities were at that time enumerated in Bactria,[41]
and we possess satisfactory evidence that these rulers and their courts,
and the Greek settlements which Alexander founded in the distant East,
were able permanently to establish the style and art of Hellas. The
coins of these princes, who are designated in Greek as "kings," "great,"
"invincible," rival the best work which proceeded from Greek mints. The
faces present the heads of the princes, in characteristic and individual
portraits; the reverses exhibit Heracles, Athena, Apollo with a crown of
rays, the Dioscuri on horseback, lance in hand. But by degrees the
national types of the East are again employed on these coins. The
reverse presents the galloping horse, the animal of Bactria, the
elephant, and the humped ox.[42] The head of Demetrius, who first
conquered territory in India, and that of some of his descendants, is
covered by a helmet adorned with the tusks and trunk of an elephant.
Besides the round, numbers of rectangular coins have also been found,
from which we can discover the native traditional form of the Bactrian
coinage. After the reign of Eucratides these rectangular coins present
on one side Greek inscriptions, which are repeated in other characters
on the reverse. To the inscriptions of king Acoka at Kapur-i-Giri, and
to these coins, together with those of the Graeco-Indian kings, and some
later coins belonging to the Arsacids and the Indo-Scythian princes, we
owe the information that the east of Iran possessed a peculiar alphabet
and mode of writing, while the Medes and Persians of the west borrowed
their earliest letters from the Assyrio-Babylonian cuneiform writing,
and afterwards, from about the fourth century B.C., adopted the cursive
character of the Aramaeans.
Although, as we may conclude from these indications, the Greek
sovereigns of Bactria resolved to pay a certain respect to the
civilisation of their subjects, their kingdom was short-lived. The
nations of the steppes of the Oxus, themselves under pressure, began to
advance to the south (after 160 B.C.); in the west the Parthians rose
into power. Mithridates I. of Parthia incorporated Bactria in his
kingdom about 140 B.C., and Bactria subsequently became a part of the
Parthian empire. Heliocles, the son of Eucratides, was thus limited to
the land of the Cabul and Indus, but on the borders of India the power
and influence of the Greeks remained unbroken. Greek captains--Menander,
and after him Apollodotus, who had previously no doubt been subject to
the Bactrians--issued from the southern slope of the Hindu Kush in the
last decades of the second century B.C., and conquered the land of the
Indus as far as the mouth of the river, and the Panjab. They advanced to
the Yamuna, and reduced Surashtra (Guzerat) and Cashmere to dependence.
Even at the end of the first century B.C. coins of these princes were
current on the coast of Surashtra, and they are still found on the
banks of the Yamuna.[43]
On the western coast of India, from the Gulf of Cambay to Bombay, we
find from one hundred to one hundred and fifty thousand families whose
ancestors migrated thither from Iran. The tradition among them is, that
at the time when the Arabs, after conquering Iran and becoming
sovereigns there, persecuted and eradicated the old religion, faithful
adherents of the creed fled to the mountains of Kerman. Driven from
these by the Arabs (in Kerman and Yezd a few hundred families are still
found who maintain the ancient faith[44]), they retired to the island of
Hormuz (a small island close by the southern coast, at the entrance to
the Persian Gulf). From hence they migrated to Din (on the coast of
Guzerat), and then passed over to the opposite shore. In the
neighbourhood of Bombay and in the south of India inscriptions have been
found which prove that these settlers reached the coast in the tenth
century of our era.[45] At the present time their descendants form a
considerable part of the population of Surat, Bombay, and Ahmadabad;
they call themselves, after their ancient home, Parsees, and speak the
later Middle Persian (the Parsee, p. 17). Their worship and life they
regulate by the rules given in certain scriptures which they brought
with them from their ancient home. These are fragments of a much larger
whole, part of a book of law, and a collection of sacrificial songs and
prayers. The Parsees no longer speak or understand the language of these
scriptures (the Avesta), and even the priests, who use them every day,
ascertain the meaning through an accompanying translation into the later
language.
That these scriptures arose in the east of Iran is clear from the
language of the Avesta. It exhibits a close relationship with the forms
of the Veda and Sanskrit, the ancient language of the Arians in India.
If, on the other hand, we compare the language of the Avesta with the
ancient language of Western Iran as we possess it in the inscriptions of
the Achaemenids, we find that both are merely different dialects of one
language, but they differ in such a manner that the language of the
inscriptions of Darius and Xerxes is less closely connected with
Sanskrit than the language of the Avesta. This language then we may
regard as the ancient speech of Eastern Iran, and this assumption is
raised into evidence by the contents of the Avesta. These prove that the
Avesta arose in the east of Iran, with even greater certainty than the
songs of the Rigveda prove that that collection arose in the land of the
Indus and the Panjab. The Avesta entirely ignores the west of Iran. No
mention is made of Ecbatana and Pasargadae, the abode of the Median and
the Persian kings, though they reigned over the whole of Iran and Hither
Asia; nor even of the nations of the west, the Medes and Persians. It
speaks of the land of the seven streams, _i.e._ India (IV. 12), and
the heat which prevails in that land;[46] it mentions the beautiful
Harahvaiti (Arachosia) and Haetumat (afterwards Sejestan[47]): the
latter is extolled as a beaming, glowing, brilliant country.[48] The
knowledge of the Avesta is most accurate in the north-east. Here we
find Airyana Vaeja, _i.e._ home or canton of the Airyas,[49] Cughdha
(Sogdiana), Bakhdhi (Baktra), Mouru (Margiana, Merv[50]), Nica, between
Bakhdhi and Mouru, Haraeva (Haraiva in the inscriptions; Herat, the land
of the Areians), and Vehrkana, _i.e._ land of wolves (Hyrcania).[51]
The furthest point known to the west is Ragha in Media, which,
according to the Avesta, consists of three citadels or tribes.[52] These
statements carry us very distinctly to the east of Iran, the region
from Ragha to the Indus. Mouru is "the high," "the holy," and Bakhdhi's
"high banner" is extolled. In this way this city was no doubt marked out
as the seat of an important dominion, the centre of a kingdom.
If we might assume that in these fragments of the sacred books of the
Parsees we have not only the ancient language, but also the ancient
religion of Eastern Iran before us, we might also hope that we should
meet in them with remnants of the tradition, with native accounts of the
fortunes of the country, enabling us to supplement the scanty
information which we could glean from the inscriptions of the Assyrians
and Darius, and the accounts of Western writers. Leaving out of sight
for the present the question, At what period did these writings come
into existence? we may collect what we can find in them on the early
history of Iran.
In the Avesta the god Haoma says, Vivanghana was the first who crushed
out the juice of the Haoma. As a reward there was born to him the
brilliant Yima, the lord of the nations, the most famous of all who
have seen the sun. While Yima Kshaeta (Yima the king) reigned there was
neither cold nor excessive heat, neither age nor death, nor envy, caused
by the evil spirits: fathers and sons equally had the vigour of men
of fifty years. Yima caused the means of support for mankind to be
inexhaustible; he liberated the waters and trees from drought, and the
herds from death.[53] In an invocation to the goddess Ardvicura, the
giver of water, to whom Yima sacrifices a hundred horses, a thousand
oxen, and ten thousand head of small cattle on Hukairya, the summit of
the divine mountain, he prays, "Grant to me, Saviour Ardvicura, that I
may be the sovereign of all lands, that I may carry away from the Daevas
(the evil spirits) increase and health, fodder and herds, joy and
glory." To the goddess Ashi vanguhi, Yima also offers a prayer "that he
may bring food and flocks to the creatures of Mazda, and immortality,
and may remove hunger and thirst, age and death, the hot wind and the
cold from the creatures of Mazda for a thousand years." And the morning
wind, Vayu, is entreated that "Yima may be the most merciful of all
creatures, and that under his dominion he may make cattle and mankind
immortal, that the waters and trees may never dry up and wither." In the
fragments of the book of the law in the Avesta, Zarathrustra inquires of
Auramazda to whom he (the god) had first revealed the true doctrine.
Auramazda answers, "I spoke first with Yima, the excellent one. I said
to him, Yima, thou beautiful son of Vivanghana, be thou the preacher and
bearer of my doctrine. But Yima answered, I am not fitted to be the
preacher of the doctrine. Then I, Auramazda, spoke and said, If thou
wilt not obey me, Yima, to be the bearer of my law, yet make my world
fruitful; be the keeper of my earthly creatures, their protector and
lord. And Yima, the excellent one, answered, I will cause thy creatures
to prosper and increase; I will be the keeper, protector, and lord of
them. Therefore I, Auramazda, gave to him two instruments, a golden
staff and an ox goad adorned with gold, and three hundred years passed
by. And the land was full of herds and beasts of draught, of men, and
dogs, and birds, and red flaming fires. And there was no more any room
for the flocks, and men, and beasts of draught. Then I warned Yima: O
Yima, excellent one, son of Vivanghana, there is no more any room for
the herds, and beasts of draught, and men. And Yima went forth to meet
the stars and the path of the sun (_i.e._ towards the east). He struck
with the golden staff upon the earth, and smote it with the goad, and
said, Cpenta Armaiti (O holy earth), arise, part thyself asunder, thou
bearer of animals and of men. And Yima pushed the earth asunder so that
it was a third part greater than before. Then the flocks found a home,
the beasts of draught, and men, according to their wish and desire."
Again three hundred years passed, and there was no more any room for
herds, beasts, and men; and at Auramazda's command Yima again caused the
earth to stretch asunder, and it became two-thirds greater than before;
and after another three hundred years Yima caused the earth to become as
large again as before.[54] Then a thousand years passed, and Auramazda
said to Yima, "Bitter cold and sharp frost will fall upon the earth, and
the snow will lie deep on the summits of the mountains and in the clefts
of the valleys. Make an enclosure (_vara_) of the length of a horse's
course on each of the four sides. Bring into it a stock of herds and
beasts of draught, of men and dogs, and birds and red flaming fires, and
make the enclosure to be a dwelling for men and a stall for the cattle.
Carry water thither, and build houses and tombs, and a fortification and
palisade round about, and drive them with the golden staff into the
citadel, and shut to the door. And Yima made a citadel of the length of
a horse's course. Thither he brought a stock of all men and women who
were the tallest, best, and most beautiful of earth, and a brood of all
animals which were largest, best, and most beautiful, and the seeds of
all fruits and growths which were best and most beautiful. And he
provided that a pair were ever together. There was no evil speaking
there, nor strife, nor injury, nor deception, nor meanness; nothing
crooked, no mal-formation of teeth, no crippled form, nor any other of
the signs which are the signs of Angromainyu. In this enclosure which
Yima made men lived the happiest life. A year was a day, and every forty
years two children, a male and a female, were born from each pair of
human creatures, and so also of each kind of animal."[55]
In an invocation in the Avesta we are told that the bright gleaming
majesty in the form of the bird Varaghna had passed from Yima when he
began to love lying speech. Yima fell terrified to earth, and Mithra,
the lord of wide pastures, seized the majesty. When it passed a second
time from Yima, Thraetaona seized it, and when it passed a third time,
Kerecacpa seized it.
The second who crushed the juice of the Haoma was Athwya. Hence there
was born to him a son, Thraetaona, in the land of Varena. The evil
spirit Angromainyu had created a wicked being, "with three heads, three
throats, six eyes, and a thousand strengths"--the Azhi dahaka, _i.e._
the biting serpent, which swallowed horses and men, and threatened to
desolate the world. But Thraetaona sacrificed a hundred horses to
Ardvicura, a thousand oxen, and ten thousand head of small cattle, and
called on the goddess, and with bound bundle of rods, on Vayu on his
golden throne, with golden footstool and golden canopy, to grant that he
might smite the strong Druj, which Angromainyu had created as the
strongest to bring death upon the pure world; and he overcame the
monster, because Verethraghna was with him, the most victorious of
mortals.[56] And Thraetaona obtained the splendour of the dominion when
it departed a second time from Yima. In the prayers of the Avesta,
Thraetaona, who has slain the great serpent, is invoked as helper
against the "pain which is caused by the serpent," against fever and
sickness.[57]
The third who crushed the juice of the Haoma for the sacrifice was
Thrita, of the race of Cama. Thrita was the first who by skill in
medicine kept back sickness and death from the bodies of men. He wished
for means to withstand the pains, the sickness, the death, the hot and
cold fever which Angromainyu had created for the bodies of men. "Then I,
Auramazda, caused healing plants to grow by hundreds, by thousands, by
tens of thousands around the one Gaokerena." And in reward for his
offering of Haoma two sons were born to Thrita--Urvakshaya, who put in
order the law, and Kerecacpa (_i.e._ having slim horses), the youth of
beautiful form, the bearer of the weapon Gaecu.[58] Kerecacpa smote the
poisonous green serpent Cruvara, on which flowed poison to the thickness
of a thumb, and it swallowed men and horses. Afterwards, after he had
sacrificed to Ardvicura on the shore of Lake Picano (_i.e._, no doubt,
in the valley of Pishin in Sejestan), he smote the giant Gandarewa, who
dwelt in Lake Vourukasha, and the descendants of the nine robbers, and
Cnavidhaka, who had attempted to overcome Auramazda and Angromainyu. And
when his brother Urvakshaya had been slain by Hitacpa, Kerecacpa
besought the wind, who works on high, to grant to him to slay Hitacpa in
revenge for the death of his brother. And he conquered him, and yoked
him to his chariot. When for the third time the majesty departed from
Yima, Kerecacpa seized it, the strongest of men after Zarathrustra. In
the prayers of the Avesta, Kerecacpa's help is invoked against robbers
and hostile hosts.[59]
Yima, Thraetaona, Kerecacpa, and the forms which are genealogically
connected with them, Vivanghana, Athwya, Cama, Thrita, and Urvakshaya,
are collected by the Avesta under the name _Paradhata_, i.e. those who
first exercised dominion.[60] Indications in our fragments show that
other names were also included in them. Thraetaona's son was Airyu, and
Airyu's son was Manuschithra.[61] These most ancient sovereigns were
followed by a second group, whose distinguishing mark is the surname
_Kava_. The first of these Kavas, whom the Avesta mentions merely as the
wearer of the divine majesty, is Kava Kavata.[62] He is succeeded by the
agile, brilliant Kava Uca, who sacrifices to Ardvicura on Mount Erezifya
in order to obtain the dominion over all lands, over Daevas and men,
wizards and Pairikas, and this favour the goddess granted him. After Uca
the royal majesty united itself, to use the phrase in the Avesta, with
the beautiful pure body of Kava Cyavarshana. He died by a violent
death.[63] His son was Kava Hucrava, "the brave uniter of the Arian
lands into one kingdom," as the Avesta tells us, which then goes on to
relate that he was without sickness or death. He had to contend against
the destructive Franghracianas, the Turanians (_tura_, _tuirya_). He
besought Ardvicura that it "might be granted to him to put an end to the
long dimness, and bind the Franghracianas in their abundance and pride."
This prayer the goddess granted. Haoma himself desired "to bind the
destructive, murderous Franghraciana and carry him away as a captive of
the king Hucrava, and that Kava Hucrava should slay him behind the lake
Chaechacta, the deep lake with broad waters."[64] Kava Hucrava was
followed by king Aurvatacpa, the son of Naotara, the son of
Manuschithra, the son of Airyu; and Aurvatacpa was succeeded by his son
the strong and warlike Vistacpa.[65] Of the twenty-nine sons of this
king, the Avesta mentions the strong Cpentodata, and informs us that
Frashaostra and his brother Jamacpa, of the race of Hvova, were men of
importance with the king. Like Hucrava, Vistacpa had to contend with a
Turanian, Arejatacpa, _i.e._ the winner of horses, who sacrificed to
Ardvicura in order to obtain the victory over Kava Vistacpa and the
warrior on horseback, Zarivairi (the brother of Vistacpa). The goddess
heard him not, but heard Vistacpa when he sacrificed to her behind the
water of Frazdana, in order to overcome the hostile Arejatacpa, born of
darkness, skilled in evil, who sought to smite the lands of the
Arians.[66] But Zarathrustra, the son of Pourushacpa, of the race of
Haechatacpa, sacrificed to Ardvicura that he might unite with the mighty
Vistacpa, the son of Aurvatacpa, and to Drvacpa, "that he might unite
with Hutaoca, and she might impress on his memory the good law."[67]
Zarathrustra proclaimed a new law, the law of Auramazda. The heroes and
kings before him were known in the Avesta by the name _Paoiryotkaesha_,
i.e. the men of the earliest custom, the earliest law.
These are all the traits and pictures of the antiquity of East Iran, of
any importance, which can be gathered from the remaining fragments of
the Avesta. Of the antiquity and genuineness of the narrative there is
no doubt. The close relationship and coincidence which they exhibit with
the form and views of the Veda are proved on both sides. As we saw, the
Veda distinguishes the sacrificers and sages of the ancient time, the
earlier time, and the present (IV. 29.) The god Haoma is the well-known
god Soma of the Arians in India, the variation in the name being due to
the change of sounds which distinguishes the Old Bactrian from the
language of the Veda. Here, as there, he is the sacrificial libation,
and at the same time the god who pours the libation, and is its power.
The great heroes Yima, Thraetaona, Kerecacpa and Zarathrustra were born
to their fathers as a reward for offering the libation of Soma. King
Yima (Yima Kshaeta) in the Avesta is no other than the Yama (Yama Rajan)
of the Veda. Yama is the son of Vivasvat, the brilliant, the shining,
the giver of light; and in the Avesta Yima is the son of Vivanghana. In
the Veda he is the assembler of the people, the first king, the first
mortal who shows to men the way which leads from the depths to the
height of heaven; who first experiences death, but returns into heaven
as the son of the god of light, where he gathers round him the brave and
pious for new life in imperishable joy (IV. 61). Yima is also the
assembler of men, the first king; he rules with the golden staff; he
founds the religious worship, a merit which in the Veda belongs to Manu.
Under Yima the earth is filled with red-glowing fires; he worships Vayu
and Ardvicura. He is the representative of the golden age; in his reign
there is neither heat nor cold, age nor death, hate nor strife; and his
dominion continues a thousand years. It was the first happy period of
the world, which men passed under the dominion of the son of the god of
light. At what an elevation Yima must have been placed in the oldest
form of the mythus of East Iran is clear from the fact that creative
acts and the triple extension of the earth are ascribed to him. After
the close of this golden period, winter comes upon the earth, heat and
cold, strife, sickness, and death. The happy life of the golden age
only continues within certain limits, in the enclosure of Yima, where he
carries on the blessed and immortal life with selected men, trees,
animals, and food. Here Yima is to live till the end of all things, when
his companions will again people the earth. As in this garden of Yima
the sun, moon, and stars shine together,[68] it must be sought in the
sky, or at any rate on the bright, divine mountain Hukairya, where there
is neither night nor gloom, and which is at the same time described as
Yima's place of sacrifice.
If the Indians have placed the old Arian legend of a golden age on earth
in the days of Yima's reign, they have also, after their manner,
depicted his heavenly kingdom with brighter colours, while among the
Iranians this part of the legend is combined with the heavenly garden
into which Yima receives the men he has selected as the best.
Nevertheless, a reminiscence of Yima's garden has remained beyond the
Indus in the story of the Uttara Kurus, who dwell beyond the holy
mountains to the north.[69]
The most striking variation from the common Arian myth in the Avesta is
the statement that Yima is subordinate to a deity, Auramazda, of whom
the Arians of India knew nothing. The old legend is thus brought within
the sphere of new views, which must have exercised still further
influence upon it. It is Auramazda who places in the hand of Yima the
control, superintendence, and protection of animals and men. It is not
through Yima's own desire, as was certainly the case in the old legend,
but at Auramazda's bidding, that the enclosure is made, and the selected
men, animals, and trees brought into it. The main reason for this change
was the necessity of giving an answer to the question, Why did not the
golden age continue? and if, long after Yima, Zarathrustra proclaimed a
new and better law, why had not Auramazda revealed this law to the
favoured Yima? In order to answer this riddle, the Avesta represents
Auramazda as asking Yima to become "the preacher and bearer of his
doctrine," and Yima refuses to accept this mission. Hence Yima becomes
guilty of a fault, and a reason is given why the golden age, the
thousand years of the reign of Yima, came to an end. Without the good
doctrine, the invasion of evil spirits, and with them of heat and cold,
sickness and death, strife and blight, could not be kept back from the
earth. This trait of the guilt of Yima, which is entirely unknown to the
earlier legend, is carried out still further. According to the prayer in
the Avesta (p. 34) blessing and immortality continued in the kingdom of
Yima, "till he began to love lying speech." When he had rejected
Auramazda's law he cannot himself resist the seduction of evil spirits.
The first offence brings on the second, and this causes the triple loss
of majesty, which at length ends in the fall and violent death of Yima,
an incident already indicated in the Avesta.[70] How this form of the
legend allowed the garden of Yima to be placed on the divine mountain,
and whether the contradiction was removed or not, our fragments do not
enable us to decide.
In the Veda it was Indra who had to contend against Vritra and Ahi,
_i.e._ the serpents, and the black spirits, which desired to drink up
the water of the sky and veil its light. In Iran, as we shall see, this
office is transferred to other spirits, and also to Thraetaona. The Azhi
dahaka of the Avesta is the Ahi of the Veda. Ahi and Azhi are the same
word, with the same meaning; the addition _dahaka_ refers to the
destructive power of this demon. Verethraghna, _i.e._ the slayer of
Vritra, stands in the Avesta at the side of Thraetaona in his struggle
with Azhi (p. 35), and the morning wind supports him just as in the Veda
the winds assist Indra against Ahi and Vritra. Among the Indians,
Traitana is a spirit of the air, who dwells in the remotest regions of
the sky, who hews off the head of a giant from his shoulders, and in the
Veda, Trita, the son of Aptya, drinks the draught of Soma, in order to
win strength for the slaying of Vritra; he slays the snake with three
heads and seven tails; with his iron club he splits the hollows in the
rock in which the demons have hidden the cows of the heaven (the rain
clouds).[71] In the Veda, Aptya is the father of Trita; in the Avesta,
Athwya is the father of Thraetaona. Of Trita, whom it represents as
sprung from Cama, the Avesta declares that he was the first physician;
in the Veda we are told of Trita he knew how to heal sickness as the
gods had taken his sickness from him; that he bestowed long life.[72]
The two figures of Trita and Traitana gradually unite in the Veda; in
the Avesta, Thrita and Thraetaona remain separate persons. The Kerecacpa
of the Avesta seems to correspond to the Kricacva of the Indians, whom
we first find in the Epos, where he is celebrated as a warlike
Rishi.[73]
If the Paradhatas, Yima, Athwya, Thraetaona, Thrita, and Kerecacpa in
the original conception are spirits of the sky, if the monsters with
which Thraetaona and Kerecacpa struggle are not to be sought on earth
but in the heavens, if in these dragons we find once more the
cloud-serpents, against which Indra and his company have to contend--we
do not at once set foot upon earth, when we come to the Kavanians.
According to the later tradition of Iran, Kava Kavata was fetched from
the divine mountain in order to reign over the country; two white
falcons bring him a golden crown. The Rigveda mentions Kavya Ucanas,
_i.e._ Ucanas, the son of Kavi, who brings the cows of the sky, _i.e._
the clouds, to the pasture.[74] In the Avesta, Kava Uca sacrifices not
only to rule over the whole earth but also over the spirits. According
to a later tradition this sovereign--now called Kai Kaus--causes
beautiful castles to be built on the divine mountain by the demons, and
is then carried by four eagles into heaven. Kava Hucrava, for whom in
the Avesta the god Haoma contends, is without sickness and death
(p. 37). In the later tradition, in which he is known as Kai Chosru, he
begins a pilgrimage to heaven after conquering and slaying his opponent
the Turanian Franghaciana, like the sons of Pandu in the Mahabharata
after their victory over the Kurus and their happy reign. Like them
also, Kai Chosru climbs the mountains and disappears from his companions
at a well. Against his command they seek him in the mountains, and are
all buried in a great snow-storm. From the name Manuschithra (p. 37),
_i.e._ scion of Manu, we may conclude that the twin brother of Yama,
"father Manu," was not unknown to the Arians of Iran. But the genealogy
in which the Avesta has preserved these names has no greater claims to
historical value than the figures which have passed in review before us.
Airyu is the son of Thraetaona; _i.e._ from the mightiest hero, the
slayer of the great dragon, are sprung the sovereigns and the nation of
the Airyas; the son of Airyu is Manuschithra; from whose son, Naotara,
are derived the two last Kavas, Aurvatacpa and Vistacpa.
If the coincidence of the forms from Yima to Kava Hucrava with the Veda
is a proof of the antiquity and genuineness of the tradition of the
Avesta, the gain for history becomes less instead of greater. No one
would take mythical persons for historical. Yet the style and form in
which we find these traditional statements in the fragments of the
Avesta supply certain guides for the lost history of Eastern Iran. The
splendour of the royal majesty is so often and so distinctly brought
into prominence, that the conclusion forces itself upon us, that the
regions in which the Avesta arose, _i.e._ the north-east of Iran, must
have been acquainted with a powerful and highly-respected monarchy. The
ancient spirits of the sky are changed in the Avesta into mighty
warriors and far-ruling kings, a circumstance in favour of the
supposition that an empire once existed here, the image of which is
reflected on prehistoric times. It is in Epic poems that the spirits of
the first sky become heroes, and Epic poetry only arises in and follows
on periods of war and conflict. The fact that the forms of the spirits
thus changed into heroes by Epic song are turned into the forefathers of
the kings and progenitors of the nation, further establishes the
conclusion that a military monarchy must have been in existence here;
only warlike princes could appear as the heirs of heroes. Moreover, the
Avesta extols the high banner of Bakhdhi and speaks of the neighbouring
regions as favoured; the later tradition of Iran marks out Bactria very
clearly as the abode of Aurvatacpa and Vistacpa; in the third century
B.C. Bactria supplied its princes with means not merely to achieve their
own independence, but to maintain it against the great kingdom of the
Seleucids and to subjugate the land of the Indus (p. 25 ff.); and if, in
addition to these facts, we bear in mind the conceptions found in the
Median poems of the great power of the kings of the Bactrians, their
treasures in gold and silver, their fortified city, the conquest of
which was the greatest achievement of Ninus--we may venture to assume
that before the days of the Medes, _i.e._ before the year 650 B.C.,
there must have existed an important monarchy in the north-east of Iran.
With the assistance of the Avesta we may go a step further. We saw that
Kava Hucrava no less than Vistacpa is represented as fighting against
the Turas or Tuiryas. Who were these enemies? In Old-Bactrian the word
means the enemy, the oppressor. Strabo speaks of a region of Turuia in
the north of Parthia, towards the steppes of the Oxus.[75] In the later
tradition of Iran the Turanians are the constant and most dangerous
enemies of the kings of Bactria. The steppes of the Oxus and Jaxartes
were inhabited by nations to whom the Persians gave the collective name
of Sacae, while the Greeks called them Scythians. They found but scanty
pasture on the steppes, and it was natural that they should look with
longing eyes on the more fertile regions of Bactria and Sogdiana. It has
already been mentioned how careful Cyrus was to protect these countries,
when he had conquered them, against the nations of the steppes. At a
later time, from the middle of the second century B.C. downwards (p.
28), we have definite information of the pressure of these nations on
Parthia, Margiana, and Bactria. When freed from the attacks of the
Seleucids on the west, the Arsacids had to defend the east of the
kingdom. Phraates II. and Artabanus II. fell in battle against the
nomads; Mithridates II. succeeded in protecting Parthia, but about the
year 100 B.C. the Sacae were able to force a way through Bactria. They
possessed themselves of the best land in the east of Iran, the valleys
of the Hilmend (p. 7), bequeathed their name to the country (Sikashtan,
Sejestan), and from the valley of the Cabul extended their dominion
beyond the Indus. The white Huns, or Yuechis, followed the Sacae; and
they also reached the Indus. Is there any reason to doubt the Avesta
that even before the Medes and Cyrus the princes of Bactria and Sogdiana
were occupied with beating back the tribes of the steppes?
In ancient times, as Strabo tells us, the Bactrians and Sogdiani were
little removed from wandering shepherds. The Avesta exhibits them in
close connection with horses. The names compounded with _acpa_ (horse)
are common; Kerecacpa, Aurvatacpa, Vistacpa, Haechatacpa, Jamacpa,
Pourushacpa. Of Zariacpa and the Zariacpians we have already spoken. The
most important source of wealth must have consisted in horses, for which
the mountains supplied ample pasture. The horse-sacrifice is the chief
sacrifice of the Avesta. One hundred horses were equal to 1000 oxen,
and 10,000 head of small cattle. We found that Bactria could furnish the
last Darius with 30,000 cavalry, and the horse was the symbol of Bactria
on the coins of the Greek princes of the land (p. 27).
From all these indications we may assume that when the Arians had
settled in Margiana, Bactria, and Sogdiana, and agriculture became of
importance beside the breeding of cattle, the necessity of protection
against the migratory tribes of the endless plains stretching to the
north, created among the Arians a warlike nobility who took upon
themselves the duty of defence. The valley of the Zarefshan (Sogdiana),
the terrace of Bactria, the region of Merv, became in the hands of the
Arians advanced posts of civilisation in the desert. If Western Iran was
protected in the north by the Alps of Aderbeijan and the Caspian Sea
against attacks from that quarter, Eastern Iran lay open to the nomads
of the steppes, and had nothing but arms to defend its cultivated lands.
We have already seen that Bactria even in the sixth century had passed
beyond the earliest stages of civilisation (p. 24). But even a less
degree of prosperity was sufficient to excite the sons of the desert to
invasion. Hence we may assume that the incursions and raids of the
nomads of the steppes began with the increase of the flocks and the
prosperity of agriculture in the valleys of Merv, Bactria, and Sogdiana.
The increasing severity of these attacks compelled the Bactrian soldiery
to collect their forces for more successful resistance, and to place the
best warriors at the head of the community. Thus it was not by
spontaneous development, but rather by the opposition to the nations of
the steppes, that the north-east of Iran first outgrew the tribal life,
and became transformed into a larger state. Of this kingdom Aurvatacpa
and Vistacpa became the rulers; in the Avesta they are distinguished
from the Paradhatas and from Kava Kavata, Kava Uca, and Kava Hucrava, by
a new addition to the name and other peculiar traits, and form a third
group. The progress of our investigation will show that the formation of
this Bactrian kingdom cannot be placed later than 1100 B.C.; the date of
Vistacpa must be put about 1000 B.C., and it was the successors of
Vistacpa who sent to Shalmanesar II. the tribute of camels with two
humps, and yaks (about 850 B.C.), who found themselves menaced once more
by the advances of Tiglath Pilesar II. to Arachosia in the year 745
B.C., and at length succumbed to Cyrus. We shall find that this kingdom
was not without its warlike races and priestly families, that Zariacpa
and Bactria were the centres of it, and that the sovereigns attained
despotic power. Yet the old warlike families must have preserved a
certain importance under the monarchy, unless they regained it when lost
under the viceroys of the Achaemenids. It was the chieftains of the
Bactrians whom Alexander summoned to Zariacpa, and who with the Sogdiani
at their side took the lead in resistance. The most powerful of them
stubbornly defended their rocky citadels against the Macedonians.
FOOTNOTES:
[26] Polyb. fragm. 34 f.; below, p. 26.
[27] Above, p. 6; Vol. III. p. 3, "Zikruti in rugged Media I added to
the land of Assyria;" _ib._ p. 4.
[28] Vol. III. p. 77.
[29] Herod. 1, 153, 177, 201, 204.
[30] Strabo, p. 517; Arrian, "Anab." 4, 23; Plin. "H. N." 6, 18; Ptolem.
6, 12.
[31] Ctes. fragm. Pers. c. 12.
[32] Behist. 1, 6; Persep. 25; Naksh-i-Rustem, 12-14.
[33] Herod. 3, 91, 92.
[34] Vol. I. p. 285. The amount is about 2096 thalers.
[35] Behist. 2, 14-16; 3, 10-12.
[36] Herod. 7, 64, 82; 9, 113.
[37] Herod. 8, 93.
[38] Diod. 11, 69; Ctes. Pers. ecl. 31.
[39] Arrian, "Anab." 3, 21.
[40] Arrian, _loc. cit._ 3, 29.
[41] Justin. 41, 4.
[42] As was shown in Vol. IV. p. 278, the Vishnu Purana represents the
sacrificial horse of Pushpamitra, who sat on the throne of Magadha
between 178 and 142 B.C. (Vol. IV. p. 550), to have been carried off by
an army of Yavanas on the right bank of the Indus, and then restored.
The dominion of the Graeco-Bactrian princes in the East existed from 200
to 150 B.C.
[43] Strabo, p. 516. I need not prove that [Greek: Iomanes] must be
read here for [Greek: Isamos], or that [Greek: Saraostou paralia] is
Surashtra; cf. Wilson, "Ariana antiq." p. 281. Apollodotus, Apaladata
on the Arian legends of his coins, is no doubt the Bhagadatta of the
Mahabharata, just as the Dattamitra there mentioned is Demetrius; Vol.
IV. p. 80, _n_. Among the Indians Menander appears in the form Milinda.
[44] In the year 1843 there were about 1000 Guebre families in Yezd, and
a hundred in Kerman. Westergaard, "Avesta," 1, 21: the persecution of
1848 considerably reduced their numbers.
[45] Haug, "Pahlavi-Pazand Glossary," pp. 80, 81.
[46] "Vendid." 1, 73-76.
[47] "Vendid." 1, 46.
[48] "Vendid." 19, 130; 1, 50.
[49] Burnouf, "Jour. Asiat." 1845, pp. 287, 288. It seems to me doubtful
whether we should look for Airyana Vaeja on the sources of the Oxus.
The statement in the Bundehesh that Airyana Vaeja was situated beside
Atropatene is, however, of very little weight against the fact that the
Arians of East Iran are nearest to the Arians of India. I shall return
to this point below. The remark in Stephanus, "[Greek: Ariania], a
nation among the Cadusians," would be of some importance if it were
taken from Apollodorus of Artemita, and not from the grammarian of that
name. The district of Arran on the Kur may possibly be meant.
[50] "Vendid." 1, 14-18.
[51] "Vendid." 1, 30, 42.
[52] "Vendid." 1, 60.
[53] "Yacna," 9, 4.
[54] "Vendid." 2, 1-21, after Karl Geldner's translation. [Cf.
Darmesteter's translation in M. Mueller's 'Sacred Books of the East,'
Vol. IV.]
[55] "Vendid." 2, 21-43.
[56] "Aban Yasht," 9; "Farvardin Yasht," 131; "Bahram Yasht," 40; "Ram
Yasht," 23.
[57] "Farvardin Yasht," 131 ff.
[58] "Yacna," 9, 30; "Vendid." 20, 11 ff.
[59] "Vendid." 20; "Yacna," 9, 32, 39; "Ram Yasht," 7, 28; "Farvardin
Yasht," 136; "Zamyad Yasht," 41 ff. According to the "Mainyo-i-Khard,"
Kerecacpa, besides slaying the serpent Cruvar, slew the wolf Kapod, the
water demon Gandarsi, the bird Kamak, and kept back much oppression from
the world. West, "Mainyo-i-Khard," c. 27.
[60] Justi, "Handbuch," _s. voc._
[61] "Farvardin Yasht," 131.
[62] "Farvardin Yasht," 132; "Zamyad Yasht," 71.
[63] "Gosh Yasht," 18; "Ashi Yasht," 38.
[64] "Aban Yasht," 49; "Gosh Yasht," 18; "Ashi Yasht," 38; "Afrin
Zartusht," 7; "Zamyad Yasht," 77; "Ram Yasht," 32.
[65] "Aban Yasht," 76, 98; "Ashi Yasht," 46; "Farvardin Yasht," 102;
"Ram Yasht," 36.
[66] "Aban Yasht," 109, 117; "Farvardin Yasht," 38; "Gosh Yasht," 29,
30; "Ashi Yasht," 50, 81; "Zamyad Yasht," 87.
[67] "Aban Yasht," 104-106; "Farvardin Yasht," 142; "Gosh Yasht," 26;
"Ram Yasht," 36.
[68] "Vendid." 2, 39, 40.
[69] Vol. IV. 21 _n._ Spiegel, "Avesta," 3, Einl. s. 58. The favourite
comparison of the enclosure of Yima with the deluge of the Hebrews
appears to me anything but apposite. Iran, and still more Bactria, is
unsuited to give rise to the legend of a flood. Nor is there any
question of the destruction of evil men (if there had been, Yima would
have been the most guilty and the least deserving of pardon), but of the
end of the golden age, as is shown in the Vendidad, the Yacna, and the
Yashts: the earth becomes more thickly peopled, men and animals do not
grow old or die. If we must bring together things which have really no
relation to each other, it would be more apposite to compare the
paradise of the Hebrews. The reason for the end of the golden age is the
guilt of Yima. [Cf. Kuenen, "Religion of Israel," 3, c. 9, E. T.]
[70] "Zamyad Yasht," 46.
[71] "Rigveda," 1, 158; 10, 8, 5.
[72] Westergaard in Weber's "Ind. Studien," 3, 413 ff., 426 ff. Kuhn
combines Trita with Triton and Tritogeneia; Hofer's "Zeitschrift," 1,
276, 289.
[73] Haug, "Essays," pp. 235, 236.
[74] Kuhn, "Beitraege," 4, 44; Haug, "Essays," pp. 235, 236.
[75] Strabo, p. 517. [[Greek: Toriouan] is a _v. l._ for
[Greek: Tapurian].]