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THE SEVENTH REGIMENT:
A RECORD.
BY
MAJOR GEORGE L. WOOD.
NEW YORK:
PUBLISHED BY JAMES MILLER,
(SUCCESSOR TO C. S. FRANCIS & CO.,)
522 BROADWAY.
1865.
Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1865,
BY JAMES MILLER,
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States, for
the Southern District of New York.
AUTHOR'S PREFACE.
The following pages were written for the purpose of making a permanent
record of the facts within the author's knowledge relating to the
Seventh Ohio Regiment. The work was undertaken with the belief that the
doings and sufferings of the regiment were of sufficient magnitude and
importance to entitle it to a separate record. It has been extremely
difficult to obtain facts, on account of so large a portion of the
members still being in the service. The book is, therefore, written
principally from memory. If it serves to perpetuate in the minds of the
public the hardships, as well as long and faithful service, of this
gallant regiment, then the object of the author is accomplished.
WARREN, _May, 1865_.
PREFACE.
This preface to the history of the Seventh Ohio Volunteer Infantry is
written at the request of the accomplished author of the book; but
without having read it, seen it, or heard its contents. I have,
however, such confidence in the ability, honesty, candor, good
judgment, and good taste of my old friend and "companion in arms,"
that, for myself, I take his work on trust, and in cheerful faith
commend it to others.
But was there a demand for another book on the war? Or were the doings
and sufferings of one regiment, among the thousands engaged in the war,
of such interest as to demand a separate history? These are questions
the author doubtless weighed carefully before he began to write; and
his answer to them is his book. I agree with him. This nation has a
deep, and will have a lasting, interest in the war. We have been making
history of unrivalled, perhaps of unequalled, importance to the world
during the past four years. We ourselves cannot comprehend the
magnitude of the work we have been doing, or, rather, that God has been
doing through us. The successful revolts of the Netherlanders against
the tyranny of Philip II.--of the Puritans against the tyranny of
Charles I.--of the republicans against the tyranny of George III.,
dwindle to insignificance (important as they were) in comparison with
the successful revolt of the loyal, Union-loving, freedom-loving
citizens of this Republic against the tyranny of treason and slavery.
It was a great fight for a great cause, and God has given us a great
victory. There was not a nation on earth that was not interested in the
conflict. Ay, it concerned our common humanity. All this will be seen
more clearly and felt more deeply twenty, fifty, a hundred years hence
than now. But to transmit and perpetuate the fruits of this victory we
must have records of the war--many records, made from many different
points of view, and of many kinds, great and small. The history of this
war is not yet written, perhaps cannot be successfully written for many
years yet. And that it may one day be written as it should be, every
regiment that has a story to tell should tell it. These regimental
histories will be invaluable to the Bancroft who, fifty years hence,
shall write the history of this war. The world is only beginning to
understand the true character and vocation of history--_to make the
past live in the present_; not in great pageants, not in processions
of kings, princes, and mighty conquerors, but _in the common every-day
speech and deeds of the people_. When Merle d'Aubigné would write the
History of the Reformation, he wrote to Guizot for counsel. Guizot
encouraged him, and counselled him to proceed, but added, "_Give us
facts, incidents, details._" This counsel chimed with the purpose
and genius of d'Aubigné, and the result was a history that, though
it discusses doctrines and themes commonly held to be dry and
uninteresting, has for old and young, and men of all classes, all the
charm of romance. In this, his "facts, incidents, details," equally
with his fascinating style, lies the charm of the histories of
Macaulay. But that historians may write such histories--that the
historian of this war may write such a history, the "facts, incidents,
details" must be on record. There is a demand, therefore, for another
book, for many other books, on the war.
In addition to this, every regiment of the grand Army of the Union in
this war has its own history, of peculiar interest to its own especial
friends. And I have faith in what Dr. O. W. Holmes once said: "I would
not give a fig for a man every one of whose geese were not better than
any other man's swans." To us of the old Seventh "all our geese were
swans." Whether others believed in us or not, we had faith in ourselves
and in one another; we were a mutual admiration society of a thousand
and odd men. And the fact is, that, for some reason, but what I cannot
say, the Seventh Regiment, from the day it was mustered into service to
the day it was mustered out, was always the pride and pet of Ohio, of
Northern Ohio especially. In this respect it never had a rival. True,
it was a well-disciplined, gallant, fighting regiment; but so were many
others. True, it had brave and accomplished officers; but so had many
others. True, it had in the ranks men of refinement, education, and
high social position; but so had many others. I am at a loss to account
for it, but the fact nevertheless was as I have stated it; and as its
deeds corresponded with its renown, _its_ doings, of all others, demand
a permanent record. And, if I am not mistaken, the reader of the
following pages who shall follow the Seventh from the day it was
mustered into service, in Cleveland, in 1861, to the day the pitiful
remnant of it, after tramping and fighting over almost half the Union,
were mustered out of service, in Cleveland, in 1864, will find in them
ample compensation for his time.
F. T. B.
CHICAGO, ILL., _May, 1865_.
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
THE FALL OF SUMTER.--CIVIL WAR BEGUN.--PREPARATIONS BY THE SOUTH.
--NOBILITY. 13
CHAPTER II.
THE PRESIDENT'S CALL FOR TROOPS.--ORGANIZATION OF THE SEVENTH.--
ITS DEPARTURE FOR CAMP DENNISON.--ITS REORGANIZATION AND DEPARTURE
FOR THE FIELD. 19
CHAPTER III.
THE PURSUIT OF GENERAL WISE.--TYLER ORDERED TO MENACE GAULEY
BRIDGE AND THREATEN WISE'S COMMUNICATIONS. 30
CHAPTER IV.
THE SKIRMISH AT CROSS LANES.--GALLANT CONDUCT AND FINAL ESCAPE
OF THE SEVENTH REGIMENT. 43
CHAPTER V.
REFLECTIONS ON THE SKIRMISH AT CROSS LANES.--BATTLE OF CARNIFEX
FERRY. 56
CHAPTER VI.
CHARLESTON AND THE KANAWHA VALLEY.--A DOUBLE MURDER.--COLONEL
TYLER ASSUMES COMMAND OF THE POST. 63
CHAPTER VII.
FLOYD ESTABLISHES BATTERIES ON COTTON HILL.--DRIVEN OFF BY
THE FORCES OF GENERAL COX.--BENHAM'S FAILURE TO INTERCEPT HIS
RETREAT.--HIS PURSUIT.--SKIRMISH AT MCCOY'S MILLS.--HIS FINAL
ESCAPE. 70
CHAPTER VIII.
REFLECTIONS ON THE INSTITUTION OF SLAVERY. 77
CHAPTER IX.
THE SEVENTH ORDERED TO THE EAST.--EXPEDITION TO BLUE'S GAP.--
KIRMISH ON THE BLOOMING PIKE. 83
CHAPTER X.
GALLANTRY OF LIEUTENANT O'BRIEN.--DEATH OF GENERAL LANDER.--THE
SEVENTH ESCORT HIS REMAINS.--THE OCCUPATION OF WINCHESTER. 89
CHAPTER XI.
THE RECONNOISSANCE TO STRASBURG.--BATTLE OF WINCHESTER.--UTTER
DEFEAT AND ROUT OF JACKSON'S ARMY. 94
CHAPTER XII.
GENERAL SHIELDS' ANXIETY FOR LAURELS.--SUMMING UP OF THE BATTLE.
--LOSSES IN THE SEVENTH. 104
CHAPTER XIII.
PURSUIT OF JACKSON UP THE VALLEY.--MARCH TO FREDERICKSBURG, AND
RETURN TO FRONT ROYAL. 109
CHAPTER XIV.
THE MARCH ON WAYNESBORO.--TWO BRIGADES ENCOUNTER JACKSON AT
PORT REPUBLIC, AND AFTER FIVE HOURS' FIGHTING ARE COMPELLED
TO FALL BACK. 114
CHAPTER XV.
BATTLE OF CEDAR MOUNTAIN.--GALLANTRY OF THE REGIMENT, AND
TERRIBLE LOSS. 123
CHAPTER XVI.
THE REGIMENT GOES INTO CAMP AT ALEXANDRIA, BUT IS SOON ORDERED
TO THE FRONT.--BATTLE OF ANTIETAM. 134
CHAPTER XVII.
THE MARCH TO DUMFRIES.--SKIRMISH WITH HAMPTON'S CAVALRY, IN
WHICH THEY ARE BADLY DEFEATED BY A MUCH INFERIOR FORCE. 142
CHAPTER XVIII.
THE REGIMENT ORDERED TO THE FRONT.--BATTLE OF CHANCELLORSVILLE. 150
CHAPTER XIX.
ACCOMPANIES THE GRAND ARMY INTO PENNSYLVANIA.--BATTLE OF
GETTYSBURG. 156
CHAPTER XX.
AFTER REACHING THE RAPIDAN IT GOES TO GOVERNOR'S ISLAND.--
AFTER ITS RETURN IT ACCOMPANIES HOOKER'S CORPS TO THE WESTERN
DEPARTMENT. 160
CHAPTER XXI.
THE SEVENTH JOINS GRANT'S ARMY.--THE BATTLES OF LOOKOUT MOUNTAIN,
MISSION RIDGE, AND RINGGOLD. 164
CHAPTER XXII.
THE ADVANCE TOWARDS ATLANTA.--SKIRMISHING.--HOMEWARD MARCH.--ITS
RECEPTION.--MUSTER OUT. 170
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES.
BRIGADIER-GENERAL E. B. TYLER. 185
BREVET BRIGADIER-GENERAL J. S. CASEMENT. 189
BRIGADIER-GENERAL JOHN W. SPRAGUE. 192
LIEUTENANT-COLONEL SAMUEL MCCLELLAND. 193
MAJOR FREDERICK A. SEYMOUR. 196
SURGEON FRANCIS SALTER. 197
C. J. BELLOWS. 198
G. E. DENIG. 198
FREDERICK T. BROWN, D.D. 199
CHAPLAIN D. C. WRIGHT. 205
LIEUTENANT-COLONEL GILES W. SHURTLIFF. 206
COLONEL ARTHUR T. WILCOX. 207
LIEUTENANT-COLONEL JAMES T. STERLING. 208
COLONEL JOEL F. ASPER. 210
MAJOR W. R. STERLING. 214
MAJOR E. J. KREGER. 215
CAPTAIN J. B. MOLYNEAUX. 216
CAPTAIN CHARLES A. WEED. 219
CAPTAIN JUDSON N. CROSS. 220
CAPTAIN JOHN F. S. CHUTTE. 221
LIEUTENANT LOUIS G. DE FOREST. 222
LIEUTENANT HALBERT B. CASE. 224
LIEUTENANT HENRY Z. EATON. 226
LIEUTENANT A. H. DAY. 227
LIEUTENANT WILLIAM D. SHEPHERD. 227
LIEUTENANT E. HUDSON BAKER. 229
LIEUTENANT RALPH LOCKWOOD. 230
LIEUTENANT T. T. SWEENEY. 230
LIEUTENANT EDWARD W. FITCH. 231
LIEUTENANT A. J. WILLIAMS. 231
OUR DEAD.
COLONEL WILLIAM R. CREIGHTON AND LIEUTENANT-COLONEL
ORRIN J. CRANE. 235
LIEUTENANT-COLONEL MERVIN CLARK. 291
LIEUTENANT HENRY ROBINSON. 295
LIEUTENANT E. S. QUAY. 296
LIEUTENANT JAMES P. BRISBINE. 296
LIEUTENANT CHARLES A. BROOKS. 299
LIEUTENANT JOSEPH H. ROSS. 303
LIEUTENANT FRANK JOHNSON. 304
THE SEVENTH REGIMENT.
CHAPTER I.
THE FALL OF SUMTER.--CIVIL WAR BEGUN.--PREPARATIONS BY THE SOUTH.--
NOBILITY.
On a gloomy day in April, 1861, the telegraph flashed the news over the
country that Fort Sumter, a fortress belonging to the United States,
had been fired upon by a body of rebels, and thus inaugurating all the
horrors of civil war.
By the great mass of people, civil war in our hitherto peaceful country
was entirely unlooked for. It burst so suddenly, that the entire
country was convulsed. The people had become so accustomed to clamor in
Congress and elsewhere, that they looked upon these threats to dissolve
the Union as mere bravado.
After the first clash of arms at Fort Sumter, both North and South drew
back in alarm, as if in fear of the coming storm. The Southern people,
however, better prepared by education for scenes of strife and
bloodshed, received the news of the inauguration of civil war with less
alarm than did those of the North. The latter received it with a
fearful dignity, conscious of the power to crush the rebellion. The
South, with that arrogance that becomes her so well, expected to make
an easy conquest. Long-continued exercise of power in national matters,
had taught her to look upon the people of the Free States as her
inferiors, needing but a master-stroke for their subjugation,--willing
to lay down their arms, and seek safety in dishonor. They had taken us
for a race of cowards, because we had given way to their selfish
demands in our public councils, for the sake of peace. To be sure, we
had some daring spirits in Congress who met these bullying traitors,
making them feel the full force of Northern valor. But these were
isolated cases, and won the respect of the Southern people to the
persons of the actors rather than to the North as a people. They looked
upon these spirited examples as rather proving the fact of our want of
chivalry than otherwise, and therefore were not corrected in their
false estimate of a people whom they were about to meet on bloody
fields.
One reason the South had for cherishing so mean an opinion of the North
as a military power, was on account of her having entirely neglected
the cultivation of the art of war. She had so few representatives in
the army and navy, that they were both almost entirely within the
control of the South.
This control the latter had exercised for years, until her people came
to look upon themselves as the only persons in the country fit to bear
arms. They flattered themselves that they were the army, and we but a
rabble, to be dispersed beyond the hope of reorganization at the first
clash of arms. But in this strife, like all others where aristocratic
privilege comes in contact with the freedom of democracy, these
arrogant lords were to meet with a bitter disappointment; they were to
be made to respect the strong muscle and brave hearts of the so-styled
plebeian North.
This avowed hostility of the South to the North had caused the former
to take a military direction, and forced her into a course of policy
which, however outrageous it might appear, was yet a matter of
necessity in her attempt at independence. The first step was to put
herself upon a war-footing. This she had been perfecting for several
years. The next was to get the Government so in her control as to make
it powerless in the incipient stages of the rebellion, that it might
gain sufficient strength to withstand the first shock, and thus gain
precedence.
During a period of thirty years the South was gradually assuming a
war-footing. The militia was organized; independent companies were
formed with no warlike object, as was generally supposed, but really to
resist any encroachment of the Federal Government upon what the leaders
deemed the rights of the Southern people. The election of Abraham
Lincoln to the presidency was not the cause of civil war, but only its
apology. There had existed in the minds of the Southern people a desire
for an independent government, which would give the aristocracy a
firmer footing. In other words, the Federal Government was too
democratic. But it was necessary that these conspirators have some
apparently good reason for civil war; else the people who were at heart
right, would desert them at a time when they were most needed. The time
for the inauguration of civil war was therefore most fitly chosen. The
people were made to believe that the inauguration of President Lincoln
was a sufficient reason; and thus the dream of thirty years of these
disunionists was at last realized. The apology for the war had been
substituted for its cause, and the mass of the Southern people made
eager to meet those on bloody fields whom they were led to suppose were
about to deprive them of their rights and precipitate them into ruin.
There is always a class styled the nobility in every nation. But the
true nobility in America is that class who have won that distinction by
noble deeds; who are great, not in titles and garters of nobility, but
in great achievements: not that class who base their right to that
title upon the number and character of human beings they may own. The
American people hold that distinction must be given to those by whom it
is merited; and that it cannot be the subject of monopoly. Each person,
however mean his birth, has the same right to enter the list for the
prize as he who was born of a higher rank. It is this freedom, which is
given to all, that has caused the Northern States to make such rapid
progress towards civilization and greatness; and it is the crippling of
this great principle that has cast a shadow over the enslaved South.
One great object of the leaders of the South had been to arrest the
rapid growth of the North, which, they were conscious, would one day
throw them into a helpless minority, for they could not themselves keep
pace with this rapid progress. Their ambition was to have capital
control labor, while the laboring classes were to be subservient to the
capitalists, and a sort of serfdom forced upon them. The wealthy class
were to live in luxury and indolence upon the unrequited toil of their
slaves. These facts, the leaders of the wicked rebellion, which they
were to inaugurate, were careful to conceal from their followers. This
was so well done, that the people of the South thought that these
imaginary wrongs of the Government, which had been pictured to them by
their masters, was the true reason of their attempt at separation from
the Union. It is hoped that the masses will soon see the difference
between serving a privileged class of aristocrats, and being members of
a free Republic.