[242] June 29, A. D. 1097.
[243] Fulcher, cap. 5; Raimond d'Agiles; Orderic Vital; Raoul de Caen.
[244] Mills avers that the chiefs separated by mutual consent. I have
found nothing to confirm this opinion. Radulphus says that there was a
rumour to that effect, but shows that it could not be just, as the baggage
of the troops of Boemond and his party had, by the error that separated
them, been left with the other division. William of Tyre leaves the
question undecided. Fulcher says, absolutely, that the separation
originated in a mistake. Orderic Vital follows the same opinion. Raimond
d'Agiles is not precise, but he says that it was done inconsiderately; and
Guibert decidedly affirms that it was accidental, and through the
obscurity of the morning in which they began their march.
[245] William of Tyre.
[246] Fulcher; Raimond d'Agiles; Albert.
[247] Fulcher makes it amount to nearly three hundred and sixty thousand
combatants; and Raimond reduces the number to one hundred and fifty
thousand.
[248] Fulcher.
[249] Ibid; Guibert.
[250] William of Tyre; Guibert; Fulcher, cap. 5.
[251] Guibert; Will. of Tyr.
[252] Fulcher; Radulph. Cad. cap. 21.
[253] William of Tyre; Guibert; Fulcher.
[254] Fulcher, cap. 5; William of Tyre.
[255] William of Tyre.
[256] Raoul of Caen.
[257] Albert; Raoul of Caen; William of Tyre.
[258] Albert.
[259] Raoul of Caen.
[260] Fulcher; Albert; Raoul of Caen.
[261] Albert of Aix informs us, that the ladies of Boemond's camp, seeing
the merciless fury with which the Turks were dealing death to all ages and
sexes, clothed themselves in their most becoming garments, and strove to
display their charms to the best advantage, for the purpose of obtaining
the durance of the harem rather than the grave. Albert was not present,
and did not even visit the Holy Land; and I find his account in this
respect confirmed by no other historian. The good canon, indeed, was
somewhat fond of little tales of scandal, so that I feel inclined to doubt
his authority, where such matters are under discussion. He has an anecdote
in a similar style appended to his history of the taking of Nice.
[262] Radulphus, cap. 22.
[263] William of Tyre.
[264] Orderic Vital; Guibert.
[265] Albert of Aix; Fulcher, cap. 5; William of Tyre.
[266] Radulph. Cadom. cap. 26.
[267] Fulcher; Albert of Aix.
[268] Albert; Radulphus Cadomachus, cap. 27, 28, _et seq._; William of
Tyre.
[269] Many of the Christians attributed their victory to the miraculous
interposition of two canonized martyrs, who, in glittering armour, led on
the army of Godfrey and the count of Toulouse, and scared the Turks more
than all the lancers of the crusaders. Though the supposed interposition
of such personages certainly robbed the leaders of no small share of
glory, yet it gave vast confidence and enthusiasm to the inferior classes.
[270] Albert of Aix; Fulcher; Guibert.
[271] William of Tyre.
[272] Guibert; William of Tyre; Albert of Aix.
[273] Albert of Aix.
[274] Guibert, lib. iii.
[275] Albert of Aix, lib. iii.; William of Tyre.
[276] Fulcher; Guibert.
[277] Albert.
[278] Ibid.
[279] Radulph. Cadom. cap. 33; Guibert. lib. iii.; Will. Tyr.
[280] All the authors of the day that I have been able to meet with
declare this expedition of Baldwin and Tancred to have been voluntary.
Mills only, as far as I can discover, attributes their conduct to an order
received from others. I mark the circumstance more particularly, because,
under my view of the case, the fact of Tancred and his companions having
separated themselves from the rest of the host, after such immense
fatigues, abandoning repose and comfort, and seeking new dangers and fresh
privations, is one of the most extraordinary instances on record of the
effect of the chivalrous spirit of the age. Under this point of view, all
the historians of that time saw the enterprise which they have recorded;
but Mills, writing in the least chivalrous of all epochs, has reduced the
whole to a corporal-like obedience of orders.
[281] Albert of Aix, lib. iii.; Radulph. cap. 37.
[282] Albert of Aix, lib. iii.; Guibert; Will. Tyr.
[283] Radulphus, cap. 38.
[284] Albert of Aix; Guibert, lib. iii.
[285] Radulphus; Albert of Aix; Guibert of Nogent.
[286] Albert. lib. iii.
[287] Albert.
[288] Ibid.
[289] Albert; Raoul de Caen. See also Fulcher, who was chaplain to
Baldwin.
[290] Albert of Aix; Raoul of Caen.
[291] Albert of Aix; William of Tyre; Raimond d'Agiles.
[292] Albert of Aix; William of Tyre.
[293] Raimond d'Agiles.
[294] Robert. Mon. lib. iii. Albert of Aix; Guibert.
[295] Albert of Aix.
[296] William of Tyre.
[297] Albert of Aix.
[298] The population of these countries was in general Christian.
[299] Fulcher; Albert.
[300] Albert; Guibert, lib. iii.
[301] Guibert.
[302] Albert.
[303] Guibert, lib. iii.; where see the manner in which Baldwin contrived
to subjugate the inhabitants.
[304] Albert of Aix.
[305] Guibert.
[306] Albert.
[307] Mills declares, that the Christians were rescued from this ambuscade
by the arrival of Tancred. I find the account of Albert of Aix totally
opposed to such a statement; while the passage in Raoul of Caen relating
to this event is so full of errors in other respects, that no reliance
could be placed upon it, even if it justified the assertion of Mills,
which, however, it does not do. He states, that Tancred arrived long
before the ambuscade, and that he found Baldwin at Artesia. By this he
might mean Baldwin de Bourg, who, after the other Baldwin became King of
Jerusalem, was also created Count of Edessa; but this interpretation
cannot be admitted here, as he mentions the former disputes between the
soldiers of Tancred and of the Baldwin to whom he refers, and who could
therefore be none other than the brother of Godfrey, who was, we know, in
Edessa at the time. We may therefore conclude, that as a principal part of
this account is notoriously false, Raoul of Caen cannot be considered as
any authority, so far as this event is concerned. Finding the statement of
Tancred's assistance here not confirmed by any other good authority, I
have abided by the account of Albert.
[308] Albert of Aix.
[309] Raimond d'Agiles.
[310] Will. Tyr., Raimond.
[311] Albert of Aix.
[312] Raimond; Guibert of Nogent.
[313] Raimond; Albert says six hundred thousand; Guibert of Nogent.
[314] Raimond.
[315] Raimond d'Agiles; Albert d'Aix; Guibert de Nogent, lib. iv.; Robert.
[316] Raimond d'Agiles; Albert of Aix; Guibert de Nogent.
[317] Malmsbury.
[318] Albert; Raimond d'Agiles.
[319] Guibert de Nogent; Robertus Monachus, lib. iv.
[320] Guibert; Albert; Robert. Mon.
[321] Raimond d'Agiles.
[322] Ibid; Guibert; Robertus Monachus.
[323] Guibert says he was a boasting coward; but this is contradicted by
others.
[324] Guibert de Nogent; Robert.
[325] Guibert; Robertus Monachus, lib. iv.
[326] Robert. Monac.
[327] Albert of Aix.
[328] Raimond d'Agiles; Vertot; Guibert; William of Tyre.
[329] This is one of the points on which the authorities of the day are in
direct opposition to each other. Mills has chosen the opinion of Robertus
Monachus, who states that the message of the calif was haughty and
insolent. I have followed another version of the story, because I find it
supported by a greater weight of evidence, and because I do not think the
calif would have taken the trouble of sending all the way from Egypt to
insult a party of men whose persevering conduct showed that they were not
likely to be turned back by words. Guibert says, that the calif promised
even to embrace the Christian faith, in case the crusaders overcame the
Turks, and restored to him his Syrian dominions. Albert of Aix also
vouches the same proposal, which, however improbable might have been made
for the purpose of deceiving the crusaders.
[330] Robertson's Historical Disquisition on India.
[331] Robert, lib. iv.
[332] Albert of Aix.
[333] Albert; Robert. Mon.
[334] Albert of Aix, lib. iii.
[335] Robertus, lib. iv.
[336] Robert.; Albert of Aix, lib. iii.
[337] Guibert; Albert of Aix, lib. iii.
[338] Robertus; Albert.
[339] Five thousand perished on the bridge and in the water, according to
Robert the Monk.
[340] Robertus Monachus.
[341] Guibert mentions previously that the number of horses was reduced to
a thousand; lib. iv.
[342] Robertus; Guibert.
[343] Raimond d'Agiles.
[344] Guibert, lib. v.; Fulcher, cap. 7.
[345] Will. Tyr.; Albert; Fulcher, cap. 8.
[346] Raimond d'Agiles.
[347] William of Tyre says he was a noble Armenian, chief of the tribe of
_Benizerra_, or the sons of the armour-forgers, and calls him Emir Feir.
Abouharagi, however, says he was a Persian, and calls him Ruzebach.
[348] Guibert; Will. Tyr.; Albert.
[349] Guibert.
[350] William of Tyre, lib. v.; Robert, lib. v.; Guibert, lib. v.
[351] This transaction is reported variously. Albert of Aix says, that the
proposal of Boemond was at once received with joy. Raoul of Caen gives a
different account, and states that the bishop of Puy, on the suggestion of
Boemond, suggested that the town should be given to him who could first
obtain it. Guibert and Robert relate it as I have done above. The
archbishop of Tyre declares that no one opposed the proposal of Boemond
but the Count of Toulouse.
[352] Will. Tyr.; Albert of Aix; Guibert, lib. v.
[353] Albert of Aix; Robertus, lib. v.
[354] Robertus, lib. v., 2d June, A. D. 1098.
[355] Guibert, lib. v.; Raimond d'Agiles; Albert.
[356] There is some reason to believe that Boemond was the first who
entered, as stated by William of Tyre; but as Albert of Aix makes no
mention of the fact, and as Guibert de Nogent declares positively that
Boemond, who is certainly his favourite hero, did not mount till sixty
others had preceded him, as Raimond d'Agiles gives the honour of the feat
to Fulcher de Chartres, and as Robert the Monk confirms that assertion, I
have left the matter in doubt, as I found it. In regard to the story of
Phirouz murdering his brother in his sleep, because he would not aid in
his design, I believe fully that it was but one of those ornamental
falsehoods with which men are ever fond of decorating great and
extraordinary events. I doubt not that the tale was current in the time of
William of Tyre, who reports it; and the act was, beyond question, looked
upon as a noble and devoted one on the part of Phirouz; but as I find
nothing to confirm it in any book I possess, except the simple fact of
that Armenian having been a traitorous rascal, please God, till further
evidence I will look upon it all as a lie. Robert the Monk represents, in
very glowing terms, the grief of Phirouz for the death of his two
brothers, who were killed in the _melée_. Phirouz became a Christian, at
least in name; and to cover the baseness of his perfidy, he declared that
the Saviour himself had appeared to him in a vision, commanding him to
deliver up the town.
[357] Albert of Aix; Guibert, lib. v.; Raimond d'Agiles.
[358] Albert of Aix, lib. iv.
[359] Guibert; Albert; Raimond d'Agiles.
[360] Raimond; Robertus Monachus, lib. vi.; Albert.
[361] Guibert, lib. v.
[362] Albert of Aix, lib. iv.
[363] See Mills's History of the Crusades.
[364] Robertus Monachus, lib. vi.; Guibert; Fulcher; Albert.
[365] Guibert, lib. v.; Robertus; Albert.
[366] Guibert; Albert of Aix.
[367] William of Tyre; Albert of Aix.
[368] Robertus, lib. vi.; Albert of Aix, lib. iv.; William of Tyre.
[369] Robertus Monachus, lib. vi.; Guibert, lib. v.
[370] Albert of Aix.
[371] Robertus, vi.; Albert of Aix.
[372] Guibert.
[373] Guibert; Fulcher; Albert, lib. iv.
[374] Guibert, lib. v.
[375] Albert of Aix, lib. iv.
[376] Albert.
[377] Guibert; Fulcher; Albert.
[378] Raimond d'Agiles; Fulcher; William of Tyre; Albert; Guibert.
[379] Fulcher; Raimond.
[380] Radulph. Cadom.
[381] Raimond d'Agiles.
[382] Fulcher; Raimond; Albert; Guibert of Nogent.
[383] Albert of Aix; Raimond d'Agiles; Will. Tyr.
[384] Albert of Aix.
[385] Albert of Aix; Guibert, lib. iii.
[386] Albert of Aix.
[387] Guibert; Albert; Raimond.
[388] Raimond d'Agiles; Fulcher.
[389] Raimond; Raoul de Caen.
[390] Raimond.
[391] Raimond d'Agiles.
[392] Histor. Hieros; Jacob. Vit.
[393] Raimond d'Agiles; Fulcher.
[394] Guibert.
[395] Will. Tyr. lib. vi.
[396] Raoul of Caen.
[397] Albert.
[398] Albert.
[399] Raimond d'Agiles.
[400] Will. Malmsbury; Guibert de Nogent; Raimond d'Agiles.
[401] Albert; Raoul of Caen; Guibert.
[402] Fulcher; Albert.
[403] Guibert; Albert.
[404] Mills.
[405] Guibert; Fulcher.
[406] Raimond d'Agiles; William of Tyre.
[407] See note IX.
[408] Albert of Aix; Will. Tyr.; Raimond d'Agiles.
[409] Guibert.
[410] Guibert; Albert; Will. Tyr.
[411] Guibert; Albert.
[412] Guibert.
[413] Albert of Aix.
[414] Guibert; Raimond d'Agiles; Albert.
[415] Raimond d'Agiles.
[416] Albert of Aix.
[417] William of Tyre.
[418] Albert; Guibert.
[419] Fulcher; Albert of Aix; Guibert; Raoul of Caen.
[420] Raimond d'Agiles; Guibert de Nogent.
[421] Raimond d'Agiles.
[422] Raoul of Caen; Raimond.
[423] Guibert.
[424] Guibert, lib. vi.; Albert of Aix, lib. v.; William of Tyre.
[425] Albert of Aix.
[426] Fulcher; Guibert.
[427] Albert of Aix.
[428] Raimond d'Agiles; Albert of Aix.
[429] Raimond d'Agiles.
[430] Fulcher; Raoul of Caen.
[431] Guibert; Raimond.
[432] Albert of Aix; Guibert; Robert. Mon. lib. viii.
[433] Mills follows Raimond d'Agiles. I have chosen the account of Albert
of Aix, because I find it better supported by evidence.
[434] William of Tyre.
[435] Raimond d'Agiles.
[436] Fulcher. Raimond d'Agiles.
[437] William of Tyre, lib. vii.
[438] Robert. Mon.
[439] Albert.
[440] William of Tyre; Albert of Aix.
[441] Albert.
[442] Robert; Guibert.
[443] Ibid.
[444] Albert.
[445] Raoul of Caen; Albert; Fulcher.
[446] Albert of Aix, lib. v.
[447] Guibert.
[448] Guibert, lib. vii.; Robert.
[449] Holy War.
[450] Raimond.
[451] Robert; Albert; Guibert, lib. vii.
[452] Fulcher mentions several ladders, but says they were too few.
[453] Albert of Aix; Guibert.
[454] Raimond; Albert.
[455] Albert of Aix.
[456] Guibert; Albert.
[457] Albert of Aix.
[458] Raimond d'Agiles; Guibert.
[459] Albert of Aix.
[460] Raimond d'Agiles; Albert of Aix.
[461] Albert describes perfectly the effect of the Greek fire, and says it
could only be extinguished by the means of vinegar, which, on the second
day, the crusaders provided in great quantity.
[462] Raimond.
[463] Guibert; Albert of Aix.
[464] Raimond d'Agiles; William of Tyre.
[465] Robert; Guibert. lib. vii.; Albert.
[466] 15th July. A. D. 1099.
[467] Guibert; Raimond.
[468] Albert; Robert.
[469] Ibid; Guibert.
[470] Guibert; Raimond d'Agiles; Robert.
[471] Tancred and Gaston of Bearn had promised quarter to these unhappy
wretches, and had given them a banner as a certain protection. It was
early the next morning, before those chiefs were awake, that this massacre
was committed by some of the more bloodthirsty of the crusaders. Tancred
was with great difficulty prevented from taking signal vengeance on the
perpetrators of this crime.--Guibert; Albert.
[472] The story of the second massacre rests upon the authority of Albert
of Aix, from whose writings it has been copied by all who have repeated
it. Albert of Aix never visited the Holy Land. None of those who were
present at the fall of Jerusalem (that I can discover) make the slightest
mention of such an occurrence; and we have the strongest proof that part
of Albert's story is false; for he declares that all the Saracens were
slaughtered in this second massacre, even those who had previously been
promised protection; and we know that many were sent to Ascalon.--See
_Guibert_, lib. vii. Robert, who was present speaks of many who were
spared.--_Robertus_, lib. ix. Fulcher, who was in the country, if not
present, does not allude to a second massacre. Raimond d'Agiles, who was a
witness to the whole, passes it over in silence; though each of these
persons always speaks of the slaughter of the Saracens as the most
praiseworthy of actions. The Archbishop of Tyre also, who copied Albert
wherever he could be proved correct, has stamped doubt upon this anecdote
by omitting it entirely. I have thought fit to notice this particularly,
because Mills lays no small stress upon the tale.
[473] Guibert; Albert; William of Tyre.
[474] See Raimond d'Agiles; Guibert; Albert; Brompton; William of
Malmsbury.
[475] Fulcher, cap. 18; Robert. Mon. lib. ix.
[476] Godfrey appears never to have taken the title of king, from a
feeling of religious humility.
[477] Robert.
[478] Albert; Will. Tyr.
[479] Albert.
[480] He was taken, after having suffered a complete defeat from the emir
Damisman, as he was hastening to the succour of Gabriel of Armenia.
[481] Will. Tyren.; Radulph.; Cadom.
[482] Arnould, one of the most corrupt priests in the army, had been
elected patriarch, but was deposed almost immediately; and Daimbert, who
arrived from Rome as legate, was chosen in his stead. This Daimbert it is
of whom I speak above. He seems to have conceived, from the first, the
idea of making Jerusalem an eastern Rome, and wrung many concessions from
Godfrey, which were little respected by that chief's successors.
[483] William of Tyre.
[484] Hist. Hieros.; Jacob. lib. i.; William of Tyre; Fulcher; Albert.
[485] Will. of Tyre; Fulcher of Chartres.
[486] Fulcher.
[487] William of Tyre.
[488] Hist. Hieros.; Jacob. Vit.; Will. of Tyre.
[489] Fulcher; Albert.
[490] Raoul of Caen; Will. Tyr.; Fulcher.
[491] Guibert; lib. vii.
[492] Will. of Tyr.; Guibert.
[493] Guibert says that Boemond died from the effects of poison. Other
authors declare that grief for having been obliged to enter into a less
advantageous treaty with Alexius than he had anticipated occasioned his
death; but, from his whole history, I should not look upon Boemond as a
man likely to die of grief.
[494] He was the grandson of that Raimond, Count of Toulouse, of whose
conduct I have so often had occasion to speak already, and whose
perseverance against Tripoli will be mentioned hereafter.
[495] Will. Tyr.
[496] Fulcher; Albert of Aix; William of Tyre.
[497] Albert of Aix; William of Tyre.
[498] Fulcher.
[499] Albert of Aix.
[500] Fulcher; Albert.
[501] Albert.
[502] Albert of Aix.
[503] Fulcher.
[504] Albert.
[505] Fulcher, cap. 35, A. D. 1105.
[506] Fulcher, cap. 27.
[507] Albert, lib. ix.; Fulcher.
[508] Albert; Fulcher.
[509] James of Vitry; Hist. Hieros. ab.
[510] Hist. Hieros. abrev.
[511] Mills says that the last historical mention of Peter is that which
relates to his recognition by the Christians of Jerusalem; but such is not
the case. We find him mentioned as a very influential person on the
occasion of the battle of Ascalon.--See _Raimond d'Agiles_; _Guibert_,
lib. vii.
[512] Guibert, lib. vii.
[513] Albert of Aix, lib. x.; William of Tyre.
[514] Fulcher; William of Tyre.
[515] Guibert, lib. vii.
[516] Guibert. lib. vii.
[517] Ibid.
[518] William of Tyre.
[519] Albert of Aix and Fulcher give a different account of Baldwin's
escape.
[520] Will. Tyr. lib. x.
[521] Albert; Raimond d'Agiles; Fulcher; William of Tyre; Guibert.
[522] Albert of Aix; Raimond d'Agiles; Guibert.
[523] Mills is wrong in supposing that plate armour was not at all known
before the beginning of the thirteenth century. As far back as the time of
Louis the Debonair, the Monk of St. Gall gives a full description of a man
in plate armour, and also mentions the barb, or iron covering of the
horse.
[524] See, for these particulars, the Monk of St. Gall; Albert of Aix;
Raimond d'Agiles; Fulcher; Guibert; William of Brittany; Menestrier St.
Palaye; Ducange.
[525] Albert of Aix, lib. viii.
[526] Fulcher; Guibert.
[527] Albert of Aix; Fulcher; Robertus Monachus.
[528] Fulcher; William of Tyre; Albert.
[529] Ducange.
[530] Assizes par Thaumassiere.
[531] William of Tyre, lib. xviii.
[532] Vertot.
[533] Hist. Hierosol., Jacob. Vitri.
[534] Vertot Preuves.
[535] Vertot.
[536] Jacob Vitriaci in Hist. Hierosol.
[537] William of Tyre.
[538] Jac. Vitriaci; Hist. Hierosol.
[539] Will. Tyrensis, lib. xxii.; Jacob. Vit.
[540] William of Tyre.
[541] William of Tyre marks precisely, that the particular rules to which
they were subjected, and the dress to which they were restricted, were
regularly fixed by the church at the council of Troyes, in the course of
the ninth year after their first institution. Now the council of Troyes
took place in 1128, and Baldwin du Bourg ascended the throne of Jerusalem
on the 2d or April, 1118, ten years previously. Their first institution,
therefore, could not be in the reign of Baldwin I., as Mills has stated
it, without a gross error on the part of the Archbishop of Tyre, who wrote
in the year 1184, and therefore was not likely to be mistaken on a subject
so near his own days.
[542] Hist. Hierosol.; Jacob. Vitriaci.
[543] The Templars founded many charitable institutions, but attendance on
the sick was not a part of their profession.
[544] For a more particular and correct account of the armour of the
crusades, I must refer to the invaluable work of Dr. Meyrick, which I
regret much not to have had by me while writing this book. My sources of
information have been alone the historians of the day, in consulting whom
the ambiguity of language is very often likely to induce error in matters
which, like armour, are difficult to describe.
[545] Mills says, "The news of the loss of the eastern frontier of the
Latin kingdom reached France at a time peculiarly favourable for foreign
war." It will be seen that I have taken up a position as exactly the
reverse of that assumed by that excellent author as can well be conceived;
but I have not done so without much investigation, and the more I consider
the subject, the more I am convinced that the moment when the feudal power
was checked by the king and assailed by the communes, was not the most
propitious to call the nobility to foreign lands--that the moment in which
the burghers were labouring up hill for independence, was not a time for
them to abandon the scene of their hopes and endeavours--and that the
moment when a kingdom was torn by conflicting powers, when the royal
authority was unconfirmed, and the nobility only irritated at its
exertion, was not the period that a monarch should have chosen to quit his
dominions.
[546] A curious essay might be written on the classes or castes in Europe
at that period. It is quite a mistaken notion which some persons have
entertained, that the only distinctions under the monarch, were noble and
serf. We find an immense class, or rather various classes, all of which
consisted of freemen, interposed between the lord and his slave. Thus
Galbertus Syndick, of Bruges, in recounting the death of Charles the Good,
Count of Flanders, A. D. 1130, mentions not only the burghers of the town,
but various other persons who were not of the noble race, but were then
evidently free, as well as the Brabançois or Cotereaux, a sort of
freebooting soldier of that day. Guibert of Nogent, also, in his own life,
and Frodoardus, in the history of Rheims, refer to many of whose exact
station it is difficult to form an idea.
[547] Rouillard, Histoire de Melun: Vie de Bouchard.
[548] I know that I use this word not quite correctly, but I can find none
other to express more properly what I mean.
[549] Suger in vit. Ludovic VI.
[550] Galbert in vit. Carol.
[551] Suger in vit. Ludovic VI.
[552] Chron. Vezeliac.
[553] Guibert Nog. in vit. s.
[554] Chron. Vezeliac.
[555] Gesta regis Ludovici VII.
[556] The only two I know who accompanied this crusade, and wrote any
detailed account of it, are Odon de Deuil, or Odo de Diagolo, and
Frisingen, or Freysinghen. It is an extraordinary fact, that the Cardinal
de Vitry makes no mention of the second crusade.
[557] William of St. Thierry, Mabillon.
[558] Geoffroi de Clairvaux, Continuation of the Life of St. Bernard.
[559] Odo of Deuil.
[560] Mabillon.
[561] Guizot.
[562] A. D. 1147
[563] Odon de Deuil.
[564] William of Tyre.
[565] Odon de Deuil.
[566] See note X.
[567] It appears from the passage of Odo of Deuil which mentions the
curious servility, as he designates it, of the Greeks never sitting down
in the presence of a superior till desired to do so, that the French of
that day were not quite so ceremonious as in that of Louis XIV.
[568] Odo of Deuil.
[569] Nicetas.
[570] Cinnamus, cited by Mills.
[571] Odon de Deuil.
[572] Ibid.
[573] Manuel Comnenus had married Bertha, and Conrad, Gertrude, both
daughters of Berenger the elder, Count of Sultzbach.
[574] Odon de Deuil.
[575] William of Tyre; Odon de Deuil.
[576] The Pope, in his exhortation to the second crusade, had not only
regulated the general conduct of the crusaders, and formally absolved all
those who should embrace the Cross, but he had given minute particulars
for their dress and arms, expressly forbidding all that might encumber
them in their journey, such as heavy baggage, and vain superfluities, and
all that might lead them from the direct road, such as falcons and
hunting-dogs. "Happy had it been for them," says Odo of Deuil, "if,
instead of a scrip, he had commanded the foot pilgrims to bear a cross
bow, and instead of a staff, a sword."
[577] Odo of Deuil; Will. Tyr.
[578] Will. Tyr; Odon de Deuil; Gest. Ludovic VII; Nicetas.
[579] Odon de Deuil.
[580] Will. Tyr.; Odon de Deuil.
[581] Odon de Deuil; Freysinghen; William of Tyre.
[582] William of Tyre.
[583] Odon de Deuil.
[584] Odo of Deuil always calls Otho, Bishop of Freysinghen, brother of
the Emperor Conrad. He was, however, only a half-brother; his relationship
being by the mother's side.
[585] Will. Tyrens lib. xvi.; Odon de Deuil.
[586] Odon de Deuil; Will. Tyr.
[587] Odon de Deuil.
[588] Odon de Deuil.
[589] William of Tyre.
[590] Odon de Deuil.
[591] Ibid.
[592] William of Tyre; Vertot.
[593] Gest. Ludovic. regis; William of Tyre; Vertot.
[594] Vertot, a learned man and a diligent investigator, speaks of Eleonor
in the following curious terms: "On pretend que cette princesse, peu
scrupuleuse sur ses devoirs, et devenue éprise d'un jeune Turc baptisé,
appellé Saladin, ne pouvait résoudre à s'en séparer, &c." These reports of
course gave rise to many curious suppositions, especially when Richard
Coeur de Leon, Eleonor's son by her second marriage, went to war in the
Holy Land. On his return to France, Louis VII. instantly sought a
plausible pretext for delivering himself from his unfaithful wife without
causing the scandal of a public exposure of her conduct. A pretence of
consanguinity within the forbidden degrees was soon established, and the
marriage was annulled. After this Eleonor, who, in addition to beauty and
wit, possessed in her own right the whole of Aquitain, speedily gave her
hand to Henry II. of England, and in the end figured in the tragedy of
Rosamond of Woodstock.
[595] William of Tyre; Vertot.
[596] Gest. regis Ludov. VII.
[597] Vertot.
[598] William of Tyre; Col. script. Arab.; Vertot.
[599] William of Tyre; Freysinghen, reb. gest. Fred.; Gest. reg. Lud. VII.
[600] Guil. Monach. in vit. Suger. Ab. Sanct. Dion.; Gest. reg. Lud. VII.
[601] Guil. Monach. in vit. Sug.
[602] All the writers of that day attempt to excuse St. Bernard for having
preached a crusade which had so unfortunate a conclusion. The principles
upon which they do so are somewhat curious. The Bishop of Freysinghen
declares, that it was the vice of the crusaders which called upon their
heads the wrath of Heaven: and, to reconcile this fact with the spirit of
prophecy which elsewhere he attributes to the Abbot of Clairvaux, declares
that prophets are not always able to prophesy.--_Freysing. de rebus gestis
Fred. Imperat._ Geoffroy of Clairvaux, who was a contemporary, and wrote
part of the Life of St. Bernard, would fain prove that the crusade could
not be called unfortunate, since, though it did not at all help the Holy
Land it served to people heaven with martyrs.
[603] Existing orders of knighthood.
[604] Fulcher; Raoul Glaber.
[605] Robert; Fulcher; Raimond d'Agiles.
[606] Raynouard, Poesies des Troubadours; Millot, Hist. des Troubadours;
Le Grand d'Aussi Fabliaux.
[607] Raynouard.
[608] Oeuvres de Maroc.
[609] Fauchet.
[610] Le Grand d'Aussi.
[611] Bernard, the Treasurer; James of Vitry; William of Tyre.
[612] William of Tyre; Bernard.
[613] William of Tyre.
[614] Cardinal of Vitry; William of Tyre.
[615] Cardinal of Vitry; Will. of Tyre.
[616] Bernard; William of Tyre.
[617] William of Tyre; James of Vitry; Guillelm de Nangis; Chron. ann.
1174.
[618] William of Tyre.
[619] Jacob. Vitr.
[620] Bernard the Treasurer says, that the monarch wished to annul the
marriage between his sister and Guy. "Si grans haine estoit entre le roy
et le cuens de Jaffe que chascun jor cressoit plus et plus et jusque a
tant estoit la chose venue que le roy queroit achaison par quoy il peut
desevrer tot apertement le mariage qui iert entre lui et sa seror."
[621] William of Tyre; Bernard the Treasurer: James of Vitrv.
[622] Bernard the Treasurer; James of Vitry.
[623] Bernard the Treasurer.
[624] Rog. of Hovedon.
[625] William of Tyre; William de Nangis.
[626] Bernard; William of Nangis.
[627] Will. Neub.
[628] Bernard.
[629] William of Nangis.
[630] Bernard the Treasurer; William of Nangis.
[631] Vertot.
[632] Rog. of Hovedon; William of Nangis.
[633] William of Nangis; Bernard the Treasurer.
[634] Some writers state that Saladin proposed to Chatillon to abjure
Christianity, which he boldly refused: but others do not mention the
circumstance, and the act of Saladin seems to me to have been more one of
hasty passion than of deliberation.
[635] Bernard.
[636] Bernard the Treasurer; Continuation of William of Tyre.
[637] William of Nangis.
[638] Bernard.
[639] James of Vitry; Bernard; William of Tyre.
[640] Bernard; Albert.
[641] William of Tyre.
[642] Albert of Aix; Fulcher; Robert.
[643] There is a letter in Hovedon from a Templar to Henry II., giving an
account of the state of Jerusalem and the Holy Land, dated 1179.
[644] Bernard the Treasurer; William of Nangis, A. D. 1188; B.
Peterborough.
[645] William de Nangis; Jacob. Vit. lib. i.
[646] Bernard the Treasurer.
[647] A. D. 1189, 1190.
[648] I have followed James of Vitry. Some say that Frederic's death
proceeded from bathing in the Cydnus, and some in the Calycadnus. The
matter is of little moment; but, as he was descending towards Antioch at
the time, it is not improbable that the Cardinal de Vitry was right.
Emadeddin, in the collection of Arabic historians by Reinaud, calls this
river the Selef.
[649] Jacob. Vit.; Hist. Hieros. ab.; Bernardus; Lection. Canisius
Antiquæ.
[650] James of Vitry.
[651] Pet. de Dusburg.; Chron. Ord. Teuton.
[652] Existing Orders of Knighthood; James of Vitry.
[653] Vit. Ludovic VII.; Roger de Hovedon.
[654] Rigord de gest. Phil Aug.; Hovedon; Robert, de Monte.
[655] Geoffroi Rudel in Raynouard; Millot; Ducange.
[656] William of Nangis, A. D. 1188; Rigord.
[657] Rigord in vit. Philip August.; Guil. de Nangis, A. D. 1188.
[658] See Rigord, who gives minutely the statutes on this occasion.
[659] Branche des royaux Lignages, ann. 1189-90, Guil. de Nangis Rigord.
William the Breton.
[660] Bernard the Treasurer; James of Vitry.
[661] Continuation of William of Tyre, Anon.
[662] R. de Diceto; Roger de Hovedon; Matthew Paris. Ann. 1188.
[663] Henry died before the altar of the church of Chinon.
[664] Hovedon.
[665] Brompton; Hovedon.
[666] Diceto.
[667] Rymer, col. diplom.
[668] Brequegny, coll. ann. 1188; Rigord in vit. Phil. Aug.
[669] Benedict of Peterborough.
[670] Rigord says nothing of any illness which Philip suffered at Messina.
[671] Hovedon; Brompton.
[672] Benedict of Peterborough.
[673] Rigord; Benedict of Peterborough.
[674] Rigord.
[675] Vinesauf.
[676] Ben. Abb. Peter.; R. Hovedon.
[677] Rigord.
[678] Rigordus states positively that Berengaria had arrived before the
treaty was signed between Philip and Richard. Mills says, that Richard
remained in Sicily after Philip's departure, to wait for Berengaria; but
Rigord lived at the time, and was one of the most diligent inquirers who
have left us records of that age. The _Branche des royaux Lignages_ makes
Richard say to the King of France,
"Sire vostre suer espousai
De laquele atan le don hui;
Mes onc nul jour ne la connui
Et j'ai puis prise Bérangarre
Qui fille est au roy de Navarre."--1226.
William the Breton, also, who was afterward chaplain to Philip Augustus,
represents Richard as saying,
"Et jam juncta thoro est mihi Berengaria, regis
Filia Navarræ."
[679] Rigord in vit. Phil. Aug.; Hovedon; Rymer.
[680] Bernardus.
[681] Various knights are mentioned by Bernard the Treasurer, as having
signalized themselves greatly, both prior to the siege and after its
commencement. One in particular, whom he calls the Green Knight, even
raised the admiration of the Saracens to such a height that Saladin sent
for him, and made him the most brilliant offers, in hopes of bringing him
to join the Moslems. It is more than probable that this Green Knight was
the famous Jacques d'Avesnes, and was so called from the colour of the
cross which he wore.
[682] Auteurs Arabes, rec. de Reinaud; Branche des loyaux Rignages; Rigord
in vit. Phil. August.
[683] Boha Eddin, rec. de Reinaud.
[684] Brompton, A. D. 1191; Ben. Abb. Peterborough, 1191.
[685] Hovedon; Ben. Abb. Peterborough.
[686] Hovedon; Brompton; Will. Newb.
[687] Boha Eddin; Walter Vinesauf; Hovedon; Benedict of Peterborough
[688] Peterborough; Vinesauf; James, Cardinal of Vitry, lib. i.
[689] Mills speaks of the conduct of Richard in the following terms: "The
sanguinary and ungenerous Richard killed or cast overboard his defenceless
enemies; or, with an avarice equally detestable, saved the commanders for
the sake of their ransom." That author, however, says not one word of the
Saracens' fighting under false colours, or of the horrible cargo which
they carried in their ship, though he afterward himself alludes to the
sufferings of the crusaders from the bites of reptiles. Is this historical
justice?
[690] Bernard the Treasurer.
[691] Boha Eddin, rec. Hist. Arabes de Reinaud.
[692] His name, literally translated, means _the just king, the sword of
the faith_. From Saif Eddin the Christians composed the word Saphaddin, by
which he is generally designated in the chronicles of the time.
[693] Vinesauf; Hovedon.
[694] Chron. St. Denis.
[695] James of Vitry; Hovedon; Vinesauf; Ben. of Pet.; Bernard the
Treasurer.
[696] Rigord; William of Nangis; James of Vitry; Bernardus; Vinesauf;
Hovedon. All these authors give different accounts of the numbers
sacrificed.
[697] Bernard the Treasurer affirms that Philip caused the prisoners to be
executed; but most of the other historians agree, that this piece of
cruelty was committed by Richard alone.
[698] Rigord.
[699] Bernard the Treasurer says, that the English king lodged in the
house of the Templars, and that Philip Augustus occupied the citadel; "Le
Roi de France ot le chastel d'Acre, et le fist garnir et le Roi
d'Angleterre se herberja en la maison du Temple." Most authorities,
however, are opposed to this statement, declaring that Richard lodged in
the palace, and Philip with the Templars.
[700] Bernard the Treasurer; Rigord; William the Breton; Branche des
royaux Lignages.
[701] Rigord; Robert of Gloucester.
[702] James of Vitry; Boha Eddin; Emad Eddin; Recueil de Reinaud.
[703] Benedict of Peterborough.
[704] Bernard the Treasurer; James of Vitry, &c.
[705] Hovedon; James of Vitry; Vinesauf.
[706] Vinesauf; Boha Eddin.
[707] Hovedon; Vinesauf.
[708] James of Vitry; Trivet Annales.
[709] Bernard the Treasurer.
[710] James of Vitry.
[711] This gentleman was taken prisoner, but was of course ransomed
immediately by Richard.
[712] Hovedon; Boha Eddin.
[713] Vinesauf; James of Vitry.
[714] Hovedon; William of Nangis, ann. 1192; Vinesauf.
[715] For many years a horde of plunderers had been established in the
mountains of Phoenicia, in the neighbourhood of Tortosa and Tripoli, who,
in the end, obtained the name of Assassins, from the small dagger which
was their only weapon, and which was called _hassassin_. Their religion
was a corrupted species of Islamism, and their government a fanatical
despotism. Their chief was called sometimes the Ancient, sometimes the
Lord of the Mountains, and among the Christians he obtained the name of
the Old Man of the Mountains. By working on the exciteable imaginations of
an illiterate and fanatical race, the lords of this extraordinary tribe
had obtained over them an influence unknown to any other power which was
ever brought to sway the mind of man. The will of the Old Man of the
Mountains was absolute law to each of his subjects. Whatever were his
commands, whether to slay themselves or another, they asked no
questions--paused not to consider of justice or injustice--but obeyed; and
when sent to execute the will of their lord upon anyone, they followed
their object with a keen sagacity and unalterable perseverance, that
placed the life of each individual in the hands of their remorseless
monarch. Nothing could turn them aside from the pursuit; no difficulties
were too great for them to surmount; and when they had struck the victim,
if they escaped, it was well; but if they were taken, they met torture and
death with stoical firmness, feeling certain of the joys of Paradise as a
compensation for their sufferings. The number of this tribe was about
sixty thousand, all conscientious murderers, whom no danger would daunt,
and no human consideration could deter. Such were the men who slew Conrad
of Montferrat; and yet the French with the wild inconsistency of their
national hatred, attributed the deed to Richard, who never found aught on
earth that could induce him to cover his wrath when it was excited, or to
stay him from the open pursuit of revenge, which was always as bold and
unconcealed as it was fierce and evanescent. From this tribe we have
derived the word _assassin_.--See James of Vitry; Matthew of Paris;
William of Tyre; Ducange ou Joinville.
[716] Bernard the Treasurer; James of Vitry; William of Nangis.
[717] Bernard; Vinesauf; Matthew Paris.
[718] Little doubt can exist that one great cause of the abandonment of
the crusade were the differences between Richard and the Duke of Burgundy.
The Frenchman was jealous of the fame which the English king would have
acquired by taking Jerusalem, and consequently took care that he should
not effect that object. Such is the account given by Bernard the
Treasurer--a Frenchman, who always showed a manifest tendency to exculpate
his countrymen, whenever there existed a fair excuse. See the Chronicle in
old French, published in the collection of Martenne and Durand. It was
generally attributed to Hugh Plagon, but has since been proved to be the
original of Bernard the Treasurer.
[719] Vinesauf.
[720] Hovedon; Vinesauf.
[721] The French refused to march to the assistance of Jaffa.
[722] Bernard the Treasurer.
[723] Bernard the Treasurer.
[724] The Queen Berengaria and Joan of Sicily left Acre on the 29th of
September, previous to the departure of Richard, who set out on the 25th
of October, 1192. After encountering a violent storm, which scattered his
fleet and wrecked the greater number of his vessels, Richard, with his
single ship, touched at Zara, where he landed, accompanied only by two
priests and a few knights of the Temple, whose garb he had assumed. From
Zara, Richard endeavoured to make his way through Germany in disguise, but
in vain. The news of his journey had already spread; the unforgiving
Archduke of Austria, whose banner he had trampled on at Acre, caused every
road to be narrowly watched. One after another of his companions were sent
away by the king, till at length, with a single squire, he arrived at a
small town near Vienna; where, taking up his abode at a petty lodging,
Richard despatched his follower for provisions. The squire was recognised
by some of the spies of the archduke, and Richard was taken and cast into
prison. The royal captive was speedily given into the hands of the emperor
of Austria, who concerted with Philip Augustus the means of detaining him
in secrecy. His confinement, nevertheless, was soon known in England, and
means were used to discover his precise situation. General tradition gives
the merit of having ascertained his lord's prison to his favourite
troubadour Blondel, or Blondiau; and we may be surely allowed to regret
that no grave historian has confirmed the tale. However that may be, the
place of the king's confinement was discovered, and England began to cry
loudly for justice from all Christendom. Knightly honour and religious
feeling were invoked, and the infamy of detaining a traveller, a pilgrim,
and a crusader was proclaimed with the loud and powerful voice of a
people's indignation. Henry at length felt himself obligated to yield some
appearance of justice for detaining an independent monarch; and Richard
was brought before the diet at Worms, where he was charged with imaginary
crimes, the chief of which was the assassination of Conrad, Marquis of
Montferrat. Had the least shadow of reason been left on the side of the
emperor, Richard's fate would have been sealed; but the English monarch
defended himself with so much eloquence and justice, that no doubt
remained on the minds of those who heard him, and his ransom was agreed
upon at one hundred thousand marks of silver. This money was obtained with
difficulty, and John and Philip strove to raise greater sums to tempt the
cupidity of the emperor to retain the lion-hearted monarch. The avaricious
Henry hesitated on their proposals, and thus was the liberty of the noble
king of England set up to auction, till the Germanic body indignantly
interfered, the ransom was paid, and Richard returned to England.
[725] William of Nangis.
[726] Rigord; William the Breton.
[727] Will. of Nangis, ann. 1196.
[728] James of Vitry.
[729] Bernard the Treasurer.
[730] Bernard; Will. of Nangis, ann. 1197.
[731] James of Vitry.
[732] Hovedon.
[733] Fuller's Holy War; Bernard the Treasurer.
[734] James of Vitry; Bernard; Will. of Nangis; A. D. 1198.
[735] Vertot; Bernard.
[736] James of Vitry.
[737] Bernard; A. D. 1205.
[738] Sanut. cap. 3.
[739] Hovedon.
[740] The power of the orders of the Temple and the Hospital had, by this
time, become immense. Riches flowed in upon riches, and donation was added
to donation. In the year 1244, Matthew Paris declares the Templars
possessed in Europe nine thousand manors, and the Hospitallers nineteen
thousand.
[741] A. D. 1210.
[742] James, Cardinal de Vitry.
[743] A. D. 1202.
[744] Rigord.
[745] Ducange; Villehardouin chronique.
[746] Villehardouin.
[747] Ducange, Hist. de Constantinople sous les Français.
[748] Vit. Innocent III.
[749] Villehardouin.
[750] Ducange.
[751] Villehardouin.
[752] Baronius; Gesta Innocent III.
[753] Villehardouin.
[754] Villehardouin; Ducange, Hist. de Constantinople sous les Français.
[755] Ducange, notes on Villehardouin.
[756] Philip Mouskes.
[757] Villehardouin.
[758] It consisted of three hundred vessels of a large size, besides
palanders and storeships.
[759] November, 1202.
[760] Gunther; Villehardouin.
[761] Ducange; Villehardouin.
[762] Alberic; A. D. 1202.
[763] Villehardouin.
[764] Ducange.
[765] Villehardouin.
[766] Ducange.
[767] Gunther in Canisius.
[768] Mills says, that Innocent issued decrees and bulls against the
expedition to Constantinople, and founds his reasoning on a passage of
Baluzius: but it is extremely probable that the anger of the Pope was a
mere menace of the party opposed to the enterprise rather than an existing
fact. Baluzius was not present any more than Ducange; and surely, for
every thing where research is concerned, Ducange is the better authority
of the two: yet Ducange makes no mention of the opposition of the Pope,
and absolutely states that the legate counselled the attack on
Constantinople. See _Ducange_, _Hist. de Constantinople sous les
Francais_.
Geoffroy de Villehardouin, who was not only present, but one of the chief
actors in what he relates, speaks fully of the Pope's wrath at the attack
of Zara, but mentions no opposition to the enterprise against
Constantinople, though that enterprise was in agitation at the time the
deputies were sent to Rome. Philippe Mouskes, Bishop of Tournay, a
contemporary, states that the first application of the young Prince
Alexius to the crusaders was made by the advice of the Pope.
[769] Villehardouin.
[770] June, 1203.
[771] Nicetas, lib. iii. cap. 5.
[772] Villehardouin.
[773] Ibid.
[774] Dandolo, Chron.; Villehardouin.
[775] Epist. Innocent III.
[776] Villehardouin.
[777] Ducange; Villehardouin; Nicetas.
[778] Villehardouin.
[779] Nicetas.
[780] Ducange; Villehardouin.
[781] Ibid.
[782] Gest. Innoc. III.
[783] Ducange.
[784] Nicetas.
[785] Villehardouin.
[786] Nicetas.
[787] Nicetas; Villehardouin; Gest. Innoc. III.
[788] Villehardouin intimates that Murzuphlis put Alexius to death
immediately after having seized the crown; and the Chronicle in the Rouchy
dialect, No. 148, Bibliothéque de l'Arsenal, says, "Et ne demeura gaires
après que Morcuffle estrangla le josne empereur Alexes en la prison."
[789] Nicetas.
[790] Ducange; Villehardouin.
[791] Villehardouin; Ducange.
[792] Gunther; Ducange.
[793] Villehardouin.
[794] Ducange.
[795] 2d April, 1204.
[796] Nicetas.
[797] Gest. Inn. iii.
[798] Gunther; Villehardouin.
[799] Villehardouin; Ducange.
[800] Nicetas; Gunther.
[801] Nicetas.
[802] See note XI.
[803] Nicetas.
[804] Villehardouin; Ducange.
[805] Villehardouin.
[806] Nicetas; Ducange; Villehardouin; Alberic.
[807] Ducange.
[808] The cardinal legate invested Baldwin with the purple with his own
hands, and Innocent confirmed, in all points but those of ecclesiastical
government, the treaty by which the Venetians and the Franks had bound
themselves. He also took the greatest interest in the new state, and wrote
to all the prelates of France and Germany to support it by their preaching
and influence. This may be added to other proofs, that Innocent never
seriously opposed the expedition against the schismatic empire of the
Greeks. The truth in all probability is, that he made a show of turning
the crusaders from their purpose, both to preserve consistency and to
afford room for any after-exertion of his authority that he might judge
necessary: but that, at the same time, the cardinal legate very well
understood that he was to promote the enterprise, and to be slightly
blamed for it afterward, in order to screen his superior from the charge
of that ambitious craving for which, however, he was notorious. It would
be difficult to believe that Innocent, who triumphed over Philip Augustus,
the greatest monarch of the day, and forced him to abandon his dearest
wishes, would confine himself to idle threats, if he entertained any
serious disinclination to the attack of Constantinople.
[809] Reinaud rec. des Hist. Arabes.
[810] Vertot.
[811] Ducange.
[812] Alberic. Mon. Trium Fontium.
[813] Jacob. de Voragine; Albert Stadensis.
[814] Albericus.
[815] Jacob. de Voragine; Albert. Stadensis.
[816] Gest. Innocent III: Labbe concil. Matthew Paris, A. D. 1213.
[817] Chron. Godefrid Mon.; Bonfinius.
[818] Bernard the Treasurer.
[819] Jacob. Vitriae; Bernardus.
[820] Bernardus.
[821] Mere restlessness is stated by Mills to have been the cause of
Andrew's abandonment of the enterprise, but this was any thing but the
case. Andrew, it is true, was of a weak and unstable character; but there
were far too many dissensions in Hungary, and tragic horrors in his own
family, to permit of his remaining in Palestine without total ruin to
himself and his dominions.--See _Bonfinius_.
[822] Godefrid. Moc.; James of Vitry.
[823] Bernardus; James of Vitry.
[824] Matthew Paris.
[825] The whole of the siege of Damietta, and the events that followed, I
have taken from James of Vitry and the old French of Bernard the
Treasurer, with the Recueil des Hist. Arabes.
[826] James of Vitry, Bernard the Treasurer.
[827] This pestilence seems to have been somewhat like the sea scurvy. It
was not at all confined to the city, though it raged more furiously within
the walls. Nevertheless, many of the soldiers of the Cross were attacked
by it. James of Vitry, describing its effects, says, "A sudden pain took
possession of the feet and legs: soon after, the gums and the teeth became
affected with a sort of gangrene, and the sick persons were not able to
eat: then, the bones of the legs became horribly black; and thus, after
having suffered long torments, during which they showed much patience a
great number of Christians went to repose in the bosom of the Lord."
[828] James of Vitry; Bernardus.
[829] Recueil des Hist. Arabes; Matthew Paris; Bernard the Treasurer.
[830] Bernard.
[831] Matthew Paris.
[832] Matthew Paris, ad. ann. 1228.
[833] Bernardus.
[834] Rainaldus; Sanut.; William of Nangis, 1232.
[835] Bernard the Treasurer; Cont. of William of Tyre.
[836] For some curious particulars concerning the disputes between the
emperor and the Templars, see the old French of Bernard the Treasurer.
[837] Bernard.
[838] This story is doubtful. Matthew Paris says, that the Templars and
Hospitallers gave information to the sultaun that Frederic would, on a
certain day, make a pilgrimage to bathe in the River Jordan. It was not at
all likely, however, that two Orders which were always at enmity should
unite for such a purpose.
[839] Matthew Paris, ann. 1229.
[840] There were many motives which induced Frederic to return to Europe
besides disgust at the ungrateful conduct of the Syrian Christians. The
Pope, not content with using the spiritual sword against him, had
unsheathed the temporal one, and was waging a furious war against the
imperial lieutenant in Italy. It would seem a strange fact that John of
Brienne, ex-king of Jerusalem, and father-in-law of the emperor, was in
command of the papal forces which ravaged his son-in-law's territories,
had we not good reason to believe that Frederic's conduct to Violante (who
was now dead) had been of a nature that so chivalrous a man as John of
Brienne was not likely to pass unnoticed, when his daughter was the
sufferer. However, it is but just to remark that the reason why his
crusade did not entirely restore the Holy Land to the dominion of the
Christians, is to be found in the vindictive and unchristian enmity of
Pope Gregory IX. towards the Emperor Frederic.
[841] Matthew Paris.
[842] Sanutus.
[843] Regist. Greg. Noni, Vertot Preuves.
[844] Matthew Paris, 1237.
[845] Matthew Paris; Sanutus.
[846] Sanutus, lib. iii. page 216.
[847] The Emir of Karac was but a dependant of the Sultaun of Damascus.
[848] Matthew Paris; Litteræ Comit. Richardi.
[849] Sanutus; Vertot.
[850] Bibliothéque Oriental; Joinville; Ducange; Sanutus, 217;
Continuation of William of Tyre.
[851] Joinville; Matthew Paris; Bernard in Martenne.
[852] Joinville; Matthew Paris; Epist. Fred. Imper.
[853] Ducange; Joinville; Bernard.
[854] Bernard; Joinville, Matthew Paris.
[855] The whole of these events are extremely obscure in history. I have
followed Joinville more than any other author, because I find his account
more clear and satisfactory. Ducange's valuable notes have greatly aided
me; but even that indefatigable investigator has not been able to arrive
at precise certainty. The accounts in Matthew Paris do not well harmonize
with those of persons who had more immediate means of information. Vincent
of Beauvais states, that the Corasmins were finally exterminated, not in a
battle, but in separate bodies by the peasantry. Their whole number seems
to have been about twenty thousand men. Bernard the Treasurer, in
Martenne, corroborates the statement of Vincent of Beauvais.
[856] Joinville; Bernard in Martenne; Guillaume Guiart.
[857] Matthew Paris; Joinville.
[858] Joinville.
[859] Guillaume Guiart; Joinville.
[860] Joinville; Branche des royaux Lignages.
[861] Joinville.
[862] Joinville; Guillaume Guiart; Ducange.
[863] Joinville; Ducange, Guillaume Guiart.
[864] See note XII.
[865] Ducange; Joinville; Guillaume Guiart.
[866] A. D. 1254.
[867] A. D. 1270.
[868] Joinville.
[869] Guillaume Guiart.
[870] Joinville.
[871] Branche des royaux et Lignages; Sermon de Robert de Saincereaux.
[872] Charles, King of Sicily, was brother to St. Louis.
[873] Guillaume Guiart; William of Nangis.
[874] Hemingford; Langtoft; Matthew Paris, continuation.
[875] The popular version of this story is, that Eleonora, the wife of the
prince, who had accompanied him to Palestine, sucked the poison from the
wound, at the risk of her own life. Camden sanctions this account.
[876] Hemingford; Langtoft.
[877] Villani; Vet. Script.; Bernard, old French.
[878] Martenne; Villani.
[879] Martenne, Vet. Script.; Villani; Sanutus.
[880] Raynouard.
[881] For the history of the Templars, see Raynouard and Du Puy, Vertot,
William of Nangis, Historia Templariorum, &c. Almost all the modern
writers are more or less in favour of the Templars, while every
contemporary authority condemns them. As to Mills's assertion, that they
were loyal and virtuous, it is perfectly untenable. All the historians of
the Holy Land, many of whom died while the Templars were at the height of
their power, declare that they were a corrupt, proud, perfidious body.
Mills himself shows that such was the opinion entertained of them by the
Saracens; and all the general letters of the popes accuse them of manifold
vices and depravities.
[882] Vertot.
[883] Will. of Nangis.
[884] Vertot.
[885] He was afterward pardoned when the sultaun's wrath had abated but
Soliman would never see him more.
[886] Vertot.
[887] Watson; Vertot; Nic. Villagagnon.
[888] Vertot; Com. de Bel. Mel.
[889] Vertot; Com. de Bel. Mel. Nic. Villag.; Watson.
[890] Watson; Vertot; Com.
[891] Vertot.
[892] Jouvencel; Ordre de Chevalerie; Fabliaux de le Grand d'Aussi;
Chevalier de la Tour; Notes on St. Palaye.
[893] Froissart, chap. 290.
[894] Ibid. chap. 329.
[895] Alain Chartier Le Grand.
[896] La Colombiere Theatre.
End of Project Gutenberg's The History of Chivalry, by G. P. R. James