1829-1843.
CONSPIRACY AGAINST GUERRERO BY BUSTAMANTE--GUERRERO BETRAYED AND
SHOT.--ANECDOTE--REVOLT UNDER SANTA ANNA--HE RESTORES PEDRAZA AND
BECOMES PRESIDENT.--GOMEZ FARIAS DEPOSED--CHURCH.--CENTRAL
CONSTITUTION OF 1836--SANTA ANNA--HIS TEXAN DISGRACE--MEXIA.--
BUSTAMANTE PRESIDENT.--FRENCH AT VERA CRUZ.--REVOLTS IN THE NORTH
AND IN THE CAPITAL.--BUSTAMANTE DEPOSED--SANTA ANNA PRESIDENT.
Violent as was the conduct of the pretended liberals in overthrowing
their rivals the Escocesses, and firmly as it may be supposed such a
band was cemented in opposition to the machination of a bold
monarchical party, we, nevertheless, find that treason existed in the
hearts of the conspirators against the patriot hero whom they had used
in their usurpation of the presidency. Scarcely had Guerrero been
seated in the chair of state when it became known that there was a
conspiracy to displace him. He had been induced by the condition of
the country, and by the bad advice of his enemies to assume the
authority of dictator. This power, he alleged, was exercised only for
the suppression of the intriguing Escocesses; but its continued
exercise served as a pretext at least, for the vice president, General
Bustamante, to place himself at the head of a republican division and
pronounce against the president he had so recently contributed to
place in power. The executive commanded Santa Anna to advance against
the assailants; but this chief, at first, feebly opposed the
insurgents, and, finally, fraternizing with Bustamante, marched on the
capital whence they drove Guerrero and his partisans to Valladolid in
Michoacan. Here the dethroned dictator organized a government, whilst
the usurping vice president, Bustamante, assumed the reins in the
capital. In Michoacan, Guerrero, who was well known and loved for his
revolutionary enterprises in the west of Mexico, found no difficulty
in recruiting a force with which he hoped to regain his executive
post. Congress was divided in opinion between the rival factions of
the liberalists, and the republic was shaken by the continual strife,
until Bustamante despatched a powerful division against Guerrero,
which defeated, and dispersed his army. This was the conclusion of
that successful warrior's career. He was a good soldier but a
miserable statesman. His private character and natural disposition are
represented, by those who knew him best, to have been irreproachable;
yet he was fitted alone for the early struggles of Mexico in the
field, and was so ignorant of the administrative functions needed in
his country at such a period, that it is not surprising to find he had
been used as a tool, and cast aside when the service for which his
intriguing coadjutors required him was performed. His historical
popularity and character rendered him available for a reckless party
in overthrowing a constitutional election; and, even when beaten by
the new usurper, and with scarcely the shadow of a party in the
nation, it was still feared that his ancient usefulness in the wars of
independence, might render him again the nucleus of political
discontent. Accordingly, the pursuit of Guerrero was not abandoned
when his army fled. The west coast was watched by the myrmidons of the
usurpers, and the war-worn hero was finally betrayed on board a vessel
by a spy, where he was arrested for bearing arms against the
government of which he was the real head, according to the solemn
decision of congress! In February, 1831, a court martial, ordered by
General Montezuma tried him for this pretended crime. His sentence
was, of course, known as soon as his judges were named; and, thus,
another chief of the revolutionary war was rewarded by death for his
patriotic services. We cannot regard this act of Bustamante and Santa
Anna, except as a deliberate murder for which they richly deserve the
condemnation of impartial history, even if they had no other crimes to
answer at the bar of God and their country.
Whilst these internal contests were agitating the heart of Mexico, an
expedition had been fitted out at Havana composed of four thousand
troops commanded by Barradas, designed to invade the lost colony and
restore it to the Spanish crown. The accounts given of this force and
its condition when landed at Tampico, vary according to the partizans
by whom they are written; but there is reason to believe that the
Spanish troops were so weakened by disease and losses in the summer of
1830, that when Santa Anna and a French officer,--Colonel
Woll--attacked them in the month of September, they fell an easy prey
into the hands of the Mexicans. Santa Anna, however, with his usual
talent for such composition, magnified the defeat into a magnificent
conquest. He was hailed as the victor who broke the last link between
Spain and her viceroyalty. Pompous bulletins and despatches were
published in the papers; and the commander-in-chief returned to the
capital, covered with honors, as the saviour of the republic.
There is an anecdote connected with the final expulsion of the Spaniards
from Mexico, which deserves to be recorded as it exhibits a fact which
superstitious persons might conceive to be the avenging decree of
retributive providence. Doña Isabel Montezuma, the eldest daughter of
the unfortunate Emperor had been married to his successor on the Aztec
throne, and, after his wretched death, was united to various
distinguished Spaniards, the last of whom was Juan Andrade, ancestor of
the Andrade Montezumas and Counts of Miravalle. General Miguel Barragan,
who afterwards became president _ad interim_ of Mexico, and to whom the
castle of San Juan de Ulua was surrendered by the European forces--was
married to Manuela Trebuesta y Casasola, daughter of the _last_ Count of
Miravalle, and it is thus a singular coincidence that the husband of a
lady who was the legitimate descendant of Montezuma, should have been
destined to receive the keys of the _last_ stronghold on which the
Spanish banner floated on this continent![64]
* * * * *
By intrigue and victories Santa Anna had acquired so much popular
renown throughout the country and with the army that he found the time
was arriving when he might safely avail himself of his old and recent
services against Iturbide and Barradas. Under the influence of his
machinations Bustamante began to fail in popular estimation. He was
spoken of as a tyrant; his administration was characterized as
inauspicious; and the public mind was gradually prepared for an
outbreak in 1832. Santa Anna, who had, in fact, placed and sustained
Bustamante in power, was, in reality, the instigator of this revolt.
The ambitious chief, first of all issued his _pronunciamiento_ against
the ministry of the president, and then, shortly after, against that
functionary himself. But Bustamante, a man of nerve and capacity, was
not to be destroyed as easily as his victim, Guerrero. He threw
himself at the head of his loyal troops and encountering the rebels at
Tolomi routed them completely. Santa Anna, therefore, retired to Vera
Cruz, and, strengthening his forces from some of the other states,
declared himself in favor of the restoration of the constitutional
president Pedraza, whom he had previously driven out of Mexico. As
Bustamante advanced towards the coast his army melted away. The
country was opposed to him. He was wise enough to perceive that his
usurped power was lost; and prudently entered into a pacific
convention with Santa Anna at Zavaleta in December, 1832. The
successful insurgent immediately despatched a vessel for the banished
Pedraza, and brought him back to the capital to serve out the
remaining three months of his unexpired administration!
The object of Santa Anna in restoring Pedraza was not to sustain any
one of the old parties which had now become strangely mingled and
confused by the factions or ambitions of all the leaders. His main
design was to secure the services and influence of the centralists, as
far as they were yet available, in controlling his election to the
presidency upon which he had fixed his heart. On the 16th of May,
1833, he reached the goal of his ambition.[65]
The congress of 1834 was unquestionably federal republican in its
character, and Santa Anna seemed to be perfectly in accord with his
vice presidential compeer, Gomez Farias. But the church,--warned by a
bill introduced into congress the previous year by Zavala, by which he
aimed a blow at the temporalities of the spiritual lords,--did not
remain contented spectators while the power reposed in the hands of
his federal partizans. The popular representatives were accordingly
approached by skilful emissaries, and it was soon found that the
centralists were strongly represented in a body hitherto regarded as
altogether republican. It is charged in Mexico, that bribery was
freely resorted to; and, when the solicitations became sufficiently
powerful, even the inflexible patriotism of Santa Anna yielded, though
the vice president Farias, remained incorruptible.
On the 13th of May, 1834, the president suddenly and unwarrantably
dissolved congress, and maintained his arbitrary decree and power by
the army, which was entirely at his service. In the following year,
Gomez Farias was deposed from the vice presidency by the venal
congress, and Barragan raised to the vacant post. The militia was
disarmed, the central forces strengthened, and the people placed
entirely at the mercy of the executive and his minions, who completed
the destruction of the constitution of 1824 by blotting it from the
statute book of Mexico.
Puebla, Jalisco, Oaxaca, parts of Mexico, Zacatecas and Texas revolted
against this assumption of the centralists, though they were finally not
able to maintain absolutely their free stand against the dictator.
Zacatecas and Texas, alone, presented a formidable aspect to Santa Anna,
who was, nevertheless, too strong and skilful for the ill regulated
forces of the former state. The victorious troops entered the rebellious
capital with savage fury; and, after committing the most disgusting acts
of brutality and violence against all classes and sexes, they disarmed
the citizens entirely and placed a military governor over the province.
In Coahuila and Texas, symptoms of discontent were far more important,
for the federalists met at Monclova, and, after electing Agustin Viesca
governor, defied the opposite faction by which a military officer had
been assigned to perform the execute the duties of the state. General
Cos, however, soon dispersed the legislature by violence and imprisoned
the governor and his companions whom he arrested as they were hastening
to cross the Rio Grande. These evil doings were regarded sorrowfully but
sternly by the North Americans who had flocked to Texas, under the
sanctions and assurances of the federal constitution, and they resolved
not to countenance the usurpation of their unquestionable rights.
Such was the state of affairs in the Mexican Republic when the PLAN OF
TOLUCA was issued, by which the federal constitution was absolutely
abolished, and the principles of a consolidated central government
fully announced. Previous to this, however, a _pronunciamiento_ had
been made by a certain Escalada at Morelia, in favor of the _fueros_,
or especial privileges and rights of the church and army. This
outbreak was, of course, central in its character; whilst another
ferment in Cuautla had been productive of Santa Anna's nomination as
dictator, an office which he promptly refused to accept.
The Plan of Toluca was unquestionably favored by Santa Anna who had
gone over to the centralists. It was a scheme designed to test
national feeling and to prepare the people for the overthrow of state
governments. The supreme power was vested by it in the executive and
national congress; and the states were changed into departments under
the command of military governors, who were responsible for their
trust to the chief national authorities instead of the people. Such
was the Central Constitution of 1836.
It is quite probable that Santa Anna's prudent care of himself and his
popularity, as well as his military patriotism induced him to leave
the government in the hands of the vice president Barragan whilst the
new constitution was under discussion, and to lead the Mexican troops,
personally, against the revolted Texans, who had never desisted from
open hostility to the central usurpations. But as the history of that
luckless expedition is to be recounted elsewhere in this volume, we
shall content ourselves with simply recording the fact that on the
21st of April, 1836, the president and his army were completely routed
by General Houston and the Texans; and, that instead of returning to
the metropolis crowned with glory, as he had done from the capture of
Barradas, Santa Anna owed his life to the generosity of the Texan
insurgents whose companions in arms had recently been butchered by his
orders at Goliad and San Antonio de Bejar.[66]
During Santa Anna's absence, vice president Barragan filled the
executive office up to the time of his death, when he was succeeded by
Coro, until the return from France of Bustamante, who had been elected
president under the new central constitution of 1836. In the following
year Santa Anna was sent back to Mexico in a vessel of the United
States government. But he was a disgraced man in the nation's eyes. He
returned to his _hacienda_ of Manga de Clavo, and burying himself for
a while in obscurity, was screened from the open manifestation of
popular odium. Here he lurked until the brilliant attempt was made to
disenthral his country by Mexia, in 1838. Demanding, once more, the
privilege of leading the army, he was entrusted with its command, and,
encountering the defender of federation in the neighborhood of Puebla,
he gave him battle immediately. Mexia lost the day; and, with brief
time for shrift or communication with his family, he was condemned by
a drum-head court martial and shot upon the field of battle. This was
a severe doom; but the personal animosity between the commanders was
equally unrelenting, for when the sentence was announced to the brave
but rash Mexia, he promptly and firmly declared that Santa Anna was
right to execute him on the spot, inasmuch, as he would not have
granted the usurper half the time that elapsed since his capture, had
it been his destiny to prove victorious!
Soon after the accession of Bustamante there had been _gritos_ in
favor of federation and Gomez Farias, who was, at that period,
imprisoned; but these trifling outbreaks were merely local and easily
suppressed by Pedraza and Rodriguez.
In the winter of 1838, however, Mexico was more severely threatened
from abroad than she had recently been by her internal discords. It
was at this time that a French fleet appeared at Vera Cruz, under the
orders of Admiral Baudin, to demand satisfaction for injuries to
French subjects, and unsettled pecuniary claims which had been long
and unavailingly subjects of diplomacy. Distracted for years by
internal broils that paralyzed the industry of the country ever since
the outbreak of the revolution, Mexico was in no condition to respond
promptly to demands for money. But national pride forbade the idea of
surrendering without a blow. The military resources of the country and
of the Castle of San Juan de Ulua, were, accordingly, mustered with
due celerity, and the assailed department of Vera Cruz entrusted to
the defence of Santa Anna, whose fame had been somewhat refreshed by
his victory over Mexia. Meanwhile the French fleet kept up a stringent
blockade of Vera Cruz, and still more crippled the commercial revenues
of Mexico by cutting off the greater part of its most valuable trade.
Finding, however, that neither the blockade nor additional diplomacy
would induce the stubborn government to accede to terms which the
Mexicans knew would finally be forced on them, the French squadron
attacked the city with forces landed from the vessels, whilst they
assailed the redoubtable castle with three frigates, a corvette and
two bomb vessels, whence, during an action of six hours, they threw
three hundred and two shells, one hundred and seventy-seven paixhan,
and seven thousand seven hundred and seventy-one solid shot. The
assaults upon the town were not so successful as those on the castle,
where the explosion of a magazine forced the Mexicans to surrender.
The troops that had been landed were not numerous enough to hold the
advantages they gained; and it was in gallantly repulsing a storming
party at the gates of the city, that Santa Anna lost a leg by a
parting shot from a small piece of ordnance as the French retreated on
the quay to their boats.
The capture of the castle, however, placed the city at the mercy of the
French, and the Mexicans were soon induced to enter into satisfactory
stipulations for the adjustment of all debts and difficulties.
* * * * *
In 1839, General Canales fomented a revolt in some of the
north-eastern departments. The proposal of this insurgent was to form
a republican confederation of Coahuila, Tamaulipas, and Durango, which
three states or departments, he designed should adopt for themselves
the federal constitution of 1824, and, assuming the title of the
independent "Republic of the Rio Grande," should pledge themselves to
co-operate with Texas against Bustamante and the centralists. An
alliance was entered into with Texas to that effect, and an expedition
of united Texans and Republicans of the Rio Grande, was set on foot to
occupy Coahuila; but at the appearance of General Arista in the field
early in 1840, and after an action in which the combined forces were
defeated, Canales left the discomfitted Texans to seek safety by
hastening back to their own territory.
The administration of Bustamante was sorely tried by foreign and
domestic broils, for, whilst Texas and the Republic of the Rio Grande
were assailing him in the north, the federalists attacked him in the
capital, and the Yucatecos revolted in the south. This last outbreak
was not quelled as easily as the rebellion in the north; nor was it,
in fact, until long afterwards during another administration, that the
people of the Peninsula were again induced to return to their
allegiance. Bustamante seems to have vexed the Yucatecos by unwise
interference in the commercial and industrial interests of the
country. The revolt was temporarily successful; On the 31st of March,
1841, a constitution was proclaimed in Yucatan, which erected it into
a free and sovereign state, and exempted the people from many burdens
as well as the odious intolerance of all other religions except the
Roman Catholic, that had been imposed by both the federal constitution
of 1824 and the central one of 1836.
* * * * *
The discontent with Bustamante's administration, arising chiefly from
a consumption duty of 15 per cent. which had been imposed by congress,
was now well spread throughout the republic. The pronunciamiento of
Urrea on the 15th of July, 1840, at the palace of Mexico was mainly an
effort of the federalists to put down violently the constitution of
1836; and although the insurgents had possession, at one period, of
the person of the president, yet the revolt was easily suppressed by
Valencia and his faithful troops in the capital.
But, a year later, the revolutionary spirit had ripened into readiness
for successful action. We have reason to believe that the most
extensive combinations were made by active agents in all parts of
Mexico to ensure the downfall of Bustamante and the elevation of Santa
Anna. Accordingly, in August, 1841, a _pronunciamiento_ of General
Paredes, in Guadalajara, was speedily responded to by Valencia and
Lombardini in the capital, and by Santa Anna himself at Vera Cruz. But
the outbreak was not confined merely to proclamations or the adhesion
of military garrisons; for a large body of troops and citizens
continued loyal to the president and resolved to sustain the
government in the capital. This fierce fidelity to the constitution on
the one hand, and bitter hostility to the chief magistrate on the
other, resulted in one of the most sanguinary conflicts that had taken
place in Mexico since the early days of independence. For a whole
month the contest was carried on with balls and grape shot in the
streets of Mexico, whilst the rebels, who held the citadel outside the
city, finished the shameless drama, by throwing a shower of bombs into
the metropolis, shattering the houses, and involving innocent and
guilty, citizens, strangers, combatants and non-combatants, in a
common fate. This cowardly assault under the orders of Valencia, was
made solely with the view of forcing the citizens, who were
unconcerned in the quarrel between the factions, into insisting upon
the surrender of Mexico, in order to save their town and families from
destruction. There was a faint show of military man[oe]uvres in the
fields adjoining the city; but the troops on both sides shrank from
battle when they were removed from the protecting shelter of walls and
houses. At length, the intervention of Mexican citizens who were most
interested in the cessation of hostilities, produced an arrangement
between the belligerants at Estanzuela near the capital, and, finally,
the PLAN OF TACUBAYA was agreed on by the chiefs--as a substitute for
the constitution of 1836. By the seventh article of this document,
Santa Anna was effectually invested with dictatorial powers until a
new constitution was formed.
The Plan of Tacubaya provided that a congress should be convened, in
1842, to form a new constitution, and in June, a body of patriotic
citizens, chosen by the people, assembled for that purpose in the
metropolis. Santa Anna opened the session with a speech in which he
announced his predilection for a strong central government, but he
professed perfect willingness to yield to whatever might be the
decision of congress. Nevertheless, in December of the same year,
after the assembly had made two efforts to form a constitution
suitable to the country and the cabinet, president Santa Anna,--in
spite of his professed submission to the national will expressed
through the representatives,--suddenly and unauthorizedly, dissolved
the congress. It was a daring act; but Santa Anna knew that he could
rely upon his troops, his officers, and the mercantile classes for
support. The capital wanted quietness for a while; and the interests
of trade as well as the army united in confidence in the strong will
of one who was disposed to maintain order by force.
After congress had been dissolved by Santa Anna, there was, of course,
no further necessity of an appeal to the people. The nation had
spoken, but its voice was disregarded. Nothing therefore remained,
save to allow the dictator, himself, to frame the organic laws; and
for this purpose he appointed a Junta of Notables, who proclaimed, on
the 13th of June, 1843, an instrument which never took the name of a
constitution, but bore the mongrel title of "Bases of the Political
Organization of the Mexican Republic." It is essentially _central_, in
its provisions; and whilst it is as intolerant upon the subject of
religion, as the two former fundamental systems, it is even less
popular in its general provisions than the constitution of 1836.
[Footnote 64: Alaman Disertaciones, vol. i, p. 219.]
[Footnote 65: The following letter from Santa Anna to a distinguished
foreigner, will afford the reader a specimen of his personal modesty
and political humility. The individual to whom it was written, was
afterwards expelled by Santa Anna from the republic during his
presidency, after having been invited by him to the country:
"VERA CRUZ, October 11th, 1831.
"MY ESTEEMED FRIEND:--I have the pleasure to answer your favor of the
5th ultimo, by which I perceive that my letter of the 9th of April
last, came to hand. I have received the prospectus of the "Foreign
College" you contemplate to establish, which not only meets with my
entire approbation, but, considering your talents and uncommon
acquirements, I congratulate you on employing them in a manner so
generally useful, and personally honorable. I thank you cordially for
the news and observations you have had the kindness to communicate to
me, and both make me desire the continuation of your esteemed
epistles. _Retired as I am, on my farm, and there exclusively devoted
to the cultivation and improvement of my small estate, I cannot reply,
as I desire, to the news with which you have favored me._ But, even in
that retirement, and though separated from the arena of politics, I
could never view with indifference any discredit thrown on my country,
nor any thing which might, in the smallest degree, possess that
tendency. We enjoy at present peace and tranquillity, and I do not
know of any other question of public interest now in agitation, than
the approaching _elections of President_ and Vice President. When that
period shall arrive, should I obtain a majority of suffrages, I am
_ready to accept_ the honor, and to sacrifice, for the benefit of the
nation my repose and the charms of private life. _My fixed system is
to be called_ (ser llamado), resembling in this a _modest maid_
(modesta doncella), _who rather expects to be desired, than to show
herself to be desiring_. I think that my position justifies me in this
respect. Nevertheless, as what is written in a foreign country has
much influence at home, especially among us, in your city I think it
proper to _make a great step on this subject_; and by fixing the true
aspect, in which such or such services should be regarded, as respects
the various candidates, one could undoubtedly contribute _to fix here
public opinion, which is at present extremely wavering and uncertain_.
Of course, this is the peculiar province of the friends of Mexico; and
as well by this title, as on account of the acquirements and
instruction you possess, _I know of no one better qualified than
yourself to execute such a benevolent undertaking_.
* * * * *
"I hope you will favor me from time to time with information, which
will always give satisfaction to your _true friend_ and servant, who
kisses your hands."
"ANTONIO LOPEZ DE SANTA ANNA."
]
[Footnote 66: See Gen. Waddy Thompson's Recollections of Mexico, p.
69, for Santa Anna's wretched vindication of these sanguinary deeds.]