CHAPTER IV

1821-1824.

O'DONOJU VICEROY.--CONDUCT OF ITURBIDE--NOVELLA.--REVOLT--TREATY

OF CORDOVA.--FIRST MEXICAN CORTES--ITURBIDE EMPEROR--HIS

CAREER--EXILED TO ITALY.--ITURBIDE RETURNS--ARREST--EXECUTION--HIS

CHARACTER AND SERVICES.

O'DONOJU, LXII. VICEROY OF NEW SPAIN, ITURBIDE, EMPEROR OF

MEXICO.--1821-1824.

It will be seen by the Plan of Iguala, that Mexico was designed to

become an independent sovereignty under Ferdinand VII. or, in the

event of his refusal, under the Infantes Don Carlos and Don Francisco

de Paula. Iturbide was still a royalist--not a republican; and it is

very doubtful whether he would ever have assented to popular

authority, even had his life been spared to witness the final

development of the revolution. It is probable that his penetrating

mind distinguished between popular hatred of unjust restraint, and the

genuine capacity of a nation for liberty, nor is it unlikely that he

found among his countrymen but few of those self-controlling,

self-sacrificing and progressive elements, which constitute the only

foundation upon which a republic can be securely founded. His ambition

had not yet been fully developed by success, and it cannot be imagined

that he had already fixed his heart upon the imperial throne.

When the Plan of Iguala was proclaimed, the entire army of the future

emperor, consisted of only eight hundred men, all of whom took the

oath of fidelity to the project, though many deserted when they found

the country was not immediately unanimous in its approval.

In the capital, the viceroy appears to have been paralyzed by the sudden

and unexpected movement of his officer. He paused, hesitated, failed to

act, and was deposed by the Europeans, who treated him as they had

Iturrigaray in 1808. Don Francisco de Novella, an artillery officer, was

installed temporarily in his stead, but the appointment created a

dissension among the people in the capital and the country, and this so

completely prostrated the action of the central authorities, who might

have crushed the revolution by a blow, that Iturbide was enabled to

prosecute his designs throughout the most important parts of the

interior of the country, without the slightest resistance.

He seized a million of dollars on their way to the west coast, and

joined Guerrero who still held out on the river Zacatula with the last

remnant of the old revolutionary forces. Guerrero gave in his adhesion

to Iturbide, as soon as he ascertained that it was the general's

design to make Mexico _independent_, though, in all likelihood, he

disapproved the other features of the plan. Guerrero's act was of the

greatest national importance. It rallied all the veteran fighters and

friends of Morelos and the Bravos. Almost all of the former leaders

and their dispersed bands, came forth, at the cry of "independence,"

under the banner of Iturbide. Victoria even, for a while, befriended

the rising hero; but he had fought for a liberal government, and did

not long continue on amicable terms with one who could not control his

truly independent spirit. The clergy, as well as the people, signified

their intention to support the gallant insurgent;--and, in fact, the

whole country, from Vera Cruz to Acapulco, with the exception of the

capital, was soon open in its adhesion to him and his army.

DON JUAN O'DONOJU, LXII. VICEROY OF NEW SPAIN.--1821.

Iturbide was now in full authority, and whilst preparing to march on the

city of Mexico, in which the viceroy, _ad interim_, was shut up, he

learned that Don Juan O'Donoju had arrived at San Juan de Ulua to fill

the place of Apodaca as viceroy. Proposals were immediately sent by the

general to this new functionary, and in an interview with him at

Cordova, Iturbide proposed the adoption of the Plan of Iguala _by

treaty_, as the only project by which the Spaniards in Mexico could be

saved from the fury of the people, and the sovereignty of the colony

preserved for Ferdinand. We shall not pause to enquire whether the

viceroy was justified or even empowered, to compromise the rights of

Spain by such a compact. O'Donoju, though under the safeguard of a

truce, was in truth a helpless man as soon as he touched the soil of

Mexico, for no portions of it were actually under the Spanish authority

except the castle of San Juan de Ulua and the capital, whose garrisons

were chiefly composed of European levies. Humanity, perhaps, ultimately

controlled his decision, and in the name of his master, he recognised

the independence of Mexico and yielded the metropolis to the "army of

the three Guaranties," which entered it peacefully on the 27th of

September, 1821. A provisional Junta of thirty-six persons immediately

elected a regency of five, of which Iturbide was president, and, at the

same time, he was created Generalissimo, Lord High Admiral, and assigned

a yearly stipend of one hundred and twenty thousand dollars.

On the 24th of February, 1822, the first Mexican Congress or Cortes,

met; but it contained within it the germ of all the future

discontents, which since that day, have harassed and nearly ruined

Mexico. Scarcely had this body met when three parties manifested their

bitter animosities and personal ambitions. The Bourbonists adhered,

loyally, to the Plan of Iguala, a constitutional monarchy and the

sovereignty of Ferdinand. The Republicans, discarded the plan as a

device that had served its day, and insisted upon a central or federal

republic; and, last of all, the partisans of the successful soldier,

still clung to all of the plan save the clause which gave the throne

to a Bourbon prince, for, at heart, they desired to place Iturbide

himself upon it, and thus to cut off their country forever from all

connection with Europe.

As soon as O'Donoju's treaty of Cordova reached Spain, it was

nullified by the Cortes, and the Bourbon party in Mexico, of course

fell with it. The Republicans and Iturbidists, alone remained on the

field to contend for the prize, and after congress had disgraced

itself by incessant bickerings over the army and the public funds, a

certain Pio Marcha, first sergeant of the first regiment of infantry

gathered a band of _leperos_ before the palace of Iturbide on the

night of the 18th of May, 1822, and proclaimed him Emperor, with the

title of AGUSTIN THE FIRST. A show of resistance was made by Iturbide

against the proffered crown; but it is likely that it was in reality,

as faint as his joy was unbounded at the sudden elevation from a

barrack room to the imperial palace. Congress, of course, approved the

decision of the mob and army. The provinces sanctioned the acts of

their representatives, and Iturbide ascended the throne.

But his reign was brief. Rapid success, love of power, impatience of

restraint,--all of which are characteristic of the Spanish

soldier,--made him strain the bonds of constitutional right. His

struggles for control were incessant. "He demanded," says Ward, "a

veto upon all articles of the constitution then under discussion, and

the right of appointing and removing, at pleasure, the members of the

supreme tribunal of justice. He recommended also the establishment of

a military tribunal in the capital, with powers but little inferior to

those exercised by the Spanish commandants during the revolution; and

when these proposals were firmly rejected, he arrested, on the night

of the 26th August, 1822, fourteen of the deputies who had advocated,

during the discussion, principles but little in unison with the views

of the government."

This high handed measure, and the openly manifested displeasure of

congress, produced so complete a rupture between the emperor and the

popular representatives, that it was impossible to conduct public

affairs with any concert of action. Accordingly, Iturbide dissolved

the assembly, and on the 30th of October, 1822, created an Instituent

Junta of forty-five persons selected by himself from amongst the most

pliant members of the recent congress. This irregularly formed body

was intolerable to the people, while the expelled deputies, who

returned to their respective districts, soon spread the spirit of

discontent and proclaimed the American usurper to be as dangerous as

the European despot.

In November, General Garza headed a revolt in the northern provinces.

SANTA ANNA, then governor of Vera Cruz, declared against the emperor.

General Echavari, sent by Iturbide to crush the future president of

Mexico, resolved not to stem the torrent of public opinion, and joined

the general he had been commissioned to capture. Guadalupe

Victoria,--driven to his fastnesses by the emperor, who was unable to

win the incorruptible patriot, descended once more from the mountain

forests, where he had been concealed, and joined the battalions of

Santa Anna. And, on the 1st of February, 1823, a convention, called

the "Act of Casa-Mata," was signed, by which the re-establishment of

the National Representative Assembly was pledged.

The country was soon in arms. The Marques Vibanco, Generals Guerrero,

Bravo, and Negrete, in various sections of the nation, proclaimed

their adhesion to the popular movement; and on the 8th of March, 1823,

Iturbide, finding that the day was lost, offered his abdication to

such members of the old congress as he was able to assemble hastily in

the metropolis. The abdication was, however, twice refused on the

ground that congress, by accepting it, would necessarily sanction the

legality of his right to wear the crown; nevertheless, that body

permitted his departure from Mexico, after endowing him liberally with

an income of twenty-five thousand dollars a year, besides providing a

vessel to bear him and his family to Leghorn in Italy.

Victoria, Bravo, and Negrete entered the capital on the 27th of

March, and were chosen by the old congress which quickly reassembled,

as a triumvirate to exercise supreme executive powers until the new

congress assembled in the following August. In October, 1824, this

body finally sanctioned the federal constitution, which, after various

revolutions, overthrows, and reforms, was readopted in the year 1847.

On the 14th of July, 1824, a vessel under British colors was perceived

on the Mexican coast near the mouth of the Santander. On the next day,

a Polish gentlemen came on shore from the ship, and, announcing

himself as Charles de Beneski, visited General Felix la Garza,

commandant of the district of Soto la Marina. He professed to visit

that remote district, with a friend, for the purpose of purchasing

land from the government on which they designed establishing a colony.

Garza gave them leave to enter the country for this purpose; but

suspicions were soon aroused against the singular visitors and they

were arrested. As soon as the friend of the Pole was stripped of his

disguise, the Emperor Iturbide stood in front of Garza, whom he had

disgraced for his participation in the revolt during his brief reign.

La Garza immediately secured the prisoner, and sent him to Padilla,

where he delivered him to the authorities of Tamaulipas. The state

legislature being in session, promptly resolved, in the excess of

patriotic zeal, to execute a decree of the congress, passed in the

preceding April, by condemning the royal exile to death. Short time

was given Iturbide to arrange his affairs. He was allowed no appeal to

the general government. He confessed to a priest on the evening of the

19th of July, and was led to the place of execution, where he fell,

pierced with four balls, two of which took effect in his brain and two

in his heart!

Thus perished the hero who, suddenly, unexpectedly, and effectually,

crushed the power of Spain in North America. It is not fair to judge him

by the standards that are generally applied to the life of a

distinguished civilian, or even of a successful soldier, in countries

where the habits and education of the people fit them for duties

requiring forbearance, patience, or high intellectual culture. Iturbide

was, according to all reliable accounts, a refined gentleman, yet he was

tyrannical and sometimes cruel, for it is recorded in his own

handwriting, that on Good Friday, 1814, "in honor of the day, he had

just ordered three hundred excommunicated wretches to be shot!" His

early life was passed in the saddle and the barrack room; nor had he

much leisure to pursue the studies of a statesman, even if his mind had

been capable of resolving all their mysteries. His temper was not

calculated for the liberal debates of a free senate. He was better

fitted to discipline an army than to guide a nation. Educated in a

school in which subordination is a necessity, and where unquestioning

obedience is exacted, he was unable to appreciate the rights of

deliberative assemblies. He felt, perhaps, that, in the disorganized

condition of his country, it was needful to control the people by force

in order to save the remnant of civilization from complete anarchy. But

he wanted conciliatory manners to seduce the congress into obedience to

his behests,--and he therefore unfortunately and unwisely played the

military despot when he should have acted the part of a quiet

diplomatist. Finding himself, in two years, emperor of Mexico, after

being, at the commencement of that period, nothing more than commander

of a regiment, it may be pardoned if he was bewildered by the rapidity

of his rise, and if the air he breathed in his extraordinary ascent was

too etherial for a man of so excitable a temperament.

In every aspect of his character, we must regard him as one altogether

inadequate to shape the destiny of a nation emerging from the blood

and smoke of two revolutions,--a nation whose political tendencies

towards absolute freedom, were at that time, naturally, the positive

reverse of his own.

Death sealed the lips of men who might have clamored for him in the

course of a few years, when the insubordinate spirit that was soon

manifested needed as bold an arm as that of Iturbide, in his best

days, to check or guide it. Public opinion was decidedly opposed to

his sudden and cruel slaughter. Mexicans candidly acknowledged that

their country's independence was owing to him; and whilst they

admitted that Garza's zeal for the emperor's execution might have been

lawful, they believed that revenge for his former disgrace, rather

than patriotism, induced the rash and ruthless soldier to hasten the

death of the noble victim whom fortune had thrown in his lonely path.

[Illustration: (Signature--Augustine de Iturbide)]

Mexico, Aztec, Spanish and Republican, Vol. 1 of 2 A Historical, Geographical, Political, Statistical and Social Account of That Country From the Period of the Invasion by the Spaniards to the Present Time. · 第 4 / 17 章