The duty of the philanthropist is to point out the harmony of interests
that exists between the extremes of the different grades that society
consists of. There are a certain class of would-be reformers, who make
it their business to stir up strife and contention between these grades,
and thus to separate their interests, and to make it appear that they
are antagonistic. The number of the latter class as compared with the
former, gives them a preponderant influence, which, added to the real
grievances existing, enables them to create considerable excitement and
much imagined wrong, which has no foundation in fact.
The laboring classes, being occupied by their labor, do not devote much
time to the study of the circumstances that control their condition.
They see that other classes fatten from their productions, and without
stopping to inquire why it is so, straightway conclude that they are the
subjects of an oppressive power which desires to completely wrest the
results of their labor from them, and to always keep them in the
condition of virtual vassalage. This conclusion rouses the spirit of
independence in the laborer, and he determines to redress his wrongs. He
sets about forming combinations, having in view the control of wages and
hours, not comprehending that the remedy lies deeper than these, or that
these would regulate themselves, could the true cause of the condition
they rebel against be reached and generally understood. While it is true
that capital can never enslave labor to a degree that can be considered
compulsory on the part of capital, and unnecessary on the part of labor,
it is equally true that labor cannot compel capital to its commands.
Therefore both these methods of cure should be abandoned, and preventive
means be resorted to instead. And these it is our duty to point out.
The judicious architect, before pulling down the old structure, provides
the material to replace it; in other words, he substitutes the new for
the old, and in the process leaves no unnecessary interval in which the
fostered interests shall be left to the vicissitudes of anarchy. It is
evident from the rapidly spreading knowledge among the laboring classes,
that they will soon demand some modifications in the forms, and in the
relations they sustain through them to society. Before breaking down the
present organizations society exists in, by revolution, which would end
in a period of anarchy, out of which better conditions _might_ grow, the
better conditions should be first considered, prepared and determined
upon, and, by being thoroughly understood, should be substituted for the
present by general consent, without society being compelled to pass
through the anarchical period that succeeds all violent disruptions of
present forms, whether in government, religion or society.
As society is constructed at present, it must look to legislation to
produce forms and to enforce order through them, that society may
observe in their operations the better results to them. Society
expresses itself most powerfully through legislation. Public opinion is
a force capable of many things, but is powerless to redress grievances
or to institute the new and better for the old and decayed, unless it is
directed by the formula of law. All the energies of labor reform, then,
should be directed to the main point, from which benefit to itself must
spring. It should waste no time nor strength upon the minor issues, but
concentrate all upon the one strategic point. And when this
concentration is effected, it should not fritter away its strength by
dealing with the contingencies of the present, or in small expedients,
to enable us to dodge along, simply escaping shipwreck, to be again
forced the next day, week or year, to the same expedients to escape
similar shoals. Instead, it should direct all its capacities to
substitute a new and better foundation, upon which a new and better
superstructure of society can be reared. How shall such a work be begun?
Legislation is the primary constructive point from which better
conditions must emanate. The laboring classes, then, must see to it that
they are properly represented in legislation. Nor should they be
deceived into the support of any who, by bluster and tongue, loudly
proclaim themselves the champions of labor, without the understanding of
the first principles that control the relations of labor to capital. Let
it be set down, once for all time, that he who denounces capital as the
oppressor is not the representative labor should choose to right its
wrongs. In every community there are some who think a great deal and say
little; these, as a general thing, are the antipodes of those who say a
great deal and think little. Though the last are usually found floating
about the surface of society, it is to the first, society must look for
that wisdom, judgment and executive ability that shall guide it to the
desired harbor.
It should be the first duty of the labor interest, in each State or
national district, to select and elect one from that class that has
calmly observed the workings of present systems, and who can show where
the cause of existing ills lies. It is to the philosopher, and not to
the politician, that the labor interest must turn its eyes, and though
he be not smooth of tongue and glib of speech, he will lay such a
foundation in law as will produce the conditions desired. Your present
representatives, State and national, have shown themselves incompetent
to the task you demand of them. Leave them to seek their level, and turn
you to others, who will not lose sight of your interests in the
allurements which place and power present. You cannot expect that those
who are not of you can appreciate your wants or understand your
conditions. Choose from among yourselves and you will not go far astray.
There are, however, noble exceptions to this rule of decision. There are
those who were reared in wealth whose hearts sympathize with you, and
who feel quite as keenly as you do the injustice you suffer. In these
you will find your best advocates, but see to it that your suffrages are
never, once again, worse than withheld.
You are in the majority, and the fault is your own if you do not make
use of the power you possess. Nominate and elect your own men; if your
first choice fails you, try again, and continue trying, until the right
man for the position is found; and when found, while holding him
strictly accountable, give him your cordial support while he is true to
your interests. Most persons who occupy position now, feel compelled to
yield principle to the demands of policy, in order to retain it. This
must be remedied. None are fit to hold position who will sacrifice one
iota of their conviction in order to retain it. Self-interest must be
surrendered to those whose power fills the place, and for the time being
it must act as the representative of them and not as its own. It cannot
be too strongly insisted upon, nor too often repeated, that it is the
first duty of the labor interest to look to it that our halls of
legislation are filled by those who understand the true and the
harmonious relations of labor and capital.
NEW YORK, July 27, 1870.